Title: Women of Agency: The Penned Thoughts of Bengali Muslim Women Writers of the Late 1 9th and Early 2th0 Century Submitted by: Irteza Binte-Farid In Fulfillment of the Feminist Studies Honors Program Date: June 3, 2013 introduction: With the prolusion of postcolornal literature and theory arising since the 19$Os. unearthing subaltern voices has become an admirable task that many respected scholars have undertaken. Especially in regards to South Asia, there has been a series of meticulouslyresearched and nuanced arguments about the role of the subaltern in contributing to the major annals of history that had previously been unrecorded, greatly enriching the study of the history of colonialism and imperialism in South Asia. The case of Bengali Muslim women in India in the late l91 and early 2th0 century has also proven to be a topic that has produced a great deal of recent literature. With a history of scholarly 1th9 texts, unearthing the voices of Hindu Bengali middle-class women of late and early 2O’ century, scholars felt that there was a lack of representation of the voices of Muslim Bengali middle-class women of the same time period. In order to counter the overwhelming invisibility of Muslim Bengali women in academic scholarship, scholars, such as Sonia Nishat Amin, tackled the difficult task of presenting the view of Muslim Bengali women. Not only do these new works fill the void of representing an entire community. they also break the persistent representation of Muslim women as ‘backward,’ within normative historical accounts by giving voice to their own views about education, religion, and society) However, any attempt to make ‘invisible’ histories ‘visible’ falls into a few difficulties. In a process of recovering women’s voices,’ the context in which their voices are presented are often in reaction to literature that has already been produced. As scholar Joan Scott describes: The herstory’ mode of rewriting history, which characterises much of this [subalternn] literature, tries to simply fit a new [or previously ignored] subject [in this case, Muslim] — women into received categories, [such as modem, or liberal, or feminist] interpreting their — actions in terms recognizable.. within the dominant historiographic tradition in q2uestion. .‘ Sarkar, Mahua. Visible histories, disappearing women: Producing Muslim womanhood in late colonial Bengal. London: Duke University Press, 2008. 24. 2lbid. 2. In order to situate the new historical topic into a previous framework of understanding, the neness and complexit ofthis recently uncovered story is compromised and Ilattened to some degree. The descriptive labels, such as ‘liberal’ or ‘fiminist’ that are already in usage in academic scholarship. are applied to the attitudes of Bengali Muslim women. naturalizing their struggles in terminology that may not necessarily apply in their cases. While some similarities may certainly exist in women’s roles, their different modes of negotiation and self-representation should not he overlooked, in an attempt to ‘lit’ the new topic into an already understood schema ofhistorical understanding. The problem that may arise in the unearthing of literature written by Muslim women is the frequent use of and relationship to the idea of ‘feminism’. As a scholar of Bengali Muslim women. Roushan Jahan, notes in her introduction to Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s story Sultana ‘s Dream, ‘feminist sentiments [can] grow from indigenous roots, without depending on foreign i3nfluence’ The preoccupation with applying the term feminism’ to the context of Bengali Muslims as a measure of women’s agency, only accentuates the idea that modernizing impulses for change and progress. including those affecting women, originate in the West and must be imported through Western tenninology and culture in a unidirectional path towards the indigenous society. This preoccupancy with using understandings of Western ‘feminism’ in the context of non- Western societies highlights the more widespread issue of some scholars concluding that the 1th9 century Bengal renaissance was inspired entirely by the infusion of western ideas. Scholar Sunita Sarkar, for example, suggests that Rokeya, in conceiving the world of Sultana in her utopian work Sultana Dream, may be regarded as a contemporary of the feminist writers of utopias such as Charlotte Perkins Gilman (in Her/and, published in 1915) and Virginia Woolf (in Three Guineas, published in 1938). While there are certainly thematic similarities in the way in which each author placed women in direct relationship to science, Sarkar compared Rokeya to authors who not only came after her temporally but who also had no direct influence on her writing. In contrast, the reformers of Ibid. 38-39. the Bengal Renaissance, stick as Raa Rammohun Ra. Keshub (‘handra Scn. and Rahindranath lagore. who actually had a greater influence in shaping Rokeyas creation of Lads land, were given no acknowledgement. Why does Sarkar feel obligated to cite women authors of a different period and a different location, when there were men and women in Rokey&s immediate community who influenced her work much more prominently. While Western ideas certainly contributed to some reformist tendencies in Bengali society. it is difficult to trace the path to self-definition ofa colonized society and must not be automatically ascribed to liberal ideas ofthe West. The second issue that may arise in the study ofnon-Western societies may he in the distinction drawn between visible actions ofresistance and by contrast. passive moments ofnon-action. While it is common to extol stories ofwomen braving social ostracism in their tight against seclusion and purdah in colonial India, the preoccupancy with such instances ofpublic resistance may overlook the hundreds of other collective, seemingly passive forms of agency and negotiation that women employed within their private homes. While active forms of individual resistance may be more visible, by using such actions as benchmarks ofprogress. the numerous acts ofcollective agency within the home gains much less recognition in scholarly analysis. For example, Bengali Muslim women who did not wish to pander to their liberal husbands’ desire for appropriately ‘modem’ consorts seem to get routinely glossed over in retelling the story of the Muslim Womens Awakening because such private acts of resistance seems to disrupt the normal development process of women moving towards a progressive, publicly exhibited feminism. The third problem that scholars must be cautious of is the idea of linear progression. Even Sonia Amin, a respected scholar of Bengali Muslim women, has a difficult time avoiding this pitfall. For example, Amin states that: a Brabmo bhadramahila. a Muslim bhadramahila and an English lady would have much . . . ultimately to say to each other—much in terms of territory gained or lost in their struggle for emancipation’ [The] modem, urban dwelling, middle-class Muslim bhadramahila had . . . Ibid. 52. emerged (though much later than its British or Brahmo c3ounterpart), While Arnin certainly does not intend to create a hierarchy of progression, her analysis indicates an instance of what Johannes Fabian has termed the denial ol coevalness. The denial ol coevalness is a consequence ofordering social and cultural differences that exist in a common temporal present into a hierarchical sequence of historical epochs or evolutionary stages. Difference, in such formulations, is understood as points on a vertical scale of inferiority/superiority, presence/lack or advancement/backwardness, rather than on a horizontal field of plurality in which no point has definitional advantage over the o6thers. In this particular case, Amin’s comment suggests that British, Brahrno. and Muslim women were emancipated at different periods of time, alluding to the idea that public emergence over time was the standard by which evolution of women should be judged. While this comment is not indicative of Amin’s overall work. which distinguishes between various types of public and private negotiation of identities by Bengali Muslim women, nonetheless, it falls into the denial ofcoevalness. The final pitfall that must be avoided is that of the trope of the veil. The idea of the veil as a site that does not allow for female choice is an idea that is remarkably unchanged within liberal feminist discourse until recent decades. Consequently, the representation of the purdah in Bengali Muslim society may be perceived as a technique of subjugating Muslim women, and exceptions will conversely be perceived as instances of feminist consciousness out of time/place. However, I will argue, similar to Rokeya, that the zenana itself and purdah [modest cover] were not instances of women’s oppression. Rather, it was the extreme forms of seclusion [abarodh] that was debilitating to Muslim Bengali women in society. In conclusion, while it is not necessary for modern scholars to entirely stop using familiar 5Amin, Sonia Nishat. The WorldofMuslim Women in ColonialBengal, 1876-1939. E.J. Brill: Leiden, 1996. 44, 6Sarkar, Mahua. Visible histories, disappearing women: Producing Muslim womanhood in late colonialBengal. London: Duke University Press. 2008. 2. terminologies ol feminism and liberality/conservativeness to draw points of comparison. ii is imperative that each remain conscious of the incongruity ol applying these terms without conscious reflection. Additionally, while comparison ol various women’s groups should not he avoided altogether, such comparisons must he presented without subscribing to an understanding of linear evolution based on Western notions ofprogress. A Word ofCaution to Postcolonial Subaltern Scholars Such cautions are directed oni at Western scholars but also at postcolonial scholars. who are now also part of the venture to categorize and objectively document the stories of subaltern voices. In the fields ofpost-colonialism studies. the term subaltern identifies and describes “the man, the woman, and the social group who is socially, politically, and geographically outside of the hegemonic power structure of the colony and of the colonial Mother C7ountry.” In the context of Bengali Muslim culture. the subaltern in this thesis refers to the Muslim Bengali women who do not have a voice. insofar as they have not been studied within academia. Deriving from the work of Antonio Gramsci. the term subaltern arises from the theory of cultural hegemony. This theory identifies the social groups who are excluded from a society’s established structures for political representation. Given that political representation is the only way to make sure that one’s interests are heard within society, those without political capital are thus are rendered voiceless, becoming a subaltern subject. In the 1970s, the term subaltern was applied to South Asian historiography to represent the voices of the colonized peoples of the South Asian Subcontinent, who would be voices for an alternative history written from the perspective of the colonized rather than the imperial colonizers. While subaltern scholars of South Asian history have produced brilliant work, many such Chatterjee, Partha. The Nation and its Fragments. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1993. 15. scholars now reside and write from countries of the West, such as America, Britain, and Canada. Inasmuch as they attempt to avoid the imperial gaze. arc Subaltern Scholars repeating the process h which colonizers reified and essentialized the culture ofthe colonies by attempting to objectively study these subaltern stories? Are these Subaltern Scholars the new generation of‘gazers’?’ As Lord Macaulcv in the century stated. there may now be ‘a class of persons Indian in blood and colour hut English in taste, in opinions, in morals and in intellect” who as ‘gazers’ continue the process ofcolonial mimicry, a theory put forth by Homi Bhabha. While not a Subalternist himsell Bhabha’s theory of mimicry applies to the case of Subalternist’s own positionality as well, While Subalternists may perceive themselves as different from the earlier English imperial chroniclers, as residents ofthe West, they themselves may be the new class ofpersons that Macauley earlier described. Bhabha describes colonial mimicry as “a desire for a reformed, recognizable other, as a subject of a different that is almost the same but not q8uite.” While Subaltern Scholars may imagine that they are creating an entirely new strand of postcolonial representation through their unearthing of subaltern voices, they may be engaging in a process of colonial mimicry by producing accounts of ‘lost, heroic’ voices that may not actually be revolutionary in content but may be following the same terminology, such as ‘liberal’ or ‘feminist’, as earlier ‘Western’ scholars. While postcolonial writers easily criticize the ‘ethnocentric universalism’ or ‘sanctioned ignorances’ in the work of scholars from the geographic West, but often, they do not recognize that they themselves are often also part ofthe guild of“Western writers,” who easily fall into liberal Western c9onstructions. This critique of Subaltern Scholars does not detract from the valuable and important work that they have produced in the last few decades. Despite whatever gaze may be inherently involved in an objective study by Subaltern and non-Subaltern scholars alike ‘the power of the gaze is by no means Byrne, Eleanor. Homi K. Bhabha. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire [England; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. 147. Sarkar, Mahua. Visible histories, disappearingwomen: ProducingMuslim womanhood in late colonialBengal. London: Duke University Press, 2008. 11-12. solely in the hands of the colonizer, in the objectification of the scopic drive; there is always the threatened return ol the 1ook”° The subaltern may indeed speak on its own: though interpreted b scholars and writers, the original voices of certain suhalterns may emerge. This is the phenomenon that this thesis explores as it delves into the original writings ofBengali Muslim women ofthe late 1th9 and early 2th0 century. ThcNpipppfgçpcy Before delving into such a historical discussion the role of Bengali Muslim women writers. however, it is imperative to analyze the idea of agency in greater depth. As it was alluded to in the introduction, agency is not just resistance tethered to emancipatory politics (i.e. politics that assumes that agency is only present when subverting the traditional way in which society is structured). Rather, in this term of analysis, agency is understood as the capacity to realize ones sown interests against the weight of custom, tradition. transcendental will, or other obstacles (whether individuals or collective). It is the humanist desire for autonomy and self-expression that may take various r1m Instead of romanticizing resistance as acts of agency and ascribing feminist consciousness to those who may not be aware ofit in their time p2eriod,’ agency is defined as a) the capacities and skills required to undertake particular kinds ofmoral actions that are b) bound up with historically and culturally specific disciplines through which the subject is f3ound.’ Some Bengali Muslim women writers, though they may not been revolutionary in their demands for complete elimination ofpurdah, nonetheless, exhibited agency. Even when they affirmed the traditional modes of society, through their moral actions to improve the lot of women in their particularly situated society, these women were agents of minute, yet important changes within their Byrne, Eleanor. Homi K. Bhabha. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire [Englandi; i’.ew York: Paigrave Macmillan, 2009. 13. Mahmood, Saba. Politics ofPiety. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004. 188. 2 Ibid. 9. Tbid. 8. society. The following thesis will trace these important voices of Bengali Muslim Women Writers. Following an extensive background that describes the world in which these women were situated, provided in Chapter 2, the world views of three Bengali Muslim authors will be analyzed through an analysis of their literary works. The analysis of the life and works of Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossein, the beacon for the Awakening of Bengali Muslim Women, (Chapter 3) will be followed by chapters on the life and work of Shamsunnahar Mahmud and Sufia Kamal (Chapter 4), proteges of Rokeya, Chapter 5 will trace the lives of Fazilatunnesa and Mahmuda Khatun Siddiqua Bengali Muslim women writers and reformers whose personal lives showed that writing and agency were not necessarily correlated with religious belief. Issues ofeducation and social work, religion, and political representation will be the themes that guide the analysis of the works of each of these women writers, highlighting the importance of such topics in the lives ofBengali Muslim women ofthe late 1th9 and early 2th0 century. The analysis ofthe lives and works of these Bengali Muslim women writers will also demonstrate how these Bengali Muslim women reclaimed their identity and reemphasized their agency. çp4ol: Meera Kosambi says that colonial Western India ‘enjoyed...a wealth of women’s articulations...and the problem has been not their paucity but their retrieval and incorporation as source materials ofsocial h4istory.” This is as true as ofother regions in colonial India as well. In the case of Bengali Muslim women, there is also a great deal ofliterature that has recently been uncovered through translations of Bengali text into English. During the course of this thesis, such translations were invaluable. Additionally, it was necessary to translate certain passages ofworks in order to supplement ‘4Bagchi, Barnita. “Towards Ladyland: Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain and the Movement for Women’s Education in Bengal, c.1900-1932.” Paedagogica Historica. 45.6 (2009): Print. 446. the Bengali nnslations that are already present. This work of finding the correct translation was extremely important in order to bring the works of Bengali Muslim women authors to the public spotlight