What is a juvenile? A cross-national comparison of youth justice systems Laura S Abrams (Department of Social Welfare) University of California at Los Angeles, USA Laura A Montero (Department of Social Welfare) University of California at Los Angeles, USA Sid P Jordan (Department of Social Welfare) University of California at Los Angeles, USA PAPER UNDER REVIEW: PLEASE DO NOT CITE WITHOUT AUTHOR’S PERMISSION Corresponding author: Laura S Abrams, Department of Social Welfare, UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs, 3250 Public Affairs Building, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1656 USA Email: [email protected]; tel: 1+310.206.0693. Abstract In this paper, the authors analyze cross-national variations in policies pertaining to the Minimum Age of Criminal Responsibility and the Age of Criminal Majority. The authors purposively study the cases of Argentina, Belize, England/Wales, and Finland to maximize differences in how these age boundaries are defined and implemented. Analysis of legal history and current policy led to two focal areas: a) the presence or absence of a separate juvenile justice system, and b) the stability of age boundaries within the law. The findings provide insight into how the category of “juvenile” is conceptualized and delineated within diverse youth justice systems. Introduction The legal definition of “juvenile” is neither fixed nor universal in criminal justice systems around the globe. Variations in the legal categories of a “child” (typically considered incapable of committing an intentional criminal act), a “juvenile” (deserving of special consideration and protections, often in a separate court of law), and a “young adult” (culpable and deserving of the full force of the law with some exceptions based on age or maturity), reflect differences in historical, political, and economic factors that drive the evolution of the law. The establishment of a juvenile court, for example, often both relies on and produces views that young people are less culpable than adults, more capable of change and rehabilitation, and more deserving of protection from the harsh and punitive conditions of the adult criminal justice system (Tannenhaus, 2004). The age thresholds attached to these rationales for differential punishment are significant as they become codified into law and implemented in practice (Winterdyk, 2015). Two central concepts lend themselves to cross-national study of how the category of “juvenile” is crafted by criminal law and policy. The Minimum Age of Criminal Responsibility (MACR) refers to the youngest age in which a person may be prosecuted for a crime and in the case of a nation with a juvenile court also refers to the minimum age of its jurisdiction. The Age of Criminal Majority (ACM) refers to the age at which a person becomes subject to adult criminal charges and penalties (Hazel, 2008). In some nations, the law does not clearly specify the MACR or ACM, which may leave these parameters to jurisdictional or judicial discretion; in other nations, there are fixed boundaries pertaining to each age threshold. While studies have documented the variation in the MACR and ACM worldwide (Cipriani, 2009; Hazel, 2008), scant research has investigated cross-national variation in how these boundaries are defined and implemented in diverse youth justice systems. In this paper, the authors describe and analyze variation in four youth justice systems by considering the evolution of the “basement” (MACR) and the “ceiling” (ACM) of juvenile status in law and policy. In this case study, we purposively select the nations of Argentina, Belize, England/Wales, and Finland to illustrate critical differences in how youth justice systems and their boundaries are defined and implemented. In doing so, we illustrate how these diverse countries codify the concept of a child, juvenile, and young adult into the law and elucidate the dynamic and critical nature of these distinctions. Our main research questions are as follows: (1) How are “children,” “juveniles,” and “young adults” distinguished across four diverse criminal justice systems? (2) What are the implications of these age boundaries and systems for the practice of youth justice? Background and literature review From an international perspective, there is wide variation in how youth (defined here as individuals falling under the age of majority threshold in a given country) are held responsible for criminal behavior. The implementation of the juvenile court during the period of rapid industrialization in the US and Europe reflected a larger movement over the protection of children from the potentially destructive forces of industry, child labor, and neglectful or absent parents (Tannenhaus, 2004). Initially, the juvenile courts in Western nations were charged with the dual role of child protection stemming from abuse, neglect, and parental death as well as social control over crime (i.e., the regulation of delinquency often attributed to poor, urban, and immigrant populations). Given the frequent overlap between maltreatment and delinquency, this dual role has continued to be a delicate juggling act in most juvenile courts (Wynterdynk, 2015). Currently, not all nations have a designated juvenile court, and as such they may handle children in conflict with the law either outside of criminal court (such as in the child welfare system) or weave in special protections for minors into criminal laws and national or regional codes. Evolving international norms and human rights law in the late twentieth century have influenced the age-related boundaries of youth justice systems. Most significantly, the UN General Assembly adopted the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in November 1989. To date, all 196 United Nations members with the exception of the United States have ratified the CRC. The CRC includes a number of guidelines for the treatment of children in conflict with the law with an emphasis on alternatives to formal prosecution, curbing the use of incarceration, and attending to the best interests of the child (Goldson and Muncie, 2012). Article 40(1) of the CRC recognizes that every child alleged or accused of a crime is to be “treated in a manner consistent with the promotion of the child’s sense of dignity and worth.” Nation state signatories periodically appear before United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child to report on their progress in implementation these standards, a process that is intended to lead to human rights protections and uniformity in global youth justice systems (Cipriani, 2009). However, critics have noted that violations of the CRC with regard to juvenile justice are not regularly sanctioned (Goldson and Muncie, 2012). Minimum age of criminal responsibility Under Article 40 of the CRC, signatory states are required to establish or maintain a “minimum age below which children shall be presumed not to have the capacity to infringe the penal law.” The CRC did not originally include a specific MACR, yet in 2008 the Committee on the Rights of the Child indicated in its General Comment No. 10 that an MACR below the threshold of age 12 would be unacceptable by international standards. It further advised that if a higher minimum age has already been established, states should not lower their MACR to age 12. In the first major published study of the MACR, Cipriani (2009) found that since the adoption of the CRC 40 countries had established or increased their MACR. However, other reports suggest that several nations, such as Denmark, France, and Brazil have actually lowered their national MACR in response to General Comment No.10 (CRIN, 2017c). There are various arguments for and against lowering the MACR. On the side of setting a higher MACR (i.e., greater than age 12), scholars have argued that placing young children in the hands of the law is essentially criminalizing poverty and childhood; in other words, the juvenile justice system should not be involved in handling problems that ought to be the responsibility of other social welfare agencies, such as child welfare or mental health (Butts and Snyder, 2008). Others have suggested that children should not be considered to have the capacity to formulate intent to commit a crime or to understand or meaningfully participate in court proceedings (Weijers and Grisso, 2009). Moreover, from a public safety perspective, there is empirical evidence that involving younger adolescents or children in the juvenile justice system tends to exacerbate, rather than abate future crime (Petrosino et al., 2013). On the other hand, scholars and policy makers have argued that a lower MACR can help to ensure public safety and pave the way for earlier intervention for troubled children. A substantial body of research from longitudinal work has shown that early onset of offending predicts a higher risk of developing into an adult criminal trajectory (Farrington, 1992). Compared with juveniles who first come into conflict with the law in their adolescence, child delinquents (defined by some researchers as those under the age of 13) are at greater risk of becoming serious, violent, and chronic juvenile offenders (Loeber et al., 2003). Thus, the argument for setting a lower MACR is that juvenile court intervention into anti-social behavior is preferable to no intervention at all. Following this logic, some countries maintain a secondary, lower tier of MACR that applies only to more serious crimes. However, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has indicated that secondary classifications are not compatible with the CRC (Cipriani, 2009). In contravention to the CRC, youth justice systems may also abide by the principle of doli incapax, a presumption of incapacity for persons below a certain age threshold that can be rebutted with prosecutorial evidence of their sufficient maturity or of their understanding of criminal penalties. Under these circumstances, it is not age itself but rather an assessment of individual maturity that might determine if a young person is able to be tried in a juvenile or criminal court. Age of criminal majority There is considerable consensus that international human rights law recognizes the minimum standard for ACM as age 18 (Cipriani, 2009). The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) does not define a specific ACM, but articulates in Article 14.4 the right of “juvenile persons” to legal proceedings that “take account of their age and the desirability of promoting their rehabilitation” (The United Nations, 1966). While the ICCPR does not define “juvenile persons” by age, this statement has been interpreted broadly as requiring states to set a lower bound (MACR) and upper bound (ACM) (Cipriani, 2009). The CRC does not address the ACM, but does define a child in Article 1 as “every human being below the age of eighteen years unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier” (UNICEF, 2017: 2). While age 18 is the most common ACM worldwide for automatic trial in the traditional, adult criminal justice system, global policies and practices related to the permeability of ACM are diverse, nuanced, and complex (Hazel, 2008). The ACM may be defined in state policy by an upper age limit for juvenile court jurisdiction, a maximum age for special protections or considerations within the adult system, or a combination of each. In nations without a designated juvenile justice system, the MACR and ACM may be the same age (Cipriani, 2009). Moreover, in many justice systems around the globe, the law allow for persons younger than the ACM to face trial in adult courts, levy adult charges, or dole out adult sentences, including confinement in adult prisons, life sentences, and even the death penalty (Hazel, 2008). These procedures, often conditioned on certain types of crimes or repeat offenses, introduce significant subjectivity and can be interpreted as contravening international human rights standards (Cipriani, 2009). At the same time that the U.S. has constructed laws and policies to lower the ACM over the past thirty years (in some U.S. states, all individuals aged 16 can be automatically tried in the adult system), Scandinavian and some European countries have extended protections for young adults past the typical ACM. This includes provisions that allow adult courts to waive persons back into juvenile courts or to face less severe penalties based on being a “young adult,” which can include those up to age 21 (Hazel, 2008). Taken together, these trends are changing the nature and definition of a “juvenile” and more broadly the age-based discourses of youth and criminal responsibility. In this paper, we examine the boundaries of the MACR and the ACM through an in-depth case study of youth justice law and policy in four different countries. Method The methodology for this paper is a multiple case study of four countries: Argentina, Belize, England/Wales, and Finland. These purposively selected cases heed the advice of Seawright and Gerring (2008), who recommend that case selection should not be random and to select cases that are representative in nature. Essentially, the four countries were selected “to maximize what can be learned in the period of time available for study” (Tellis, 1997: 2) and to enable the exploration of differences within and between cases (Yin, 2003). We do not inend to directly compare or evaluate these countries against a standard or norm but rather to explore the variation within four very different youth justice models employing various definitions and classifications according to age groups and presumed level of maturity. In considering which countries to include in the case study analysis, the authors began by considering variations (low and high) in the combinations of MACR and ACM in a 2 x 2 case study format. To do so, we drew data from Hazel’s (2008) report as well as the Criminal Children’s Rights International Network website (CRIN 2017a). These were the official sources of information that helped to craft the initial organizing rubric (see Table 1). The initial model investigated the four countries as follows: Belize with a low MACR and low ACM, Argentina with a high MACR and low ACM, England with a low MACR and a standard but relatively higher ACM compared to the U.S. (where the ACM is left up to the states), and Finland with a high MACR and high ACM (see Table 1). INSERT TABLE 1 ABOUT HERE Data collection and review Data were drawn from an extensive review of scholarly articles covering the legislative history and practices pertaining to youth justice in each country, reports from global and regional organizations and agencies such as UNICEF, and consultation with criminal justice and legal experts in each country. Facts and figures included in this study were obtained from world source books, government agency websites, and official reports. To aid in the organization of the array of data