Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, 245-279 WOMEN AND «ORIENTAL» CULTS IN ROMAN DACIA JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA1 Keywords: Women, Dacia, society, religion, oriental cults, Cybele, Isis, Azizos, Deus Aeternus Abstract: An analysis of female religious preferences in the context of the cults of eastern origin is performed on these pages because of the need for specific studies on cults preferred by each social group in the provincial life of Roman Dacia. It should be a contribution to the objective of achieving a better perspective and understanding of the followers of each cult and the general structure of the religious life in the Dacian provinces. Rezumat: Autorul prezintă o analiză a preferinţelor religioase ale femeilor din Dacia romană în contextul cultelor de origine orientală. Articolul se poate dovedi util în perspectiva unei mai bune înţelegeri a practicanţilor fiecărui cult în parte şi a structurii generale a vieţii religioase din provinciile dacice. When researching the spread of different cults, scholars of religion in Roman Dacia have been concentrated especially in making lists of people belonging to each social group that worshipped the same divinity, but with few exceptions it has not been considered which were the gods preferred by each of these social groups. As already noted Schäfer a few years ago, the comparison between the gods preferred by these groups should lead us to check if the members of the provincial and municipal administration, army officers and soldiers, traders and artisans, women or slaves, worshiped or not the same deities. In this way we can achieve a 1 Universidad Católica San Antonio de Murcia, [email protected]. This study has been carried out in the framework of the project with key HAR2009-13597, funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation, and it is also part of the partial objectives of two recognized research groups, of which the author is a Member: the recipient of the above-mentioned project, group EPIRUS (Estudios sobre el Poder en el Imperio Romano, de la Universidad de Salamanca) and the group HHR (Historiografía e Historia de las Religiones, de la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid). 246 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA better perspective and a greater understanding of the worshipers and the provincial religious structure2. An example of these exceptions in relation to one of these groups was a small paper published by C. Jucan only five years ago: this group was that of women3. It was obviously only an approach to the subject, which should later be developed as a much deeper study, and which was then presented in a paper of just 10 pages. But this does not detract the merit of constituting a perfect sample of the type of studies demanded by Schäfer, and therefore, in the case of the study of the religious preferences of women in Roman Dacia, it is significant. In our vast study on "Oriental" cults we had in mind the criticisms and proposals of Schäfer in relation to the previous scholarship which had been dedicated to the study of the religious phenomenon in Roman Dacia, so we paid attention to the favourite gods of every social group in the specific context of the Roman cults of Eastern origin4. In this paper we intend to carry out a more precise analysis of religious preferences of women in Roman Dacia and in that same context. However, as a prelude to the development of this study, we believe that it is necessary to deep on the definition of the "Oriental" epithet that we use to characterize these cults to which we refer; and we do this because the greater or lesser presence of women among the dedicants of the monuments will be conditioned by the general characteristics of these cults. The concept of the Orient refers to a direction applied to a defined area in the representation of the world. Among the Romans, the term “Oriental” was never applied to the religious context of the peoples or cultures located in Asia or in Egypt, since both oriens and orientalis only appear in a geopolitical or astronomical context5. When otherness was rejected in times of crisis, or when certain forms of foreign religious manifestations were seen as scandalous regardless of the geographical 2 SCHÄFER 2004, 180. 3 JUCAN 2007, 198-207. 4 CARBÓ GARCÍA 2010a. 5 BELAYCHE 2000, 567. Women and “Oriental” Cults in Roman Dacia 247 location characterizing them, some classical authors such as Livy, Suetonius, Pliny the Younger and Cicero used either the term externae religiones6 or peregrinae superstitiones7. In Rome, the concept of religio, which implied that it was national and authentic, contrasted with superstitio, which was characterized as being suspicious or exotic. Anything that did not follow the standard ritual marked out for this purpose by the mos maiorum, that is, the teachings of the ancestors and the legitimization that comes from tradition, was branded as superstitio8. As Beard, North and Price put it so well, “several of the cults did certainly proclaim an eastern «origin» for their wisdom, but it is often clear that a Roman version of the cult differed substantially from its (notional) eastern ancestor. Above all, the «Orient» itself was hardly the homogeneous category that we (like the Romans, no doubt) often try to make it”9. The key, then, seems to be that these religious manifestations centered around divinities coming from the different areas of the Orient would have spread to the Greco-Roman world after having been the object of a process of reinterpretation; they may have characteristics in common but are different in each particular case, just as their geographical and temporal origins could be different within the general and not at all homogeneous conception of the Orient. As its use was conceived, the term “Oriental,” when applied to certain religious manifestations, entailed ambiguity, since it gave the idea that they had come to the Greco-Roman world just as they were before and that they had maintained a purely Oriental character in an Occidental context. Furthermore, it tended to situate them in a rather homogeneous category and consider them to be of the same type: that of religions with mysteries that offered salvation after death to initiates10. To circumvent this problem, some authors, such as Robert Turcan, have opted for explaining that “rather than «Oriental religions» one should speak of 6 LIVY, 4.30.9; 25.1.6; 39.15.3; 39.16.6 y 8–9. SUET, Tib. 36.1. 7 PLINY, Pan. 49.8. CIC. Leg. 2.10; Nat. D. 2.28.72. 8 TURCAN 1996, 10. 9 BEARD, NORTH & PRICE 1998, 246. 10 TURCAN 1996, 7. 248 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA religions of eastern origin, or of Graeco-Oriental religions” 11. Others, like myself, have preferred to characterize this option and its meaning with some simple quotation marks at the beginning and end of the epithet in question12. All of them seem to accept the conclusion –reached in the period between the world wars– that they were only oriental to a certain degree, since they had undergone essential changes during the process of dissemination in the Hellenistic period and later in the Roman Empire. Precisely so that they could be adapted to the new social milieu, the deities of eastern origin were acclimatized to the expectations of their new followers, such that “in this sense, they were no longer purely oriental and became a cultural recreation that justified the use of quotation marks... .” 13 For Jaime Alvar, the use of quotation marks could also be justified by the scant usefulness of the information deriving from the study of the religious manifestations of those cults before they had spread –considering the above– for the analysis and understanding of their religious significance in the Roman era14. Richard Gordon shows us how individual private cults to some of these gods of eastern origin, such as Isis or Magna Mater, were absorbed by the cities and how their priesthoods were put on the list of civic priesthoods. Some of the important ceremonies of these religious manifestations, such as the processions in the two mentioned cults, or in those of several Syrian divinities, could be easily absorbed into the norms of municipal religious life. And as the era of the Principate advanced, these cults were gradually institutionalized in the local contexts, such that they offered a compromise between the oriental model of religious services (an expression that Gordon considers is better than “priesthood”) and the Greco-Roman model of public sacrificial evergetism15. So, taking into account the above mentioned, the meaning that I understand for the "Oriental" term in the title of this paper is the same as 11 Ibidem 12 See as examples: GORDON 1990, 235-255; in the title: BELAYCHE 2000; ALVAR 2001. 13 ALVAR 2001, 20. 14 Ibid., 21. 15 GORDON 1990, 246. Women and “Oriental” Cults in Roman Dacia 249 that understood by those authors: religious manifestations around gods of Eastern origin, that spread in the Greco-Roman world following a process of adaptation or reinterpretation in order to cover the expectations of their new receivers16. Thus, among these "Oriental" cults or cults of Eastern origin would be Mithraism, the Syrian and Palmyrene cults, the cults of Asia Minor and the Egyptian cults. Those of Asia Minor included the Phrygian cults of Cybele and Attis, and the vast majority of the testimonies of the Egyptian cults corresponded to the Isiac cult. However, both the Cibeles and Atis as the Isis and Serapis cults had been incorporated into the established forms of the imperial religious system a long time ago. On which it comes to Mithraism, women were excluded of participation17 and the epigraphic record of Dacia does not show exceptions between their dedicants. Nevertheless, it does appear a woman, Apuleia, as a beneficiary, along with his son, of the dedication that makes his father-in-law18. Let's see what happens in the rest of the cases. 16 The issue of studies on this type of cults in the Roman Empire in relation to the particular case of Dacia has already been treated in CARBÓ GARCÍA 2010b. 17 The mysteries of the Egyptians and Phrygian cults defended the family structure as a support of the social order, while Mithraism defended the military structure, in which women were also excluded. Cfr. GORDON 1972, 98. See also ALVAR 2001, 131. Some dubious testimonials have been put forward as evidence of a possible initiation of women, for example PORPH., De Abst., IV, 16; TERT., De praescr. haeret., XL, 1-5 (He mentions some virgins which could be interpreted with the symbolism of the mithraic degree of nymphus); CIMRM 115 (not necessarily a mithraic inscription). In front of them, as noted by Alvar, "it is the payroll of thousand exclusively male mithraists and the total absence of women in the iconography". Obviously, any new finding in this regard would make it necessary to re-examine the issue, but before all the appalling data already existing in the mithraic register pointing to the male exclusivity of the cult, we cannot but reaffirm us totally in the exclusion of women in the participation of the mithraic cult. That is why Alvar asks "where are the women? Perhaps part of the historical failure of Mithraism lies in this segregation of half of the social body". For the contrary position, arising from inconsistent way the unsustainability of male exclusivity in Mithraism in the light of the commented testimonies, see DAVID 2000, 121-141. 18 CIL III, 968 = 7729; ILS 4241; CIMRM II, p. 293, nº 2006 y nº 2007; IDR III/2, 306a; CODR, 57, pp. 765-766. 250 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA a) Women in the Syrian and Palmyrene cults. As it is often the case in the majority of the religious manifestations in the Roman Empire, women are represented in much lesser extent than men; this does not mean they did not participate in the different cults, and in fact the religion was one of the areas in which they could join better, but it is true that they consecrated less inscriptions, both for economic reasons and Roman education itself. In the case of the Syrian and Palmyrene cults in Dacia, this general perception of the situation in the Empire can be clearly perceived, especially because many of the women who appear as dedicants do this indeed as wives or daughters of the main dedicant, who is a man. Between the dedicants in the cult of Azizos we detect three women. Of them, only Statilia Lucia appears as a wife accompanying her husband in the dedication of the inscription that they erected in Apulum19. Instead, in other two inscriptions of the same locality, two women as unique dedicants of the monuments erected to the divinity of Edessa under the name of Bonus Puer Phosphorus can be observed. The first of these is Laelia Curilla and the second, Iulia Secunda20, who reflects in her dedication a syncretism between Azizos and Jupiter Optimus Maximus, when directing it to Puer Phosphorus Deus Optimus Maximus. That these two women appear as individual dedicants of Azizos could be explained by the very nature of divinity, which used to be depicted as a teenager – puer– carrying a cake, a symbol of the God of the morning star, which preceded the Sun and announced the coming of light and life, and can be related with fertility and childbirth21. In the cult of Deus Aeternus, between the dedicants we note a significant presence of women that we must also try to explain. Five of the seven testimonies are women accompanying men appearing as major dedicants of the inscriptions: Aurelia Urbica and Matrona in an inscription 19 Rep. 1. 20 Respectivamente, rep. 2 y 3. 21 TURCAN 1996, 184 ; SANIE 1981, 117-122. Women and “Oriental” Cults in Roman Dacia 251 from Ampelum, respectively the wife and daughter of the imperial freedman Zmaragdus22; Aelia Vindia in an inscription from Apulum, appearing as the wife of Titus Flavius Flavianus, augustal of the municipium23; and finally, in a monument from Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, Seximia Hermione and Procilia, respectively wife and daughter of Marcus Procilius Aphrodisius, augustal of the colony and freedman, the three of them part of a community of cultores of Deus Aeternus24. The sixth case is that of Flavia Crescentina, who appears in an inscription from Ulpia Traiana as mater of the college of growers of apples, accompanying the pater, Valerius Ianuarius, and other members of the college, probably also forming part of the cultural community around Deus Aeternus in the city25. And finally, the seventh case corresponds to Aurelia Galla, in an inscription found in Sighişoara, where this time it is the husband, an imaginifer of any military unit, who accompanies his wife in the dedication to Aeternus26. Even so, and unlike what we could see for the cult of Azizos, between Deus Aeternus dedicants it does not appear a single woman which performed her dedication to the deity individually27. Between the dedicants of the cult of Jupiter Dolichenus, dominated by the military and the priests of the God, we only find a woman, Apollonia, who accompanies her husband, the centurion Probus, on the inscription erected in Sucidava, in Dacia Malvensis28. We find again female dedicants in inscriptions erected to 1gÎH ~KR4FJ@H, all of them from Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. In the first of them appears , accompanying her husband, the procurator 22 Rep. 4. 23 Rep. 5. 24 Rep. 6. 25 Rep. 7. 26 Rep. 8. 27 We have not taken into account the inscription CIL III, 7737 = IDR III5, 26, (Apulum) because the proposed reading in these and other publications, which attributed it to Aeternus, is wrong, as I could see in situ during my visit to the Brukenthal Museum in May 2007, guided by doctor Sonoc, noting that the more approximate reading would be rather Ael(ius) Elm[---] / Clodi(us) / Maxim(us) / et Ela / Valeria. 28 Rep. 9. 252 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA of the Dacia Apulensis, 29, while in the second, devoted the monument individually30. With the inscription in Greek and the divinity whom she erects the inscription, she might be of eastern origin, perhaps from Syria, if we take into account that the majority of the Aelii of which there is testimony on Sarmizegetusa were of eastern origin coming from Syria, and more precisely from Palmyra. In the absence of more data and taking into account the small number of inscriptions dedicated to this deity in Dacia, we can not venture to launch a hypothesis that could explain the attraction he could have for this woman. Finally, only one woman appears between all the dedicantes of monuments directed to the Palmyrene gods, although it's an individual dedication and in adition it was erected to the Palmyrene dii patrii31. This dedication to the native Palmyrene gods in Gilău is an almost unequivocal proof of the eastern origin of the woman, probably from Palmyra, and we are dealing probably with the wife or a relative of one of the soldiers in the camp of Gilău, who lived in the nearby military vicus. Seeing the importance that the cults of their native divinities had for the Palmyrenes, it is not surprising that among these dedicants appears also a woman with this same origin. Thus, with the only exceptions of the cults of Azizos and Deus Aeternus, women are not well represented in the epigraphic record of Syrian and Palmyrene cults in Dacia. But most prominent is still their total absence among the dedicants of female Syrian deities as Dea Syria or Baltis, which should be tried to explain eventually because of the small number of inscriptions dedicated to these divinities and found in Roman Dacia until now. A special case would be that of the cult of Sol Invictus Elagabalus, a controversial one because in Dacia a single registration with this identifying name of Syrian origin has not been found32. A Senator and 29 Rep. 10. 30 Rep. 11. 31 Rep. 12. 32 CARBÓ GARCÍA 2010c, 1-30. Women and “Oriental” Cults in Roman Dacia 253 Legionary legate, Quintus Marcius Victor Felix Maximillianus, dedicated an inscription to Sol, accompanied by his wife, the clarissima Pullaiena Caeliana, and by his son, the clarissimus Publius Marcius Victor Maximillianus33. Both Halsberghe and Sanie believed that we have here a dedication to the Syrian Sol Invictus and not to Mithras34. Indeed, it could not be even a demonstration of any of these two cults, but a dedication to the Roman Sol Invictus, but if we take into account the era in which the inscription dates, in the reign of Septimius Severus, it seems likely that it could be the Syrian deity, although we should remember that Septimius Severus and Caracalla took advantage of the cult of the Roman Sun through a syncretism between both divinities35. In fact, this would be a situation very similar to that seen for Rome, with the evolution of the solar cult from the recent Antonines –and especially Commodus– until the Severan dynasty. On the dedications of three Senators and successive commanders of the Legion XIII Gemina from Apulum, seat of Government of the three provinces of Dacia, the process of evolution of this Roman Sol Invictus can be observed, from creation by imperial ideology, which sought a symbol to represent the characteristics of the institution of the Principality –government of a single person, with a victorious and beneficial nature–, towards the Syrian Sol Invictus Elagabalus, introduced since the reign of Septimius Severus. So at the time of the Severan dynasty, it is very possible that it were the Syrian god which was worshipped, but undoubtedly assuming the ideological characteristics that had led to the formation of the Roman Sol Invictus. Thus, the dedication of this Senator who was accompanied by his wife, is an example of religious and political loyalty to the emperor and his ideology, by the high Roman aristocracy present in the province36. 33 Rep. 13. 34 HALSBERGHE 1972, 115; SANIE 1981, 267. 35 CARBÓ GARCÍA 2010c, 24 y 29, nº 3. 36 About the designation of Roman or Latin-speaking governors for the Latin-speaking provinces, and of Greek-speaking ones for the Greek-speaking provinces, expressed as one of the characteristics of the good $"F48gbH on the work of Philostratus, see MAZZA 1982, 109. 254 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA b) Women in the cults from Asia Minor. It should be noted that the most part of attested cases of women among the dedicants of the cults from Asia Minor are concentrated in the cult of Magna Mater Cybele, being Aelia Vicentia the only exception. She appears as co-dedicant of an inscription to Juno Semlia with her likely husband, which is the main dedicant37. Three are the monuments erected by individual women, without being accompanied in their dedications by men. Of them, two come from Drobeta. The dedicant of the first, Iulia Maximilla, of italic origin, also took the cost of construction of a porch, possibly of a temple of Cybele in this city, so we must assume that she was a rich woman, possibly of high class38. The second inscription was dedicated by Abuccia Claudiana39. On the other hand, in Apulum, Umbricia Maxima dedicated another votive altar or a base of statue to Magna Mater40. Their names are Latin in character and resonance, which can make us presuppose that they were women of italic origin. On the other hand, we should not exclude the possibility that they came from other parts of the Roman Empire, although we must remember that, unlike what happens with other cults of Asia Minor, the early introduction of the cult of Cybele in Rome made its spread not depending of people whose ethnic origin were from Asia Minor. With these cases, others appear of women accompanying men in their dedications. In one of these, from Apulum, Claudia Candida is the wife of Titus Flavius Longinus, a veteran and member of the local aristocracy of several cities of Dacia, and mother of Flavia Clementina, Flavia Marcellina and Flavius Longinus, their three sons, who also participated as dedicants of the inscription41. The dedication of the 37 Rep. 14. 38 Rep. 15. 39 Rep. 16. 40 Rep. 17. 41 Rep. 18.