CLIPP Christiani Lehmanni inedita, publicanda, publicata titulus Valency classes in Yucatec Maya huius textus situs retis mundialis http://www.christianlehmann.eu/publ/valency_in_ym.pdf dies manuscripti postremum modificati 02.07.2013 occasio orationis habitae Conference on Valency Classes in the World's Languages. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig, April 14-17th, 2011 volumen publicationem continens Comrie, Bernard & Malchukov, Andrej (eds.), Valency classes. A comparative handbook. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter annus publicationis ignotus paginae ignotae Valency classes in Yucatec Maya Christian Lehmann 1 Introduction Yucatec Maya, called Maya by its speakers, is the Mayan language spoken on the peninsula of Yucatan, in the east of Mexico. Together with Lacandón, Mopán and Itzá, it constitutes the Yucatecan branch of the Mayan languages. There are some 850,000 ethnic mayas, more than half of whom have Maya as their first language and use it for daily communication. Some people over 70 years of age are still monolingual. The rest of the population has Spanish as their first language, and its percentage is rapidly increasing. The language can be used, and is occasionally used, for written communication by a small fraction of the population, but in general written communication takes place in Spanish. The language has been described in grammars and dictionaries since the 16th century. However, no syntactic description is available. Most of the data of the present study were gathered in two field-trips in 2011 and 2012. Examples lacking a source indication stem from these two field trips.1 Examples drawn from published texts have their source identified. 2 Some elements of Yucatec grammar Yucatec possesses the following major word classes: substantive noun, adjective, verb, verboid, adverb, preposition. Minor word classes include auxiliary, numeral, numeral classifier, possessive classifier, quantifier, pronoun, determiner, particle, conjunction. Adjectives are noun-like. There is little nominal and much verbal morphology. Yucatec morphology comprises compounding, incorporation, derivation and inflection and is mildly synthetic. Word order is essentially right- branching, with the exception of determiners and adjective attributes, which obligatorily and optionally, resp., precede the nominal head. 2.1 Verbal clause The clause core starts with the predicate. If it is verbal, it may be followed by complements, then comes the subject, while adjuncts tend to follow the subject. A simple verbal sentence (S) is introduced by a – non-inflecting – auxiliary (Aux) or modal verboid (s. §4.4) which fixes the aspectual or modal category of the sentence. Some auxiliaries trigger a deictic clitic (DC) at the end of the clause. Its structure is, thus, as shown in S1 and illustrated by E1. 1 I thank Henrike Frye B.A. for doing part of the fieldwork in 2011, and Gaspar Maglah Canul from Kantunilkin and Ernesto May Balam and Ramón May Cupul from Yaxley, Quintana Roo, for contributing data and insights on Yucatec. Christian Lehmann, Valency classes in Yucatec Maya 2 S1. Verbal clause [ [ X ] [ Y ] ( [ -e' ] ) ] Aux VCC DC S E1 ts'o'k u beet-ik u kool in taatah [ [ TERM ]Aux [ SBJ.3i do-INCMPL POSS.3i milpa POSS.1.SG fatheri ]VCC ]VC ‘my father already did his cornfield’ Topicalization and focusing allow putting verbal dependents in front of the clause. Since many of the example sentences are elicited translations, topicalization by left-dislocation is omnipresent in them, starting with E9. The topic is no constituent of the clause following it and may be omitted without harm to its grammatical structure. The auxiliary is the structural head of the autonomous verbal clause (VC); the rest is the verbal clause core (VCC), which suffices for many subordinate constructions. The verbal clause core consists of the verbal complex (VC) and its dependents. All of the latter are syntactically optional under all circumstances.2 The verbal complex, in turn, consists essentially of the finite verb (V.fin) and a pronominal clitic (PC), as shown in S2 and illustrated by E2. S2. Verbal complex [ [ Pn ] [ W ] ] PC V.fin VC E2 u y-ah-s-ik-ech [ [ SBJ.3 ] [ 0-wake-CAUS-INCMPL-ABS.2.SG ] ] PC V.fin VCp ‘(that) he wakes you up’ The finite verb, shown in S3 and illustrated by E3, contains a status suffix which codes modal and aspectual categories and is conditioned syntactically – by the auxiliary in autonomous verbal clauses, by the matrix construction in subordinate clauses. S3. Finite verb [ [ W ] -STATUS -ABS ] verb_stem V.fin E3 ah-s -ik -ech [ [ wake-CAUS ] [ -INCMPL ] [ -2.SG ] ] verb_stem status ABS V.fin ‘wake you up’ Apart from personal pronouns, there are two series of bound pronominal elements: • Pronominal clitics (PC) cross-reference the subject (SBJ) of the transitive verb, the subject of the intransitive verb in incompletive status and, on the possessed nominal, its possessor (POSS; shown twice in E1). • Absolutive suffixes (ABS) cross-reference the direct object of the transitive verb, the subject of the intransitive verb in completive and subjunctive status and the subject of a non-verbal predicate. 2 The experiential construction with óol (S6 as instantiated by E8 and analogous constructions) is probably an exception to this, as relevant predicates do not occur without this inner dependent. Given this, they might be analyzed as phrasal predicates. Christian Lehmann, Valency classes in Yucatec Maya 3 Both of these sets have pronominal function. However, their referents may be represented, in addition, by personal pronouns or noun phrases in the same clause; and in that case, the pronominal elements agree with them in person and number. However, the absolutive suffix is mostly zero for third person singular, and agreement with a third-person plural subject is optional, with the consequence that these suffixes are seldom seen as agreeing with nominal dependents in their clause. Formulating the distribution of the pronominal elements from the perspective of the finite verb: this is preceded by a pronominal clitic and/or followed by a pronominal suffix according to the following rules: • With transitive verbs, the pronominal clitic cross-references the subject, while the suffix cross- references the direct object. • With intransitive verbs, the pronominal element cross-references the subject. The syntagmatic slot chosen, with its paradigm, depends on the status in which the verb is, viz.: in completive and subjunctive status, it is the suffix, in incompletive status, it is the clitic. In consonance with the syntactic functions that they correspond to, the pronominal clitics are called subject or possessive clitics, while the pronominal suffixes are called absolutive suffixes. (In traditional Mayan linguistics, they are called 'set A' and 'set B', resp.) However, these names are just mnemonic for the set of syntactic functions that these morphemes cross-reference. Syntactically, the language has pure accusative alignment. The status suffixes display rich sets of allomorphs, chiefly conditioned by the transitivity of the verb stem. Together with the two sets of pronominal elements, this guarantees that every verb form occurring in a text is marked as either transitive or intransitive, with very few ambiguous cases. Moreover, both of these principal valency classes are subdivided into conjugation classes, which, again, take the form of allomorphy of status suffixes. Most of these conjugation classes are productive. To the extent that they are the goal of derivational operations, some of the exponents of conjugation classes allow an alternate analysis as derivational operators. Such a situation is familiar from SAE languages. In Latin, e.g., the a-conjugation is the goal of the verbalization that converts a noun like cumulus ‘pile’ into a verb like cumulare ‘pile up’, so that -a may be regarded as a derivational operator. Two Yucatec cases will be discussed in sections 5.2.1 and 5.3.2.1. 2.2 Possessive construction The nominal possessive construction is as shown in S4 (s. Lehmann 2002 for details). Its core is the combination of the pronominal clitic (Pn = POSS) with the possessed nominal (Pn). While there is no possessive construction without the Pn, the possessor (Pr) is optionally represented by a lexical NP. If Pn and Pr are co-present, they agree in person and number (i). This is illustrated by E4. S4. Nominal possessive construction [ [ [ Pn ] [ Pd ] ] ([ Pr ] ) ] PCi Nom i NP NP E4 u maamah le chaan xibpaal-o’ [ [ [POSS.3] [mother] ] [ DEM little man:child-D2 ] ] PCi Nom NP NP ‘the little boy’s mother’ As already said in §2.1, there is only one paradigm of pronominal clitics (PC). For the reader’s convenience, they are glossed as SBJ if they introduce a verbal construction, and as POSS if they introduce a nominal construction. Christian Lehmann, Valency classes in Yucatec Maya 4 2.3 Further remarks The strategy of signaling syntactic relations is, thus, exclusively head-marking. There are no cases, but prepositions. Apart from specific prepositions for local and other concrete functions, there is an all-purpose preposition ti', glossed LOC, which marks a generic local relation and also the indirect object. The construction formulas which describe verbal valency frames and alternations represent verbal clause cores and are therefore indexed with VCC. Since the auxiliary which lifts them to the clause level does not matter for the analysis, it has been omitted. Furthermore, in all construction formulas, it is understood that all main constituents except the predicate are optional. In order not to clutter the formulas, the corresponding parentheses have been omitted. 3 Nominal clause 3.1 Basic structure The nominal predicate (W in S5) is a nominal or adjectival group. Just as the verbal predicate, it precedes all other main constituents in its clause. It bears an absolutive suffix (-ABS) by which it agrees with any lexical or pronominal subject constituent (S) in person and number (i). However, the agreement is seldom visible: If i = 3rd ps.sg., the absolutive suffix is zero. If i = 1st or 2nd ps., S only appears if it is emphatic. Only if i = 3rd ps.pl. is the agreement regularly visible. E5 illustrates a substantival, E6 and E7 an adjectival predicate. S5. Basic nominal predicate construction [ [ W ]N/Adj -ABSi [ S ]NP.i ]S E5 h-koolnáal-o’n M-farmer-ABS.1.PL ‘we are farmers’ E6 tikin le lu'm-o' dry DEM earth-D2 ‘the ground is dry’ S of S5 may be expanded into the possessive construction of S4. The resulting S6 is a subtype of S5, where S is some body part sensu lato and E is an experiencer, as illustrated by E7. The index i is necessarily third person (commonly singular), while E may vary through the persons and numbers. S6. Adjectival experiential construction [ [ W ]Adj -ABSi [ POSSE Si [ E ]NP ]NP ]S E7 yah in k’ab painful POSS.1.SG hand ‘my hand hurts’ A couple of experiential predicates, including sahak ‘afraid’ (E9), are ascribed to living beings themselves. Most of them are, instead, ascribed to their óol, instantiating X in S6 and rendered by Christian Lehmann, Valency classes in Yucatec Maya 5 ‘mind’ in the interlinear gloss for want of a closer English counterpart.3 Yah of E7 is, in fact, the only predicate that may be ascribed both to óol and to other body parts. Óol is an inalienable noun and takes the experiencer of an experiential construction as its possessor.4 The construction is exemplified by E8. Note that ok’om le chaan xch’úuppalo’ would be ungrammatical. E8 ok'om u y-óol le chaan x-ch'úuppal-o' sad POSS3 0-mind DEM little F-girl-D2 ‘the little girl is sad’ Another example of S6 is E50 below. 3.2 Relational adjective construction Some adjectives have valency, taking a complement via the preposition ti’. This construction is formalized in S7 and illustrated in E9. S7 is an extension of S5 by the PrepP containing L. S7. Relational adjectival predicate construction [ [ W ]Adj -ABSi [ ti’ [ L ]NP ]PrepP [ S ]NP.i ]S E9 le wíinik-o' sahak ti' le báalam-o' DEM man-D2 afraid LOC DEM jaguar-D2 ‘The man is/was afraid of the jaguar.’ While the S of E9 is an experiencer and L the stimulus, there is no fixed association of semantic roles with the constituents of S7. As an alternative, the stimulus may take the stead of S, while L is expanded into a possessive construction whose head (L) is some body part and whose possessor is the experiencer (E). This expansion of S7 takes the form of S8 and is illustrated by E10. S8. Relational adjectival experiential construction [ [ W ]Adj -ABSi [ ti’ [ POSSE Li [ E ]NP ]NP ]PrepP [ S ]NP.i ]S E10 le xibpal-o' uts t-u y-ich u tumben baaxal DEM boy-D2 good LOC-POSS.3 0-eye POSS.3 new toy ‘The boy likes his new toy.’ In analogy to specification of S6, the body part noun L of S8 may be óol, as illustrated by E11. E11 yah t-in w-óol painful LOC-POSS.1.SG 0-mind u loobil-t-a'l le mehen paal-al-o'b-o’ SBJ.3 harm-TRR-PASS.INCMPL DEM small child-COLL-PL-D2 ‘I feel sorry that the little children are maltreated.’ 3 It has a close semantic counterpart in the original [!] sense of German Mut as it appears in Großmut ‘magnanimity’, Sanftmut ‘placidity’ or mir ist unbehaglich zumute ‘I feel uncomfortable’. However, even mosquitos have an óol, so there is little room for psychological speculation on the Yucatec construction. 4 Details in Verhoeven 2007, ch. 8.1.1. Christian Lehmann, Valency classes in Yucatec Maya 6 4 Verbal valency patterns In terms of quantitative valency, Yucatec possesses monovalent, bivalent and trivalent verbs. The latter are relatively few in number. There are no avalent verbs. The actant of a monovalent verb is its subject. Many monovalent verbs are impersonal, i.e. they take exclusively clausal subjects. Bivalent verbs are overwhelmingly transitive. There are, however, some intransitive bivalent verbs, taking a complement which may be represented by an adverbial or be introduced by a preposition. Trivalent verbs take such a complement in addition to subject and direct object. 4.1 Intransitive verb 4.1.1 Basic construction The construction formula for all intransitive verbs is S9. Pn represents the pronominal element cross-referencing the subject (S). It may be a pronominal clitic or an absolutive suffix as explained in §2.1. There may be other verbal dependents in the construction, esp. local complements or adjuncts, as in E14. S9. Basic intransitive verb construction [ [ Pn ] [ W ] [ S ] ] i V.intr NP.i VCC As said in §2.1, intransitive verbs differ from transitive ones by their conjugation classes. There are three conjugation classes of intransitive verbs, which are rather closely associated with semantic verb classes: active, inactive and fientive5 intransitive verbs. Active and inactive verb stems differ in the control of their subject. The three verb classes are, in their turn, illustrated by E12, E13 and E14. E12 le xch'úupal-o' h síit'-nah-ih DEM girl-D2 PRFV jump-CMPL-ABS.3.SG ‘the girl jumped’ E13 h lúub le che'o' PRFV fall(CMPL) DEM wood-D2 ‘the tree fell’ E14 le paal-al-o'b-o' h kul-chah-o'b ti' le k'áanche'-o' DEM child-COLL-PL-D2 PRFV sit-FIENT.CMPL-PL LOC DEM chair-D2 ‘the children sat down on the chair’ The three verb classes generate subtypes of S9, which contain V.intr_act, V.intr_inact and V.intr_pos instead of the mere V.intr as the category label of W. These subtypes differ in their derivational potential, as will be seen in §5. Meteorological predicates like ‘rain’ are monovalent, as shown in E15: E15 táan u k’áax-al ha’/chaak PROG SBJ.3 rain-INCMPL water/rain ‘it is raining’ 5 In general, a fientive verb (Lat. fieri ‘become’) is a verb derived from an adjective and designating a change of state, like Engl. to cool (down). Traditionally, such verbs were (somewhat inappropriately) called inchoative. Christian Lehmann, Valency classes in Yucatec Maya 7 4.1.2 Intransitive experiential construction The experiential construction with an inactive intransitive verb as predicate is as shown in S10. E represents the experiencer, L the stimulus. S10. Intransitive experiential verb construction [ [ Pn ]i [ W ]V.intr_inact [ POSSY Si [ E ]NP ]NP [ ti’ [ L ]NP ]PrepP ]VCC E16 illustrates its most common appearance, with óol instantiating S. Just as experiential adjectives, most experiential verbs only allow óol as their subject. E16 háak’ in w-óol ti’ hun-túul ch’o’. scare(CMPL.ABS.3.SG) POSS.1.SG 0-mind LOC one-CL.AN mouse ‘I got a fright at a mouse’ S10 may be composed as follows: Take S7 as a point of departure; substitute an intransitive verb for W; substitute the possessive phrase appearing in S6 for the L of S7. 4.1.3 Directed motion verb Verbs of directed motion form a subclass of inactive verbs, although they do allow for a controlling subject. They are such verbs as bin ‘go’, taal ‘ come’, máan ‘pass’, ook ‘enter’, hóok’ ‘exit’, eem ‘get down’, na’k ‘get up’ and a few more. They differ from other motion verbs – essentially manner of motion verbs like xik’nal ‘fly’ – by allowing a local complement (L).6 The category of this latter is adverbial; and it may appear in the form of a prepositional phrase, introduced, more often than not, by ti’. The overall construction is as shown in S11. It is similar to the relational adjectival predicate construction (S7) and an expansion of the basic intransitive verb construction S9. E17 is an example. S11. Construction of intransitive verb with complement [ [ Pn ] [ W ] [ S ] [ L ] ] i V.intr NP.i Advl VCC E17 le xibpal-o' h hóok' ti' u kaahal DEM boy-D2 PRFV exit(CMPL) LOC POSS.3 village ‘the boy left his village’ Directed motion verbs are central to the verbal lexicon and important for the syntax. The first two enumerated above have grammaticalized variants and also an irregular conjugation. Incidentally, as a comparison among E14, E17, E22, E24 and E54 shows, prepositions do not distinguish among local relations (essive, allative, ablative, perlative); these are coded as part of the verb meaning (cf. Lehmann 1992). 6 There are examples featuring the active intransitive manner-of-motion verb áalkab ‘run’ with a local dependent, which may not be exceptional if the latter can be analyzed as an adjunct. Christian Lehmann, Valency classes in Yucatec Maya 8 4.1.4 Positional In terms of verb derivational morphology, a fientive verb is an intransitive verb stem derived from a non-verbal (generally, nominal) base, as schematized in S18 below. However, the suffix -tal, which affords this in Yucatec, is, at the same time, the exponent of one of the three intransitive conjugation classes. That is, there is a class of verb roots that conjugate in that class; and moreover, different verb statuses, aspects and moods amalgamate in that suffix, which phenomenon is more typical of an inflection stem exponent than of a derivational operator. We will see a similar systematic ambiguity in the extraversive suffix -t (§5.3.2.1). The fientive conjugation class thus comprises roots and derived stems. Fientive verb roots are positionals and a couple of other roots with related meanings. The set of positionals comprises at least two dozens of roots like wa’l ‘stand’, chil ‘lie’, xol ‘kneel’, t’uch ‘squat’ etc. Their construction is the same as for directed motion verbs, viz. S11. Two positionals are illustrated in E14 and E18. E18 káa chil-lah-o'b wen-el hun-súutuk CONJ lie-FIENT.CMPL-3.PL sleep-INCMPL one-moment ‘and they lay down to sleep a bit’ (ka'tuul_15) The derivational potential of this verb class is further discussed in §5.2.1. 4.2 Transitive verb 4.2.1 Basic construction The construction of a transitive verb is as formalized in S12 and illustrated by E19. A is the subject, P is the direct object. Adjuncts are not shown. S12. Basic transitive construction [ [ Pn ]PC.i [ W ]V.tr -ABSj [ P ]NP.j [ A ]NP.i ]VCC E19 t-u méek'-ah u chaan xibpal le maamah-o' PRFV-SBJ.3 hug-CMPL POSS.3 little boy DEM mother-D2 ‘the mother hugged her little boy’ In synchronic grammar, S12 is a basic construction. Diachronically, it may be composed as follows: Start from the basic nominal predicate construction S5. Expand its W to the possessive construction S4. Replace the Pd nominal by a nominalized transitive verb. Thereby, its Pr gets interpreted as a transitive subject, with its Pn functioning as subject clitic. The result is the transitive VCC S12. Given the default-template character of S12 for two-participant situations, the semantic roles of P and A are as variable as for the transitive verb in many SAE languages. For a transitive verb, the direct object is obligatory. That does not mean that P must be overt. It means that j is referential; i.e. it is identifiable in the linguistic or extralinguistic context. If that condition is not fulfilled, the verb must be detransitivized by introversion; see §5.2.2.1. There are two transitive conjugation classes. Canonical transitive roots like the one in E19 take status suffixes directly, while non-canonical transitive roots like báats’ ‘smooth’, including loan verbs and derived transitive stems as in E23 below, first take a suffix -t and then the status suffixes. The -t suffix is identical to the extraversive operator, to be discussed in §5.3.2.1. Christian Lehmann, Valency classes in Yucatec Maya 9 4.2.2 More complex constructions A semantically suitable subset of transitive verbs takes an instrumental adjunct. These include beet ‘make’, pa’ ‘break, smash’, kíins ‘kill’, hats’ ‘hit [with tool]’, xot ‘cut [with tool]’, pix ‘cover’, chup ‘fill’, huch’ ‘grind’ and koh ‘toss, touch’. The construction is represented as S13, which is an expansion of the basic transitive construction S12 by the instrumental adjunct I. It is illustrated by E20. S13. Transitive verb with instrumental adjunct [ [ Pn ]PC.i [ W ]V.tr -ABSj [ P ]NP.j [ A ]NP.i [ yéetel [ I ]NP ]PrepP ]VCC E20 le x-ch'úup-o' t-u pix-ah le xibpal yéetel teep'el-o' DEM F-woman-D2 PRFV-SBJ.3 cover-CMPL DEM boy with blanket-D2 ‘the woman covered the boy with a blanket’ For a better understanding of the derived experiential constructions to be discussed in §5.3.2.2f, a curious gap in the grammar should be mentioned: although there are experiential constructions involving óol on the basis of adjectives, intransitive and transitive verbs, and although there are derived transitive verbs taking that noun as their object for which actor and experiencer are distinct, there is no base transitive verb of the latter kind; all the transitive roots taking óol as their object require a semantically reflexive constellation, as in E21. E21 yéetel hun-p'éel libro u_ti'a'l a nay-ik a w-óol and one-CL.INAN book in.order SBJ.2 divert-INCMPL POSS.2 0-mind ‘and a book to divert yourself’ (hnazario_104) The expected variant with u nayik a wóol ‘which [book] may divert you’ does not exist. 4.3 Trivalent verb Trivalent verbs take a subject, a direct object and another complement which may be represented by an adverbial or be introduced by a preposition. The animacy of the indirect complement conditions the major subdivision here. 4.3.1 Trivalent verb with inanimate indirect complement If the indirect complement is inanimate, it may appear in the form of an adverbial or of a prepositional phrase introduced by a suitable preposition. The core of these trivalent verbs is formed by oriented transport verbs,7 the transitive (semantically causative) counterpart to the directed motion verbs seen in §4.1. The indirect complement then bears some local relation to the verb. Oriented transport verbs include ts’a’ ‘put’ and its local reverse ch’a’ ‘take [for oneself]’, the two opposite deictic transport verbs bis ‘carry, take [to]’ and taas ‘bring’, and furthermore tul ‘push’, túuxt ‘send’, pul ‘throw’, t’oh ‘pour’, láal ‘pour’, but’ ‘fill’. The construction of these verbs is shown in S14, where L is the indirect complement. E22 is an example. S14. Construction of ditransitive verb with inanimate indirect complement [ [ Pn ]PC.i [ W ]V.tr -ABSj [ P ]NP.j [ A ]NP.i [ L ]Advl ]VCC 7 An example of a non-oriented transport verb would be kuch ‘load [on oneself]’.