Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. What happens in a child’s world when their parent(s) goes to jail? The voice of a child. A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Psychology At Massey University, Albany New Zealand Geoffrey Taylor 2016 Abstract This qualitative study provides a unique insight into the lives of six children who have a parent in prison. It adds to the limited research available and affords children an opportunity to share their experiences of parental imprisonment. A New Zealand Māori cultural perspective, which can be used across cultures, was used to engage participants and develop topic headings and questions. Six children, aged nine to sixteen, participated in an audio recorded semi structured interview, which was then transcribed verbatim. An inductive thematic analysis was used to identify and analyse themes within these transcripts. Three main themes emerged from this analysis, including loss, stigma/secrecy and support/coping. Loss played a significant role in the children’s experiences, and included not only the loss of their imprisoned parent, but also financial security. The effects of loss are exacerbated by the lack of recognition, and the associated stigma it receives from the wider society. Stigma, along with secrecy appeared as a second theme, and is discussed in the context of participant’s awareness of their stigma status, which then elicits the use of secrecy to manage and avoid the negative reactions of others. The theme of support and coping revealed other, more positive coping mechanisms used by participants, which included joining sports and other social groups, along with seeking out adult and peer support. It was evident from these themes, that although parental imprisonment complicates a child’s life and brings many adversities, the use of positive coping mechanisms and seeking out supports, may buffer the ill effects of this experience, but not take away the grief they feel. I Acknowledgments I would like to thank my supervisors, Dr Veronica Hopner and Dr Mei Williams, who provided me with exceptional guidance and support throughout this study. I would like to acknowledge all the community organisations who helped recruit participants and showed their support for this research. I would particularly like to recognise the time you took out of your busy work schedules in order to share your valuable knowledge and experiences of supporting families with a loved one in prison. I would like to thank my friend Teresa Wilson, who provided great support and an insider’s perspective. I would like to thank my mother Kathleen Taylor and friend Milena Knezovich, who put in a large amount of time proof reading my work . I would like to thank all my friends and colleagues who provided ongoing encouragement and emotional support. Finally, I would like to thank all the children who took part in this study, along with their caregivers who provided permission for their children to participate. Without your willingness to share your stories, this study would not have been possible. II Table of contents Abstract ………………………………………………….. I Acknowledgements ……………………………………… II Poem ……………………………………………………….. 1 Chapter one Introduction………………………………………………… 2 Definition of parental imprisonment …………………….. 3 Impact of witnessing the arrest …………………………... 4 Post arrest and the justice system ………………………... 5 Ongoing contact …………………………………………… 5 Impact of parental imprisonment on children ……………… 6 Deprivation ………………………………………………... 9 Risk of abuse ………………………………………………. 10 The impact of loss ………………………………………… 10 Ambiguous loss …………………………………………… 11 Maintaining secrecy ……………………………………… 13 Stigma ……………………………………………………. 14 Resiliency and coping …………………………………… 16 Chapter two - Methods ................................................. 18 Research design ………………………………………… 18 Data Analysis …………………………………………… 19 Participants …………………………………………….. 19 Recruitment ……………………………………………. 20 Interview structure ……………………………………. 21 Cultural process………………………………………… 22 Ethical considerations …………………………………. 22 Sensitivity of study ……………………………………. 23 Vulnerability of participants ……………………………. 23 Reflexivity ……………………………………………… 24 Chapter three - Findings .............................................. 26 Theme one ..................................................................... 27 Loss ................................................................................ 27 Loss of relationship …………………………………… 27 Maintaining relationship ……………………………… 29 Secondary loss …………………………………………. 33 Loss of financial security ……………………………… 33 Theme two .................................................................... 35 Secrecy and stigma ......................................................... 35 Secrecy and friendship ………………………………… 37 Theme three .................................................................. 40 Support and coping ........................................................ 40 Bullying and support ………………………………….. 42 Family support ………………………………………… 44 Idioculture ……………………………………………… 47 Chapter four Conclusion ………………………………………………. 52 Limitations ……………………………………………… 55 References ……………………………………………….. 57 Appendix ………………………………………………… 64 Daddy, You're In Jail Daddy, you're in jail so far, far away and it hurts me almost every day I knew when I was there it was coming to an end I knew I should of done something right there and then. Daddy, you're in jail so far, far away you can't even be a part of my life today. as I go through boyfriends and do other things you won't be there to call when me and my mom are yelling names, cussing at each other, and she's putting me to shame because I did some of those bad teenage things. Daddy, you're in jail so far, far away I wonder, when you get out will things be the same will you be the dad that I know or will you be someone else 'cause jail changed your soul. I don't understand the reason for this going to prison for drugs when in there it's a bigger mess. it's like taking a drunk to a bar and expecting him to sober up when you know he's just gonna get more messed up. Daddy, you're in jail so far, far away when you get out I guess I will see the answers to the question I have today but for right now I will just continue to pray and hope for the best until that day. I still love you and will write you too please don't forget about me because I will always care and miss you Daddy, you're in jail so far, far away while I sit here, tears running down my face hoping everything will fall into place I will never forget the time we had and try to be brave and not be sad Daddy, I know it's hard and you got a lot on your plate but remember there's people willing to wait for you to turn straight Daddy, you're in jail so far, far away you got 3 kids and parents too that haven't given up on you you got a second chance to make it right so continue the fight of the battle you've got to make it back to the ones you love!!!! 1 Chapter one - Introduction There is a population of children who have become known within the literature as the “invisible population” (Hoffmann, Byrd, & Kightlinger, 2010, p.398). The number of children joining this group has been steadily increasing globally and New Zealand is no exception (Gordon, 2011). These children can range in age from 0 to 17 and come from any socioeconomic background and ethnicity. They often, however come from disadvantaged, lower income and minority groups. These children’s lives are often thrown into turmoil due to no fault of their own (Uggen & McElrath, 2014). Experiencing loss, which can be sudden and unexpected, lasting for months or years. The majority of these children receive little or no support from outside of their family, and often develop coping mechanisms that may or may not attract positive reactions from others, to help them get through their grief and trauma (Beck & Jones, 2007). These children can sometimes be encouraged by family to keep their experience a secret and live in fear of how others will react should their secret be revealed. Frequently, those who encounter these children do not understand that these children’s behaviour can be attributed to the secrecy that surrounds their circumstances. These children and their families interact in the many social settings you and I also engage in. The children I am referring to are those who have a parent in prison. The number of children affected by a parent going to prison is set to increase as imprisonment rates of those with children rises globally (Dawson, Brookes, Carter, Larman, & Jackson, 2013). Although fathers make up the majority of these figures, the number of mothers being sent to prison is on the increase (Clopton & East, 2008). A study by Gordon (2011) reported that within New Zealand, at any one time, an estimated 20,000 children experience parental incarceration, with an average of 87% of female prisoners and 65% of male prisoners having children at the time of their sentencing. This, she identifies, translates annually to around an astounding 30,000 New Zealand children experiencing the loss of a parent or parents to prison. Given New Zealand’s relatively small population, this is a significant number of children affected each year. These statistics highlight the importance of increasing understanding around the impact parental imprisonment has on these children and the losses it entails at both an individual and societal level. 2 Definition of parental imprisonment Parental imprisonment during childhood involves the loss of one or both parents or parental figures to the judicial system, during a person’s early formative years. As stated in the New Zealand’s Care of Children Act (2004) a child is classed as any person under the age of 18 years old. Imprisonment of a parent can involve a short or long term loss for a child. In New Zealand, a conviction for crimes such as murder, can lead to a lengthy prison sentence of at least ten years (Sentencing Act, 2002). This means a child can pass through a large proportion of their childhood without one or even both parents being there to celebrate the achievement of their various milestones as a part of normal childhood development. The lengthier the sentence the more likely it is to have a negative impact on the children involved (Raeder, 2012). Imprisonment may be seen as appropriate by a wide sector of the public, particularly those who advocate for harsher sentences, such as the Sensible Sentencing Trust. For the majority of children involved it can be a long and difficult time, full of loss, grief, trauma and adversities along with limited and strained access to their biological parent during crucial early developmental stages of life. Parental imprisonment has been defined as an adverse childhood experience (Raeder, 2012), which can be potentially traumatic and as a result a “potential pathway for social, emotional and cognitive neurodevelopmental impairments” (Arditti & Savla, 2015, p.551). These adversities are further compounded by the fact that more often than not, they are experienced in clusters, rather than in isolation. Compounding adversities, isolation and lack of support, can exacerbate and complicate parental imprisonment for the children involved (Novero, Loper, & Warren, 2011). Many children encounter various adversities throughout their lifetime, but, unlike children who have a parent in prison, they are more likely to receive some form of support and/or understanding from others (Novero et al., 2011). Unlike children who have lost a parent through circumstances such as death, parental separation, or military deployment, there is no socially recognised and accepted ritual or ceremony for children who lose a parent to prison, to help them through the grief and trauma of this experience (Dallaire & Wilson, 2010). As a result, they often endure the difficulties and trauma of separation without external supports and instead face condemnation, judgment and exclusion (Beck & Jones, 2007). 3 Impact of witnessing the arrest Kinner, Alati, Najman, and Williams (2007); Murray, Farrington, and Sekol, (2012) identified that for some children the trauma of parental imprisonment begins whilst witnessing their parent’s arrest. These children, they pointed out, are at higher risk of trauma and behavioural issues than those who haven’t witnessed the arrest. Novero et al. (2011), reports that the witnessing of an arrest can be traumatic as it is often unexpected and can involve physical aggression that can be frightening and confusing for the child. It can create uncertainty about the future of their parent and leave them with a traumatic memory of their parent’s departure. Research from Dallaire and Wilson (2010) adds support to this avenue of thought. Their study showed that children who witnessed the arrest of their parent, along with their criminal behaviour, fared worse than those children who didn’t. What was interesting and consistent with previous research, was the relationship between children witnessing these events and the parent’s and children’s reports of maladjustment six months later. This indicates the enduring effect on the children. The negative outcomes they experienced included emotional problems, such as anxiety and depression along with decreased emotional regulation skills and difficulties with receptive vocabulary skills, which interfered with their educational success. They found that the greater the exposure, the larger the maladjustment. Increased witnessing of these events was reported for children who had a mother rather than a father in prison and for those who had resided with their parent prior to the imprisonment. In their study this was more often the mother than the father. Within New Zealand, Gordon (2009), shows that changes are being made in regard to how police manage children during an arrest of their parent. More stringent procedures are being put in place that require them to consider the needs of children present during an arrest. It notes however, that discretion is still left to the arresting officer who may or may not consider the child’s needs and possible signs of trauma. Following arrest and during court proceedings, there are no routine enquires or gathering of information to determine whether people convicted of a crime have children or not (Simmons, 2000). Gordon’s (2009), study mentions the lack of tolerance judges have for parents who mention their children or bring them into the court room. One judge she interviewed believed parents use their children as pawns to gain sympathy in the hope of leniency and a lighter sentence. It may well be that the judges do not see the children as impacted by their decision for imprisonment, but rather as non-existent entities that are 4