NOVEMBER tee6 Rhode Island History Volume 54, Number 4 Published by CONTENTS The Rhode lsland Hisrorical Society rro Benevolent Street Providence, Rhode Island oz9o63t 5z and printed by a grant from the State of Rhode Island and GProovivdeencren Polanrt;a rion:. Federal Hill House: Lincotn Atmond, State James R. Langevin, Secretary of ItS PlaCe in PfOVidenge and president.. Grafton H. \ilillev rrr, the Settlement Movement 99 Richard F. Staples. Jr.. uice president Donald F. Keinz, uice president for deuelopment J. ELLYN DES JARDINS Nancy K. Cassidy, secretdry Ray fuckman, assistant secretary Timothy V. Geremia, treasurer Marianne Tr acy, as dsisitarnet trc edtsuor err Arbert r' Ktvberg' The International Institute of Rhode Island 123 FELLOWS OF THE SOCIETY Carl Bridenbaugl JOAN RETSINAS Antoinette F. Downing Glenn \7. LaFantasie PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE f;:Y:;:i"tchristner'chair Index to volume 54 1,41, Joyce M. Botelho Norman S. Fiering James Findlay Robert Allen Greene James P. Marusak Thomas McAvoy \Tilliam McKenzie rVoodward Harrison M. Wright STAFF Marta V. Martinez, editor Hilliard Beller, copy editor Allison Cywin, graphics editor Nancy J. Thornton. publication assistant The Rhode Island Historical Society assumes no responsibility for the opinions of contributors. @ 1996 by The Rhode Island Historical Society RHODE ISLAND HISTORY is published in February, May, August, and November by The Rhode Island Historical RHODE ISLAND HISTORY (ISSN 0035-4619) Society. Periodicals postage is paid at Providence, Rhode Island. Society members receive each issue as a membership benefit. Institutional subscriptions to RHODE ISLAND HISTORY and the Society's quarterly n€wsletter are $20.00 annually. Individual copies of current and back issues are available from the Society for $5.00. Manuscripts and other correspondence should be sent to Marta V Martinez, editor, at the Society. Postmaster: Send address changes to Rhode Island Historical Sociery 110 Benevolent Street, Providence, Rhode Island 02906-31,52- I I I .-l Federal Hill House: Its Place in Providence and the Settlement Movement J. ELLYN DES JARDINS n 7917 settlement worker Grace Sherwood recounted the story of an Italian couple, Annunzia and Pietro, who had just come to providence from southern Italy: In a measure Annunzia was satisfied, busy with the problems of adapting American foodstuffs for Pietro's meals, crocheting eternally in the spare moments, harking to the old wives tales, and dreaming her dreams of the Madonna. . . . She was not unhappy, but outside the narrow circle of those who had come from her home province she knew no one. And these Americans! Who are they? lfhy did they not speak to her? Luckily for Annunzia, said Sherwood, a "friendly visiror" from Federai Hill House, AdaHartzell, came to the tenement to teach Annunzia's friend Mariana how to cook American food, and soon Annunzia befriended Hartzell as well. Hartzell and others visited Annunzia regularlS advising her on how to ciean her home and care for her baby. They showed her how to dress the infant so as not to constrict him, and they taught her how to prepare his meais. They in- vited her to get the milk they supplied at their sertlement house, milk that was fresher than the milk she had been feeding her family. Annunzia appreciated the kindness of these women, but she remained perplexed. why were they so kind to her? -And why do you do all this? we want to be your friend and neighbor, and have you come to us when- -Because ever you do not understand the things we do in America. . . . It was much feared that fAnnunzia] kept Pietro awake half that night with her delight in the discovery of the new house and her new friends. . . . you do not understand, Pietro, go to the little house and my friend will -\Thenever tell you. And she laughed softly for pure joy.' Sherwood's story is typical of those told among the growing ranks of settlement workers in American cities during the early years of the twentieth century. The American settlement movement had begun a generation earlier, when Jane Addams, Robert A. Woods, Mary Simkhovich, Vida Scudder, and other Americans observed the methods of workers at the Toynbee Hall settlement in London and theorized that similar methods might be attempted in large indus- trial cities like chicago, Boston, and New York. The ideology of settlement An immigrant mother and cbild at the refuse work that these reformers advanced ran counter to the class-conscious "philan- dump on West Exchange Street, Prouidence, thropic" philosophies of nineteenth-century poor relief.' As the movement con- circa 1903. RIHS Collection (RHi X3 18). tinued into the twentieth century, a second wave of settlement work occurred. Reformers in medium-sized industriai cities like Detroit, Hartford, and Providence began to take notice of the poverty suffered among their immigrant workers, and they established settlements in ethnic neighborhoods to rival J. Ellyn Des Jardins is a doctoral candidate in history at Brown Unir ersity. those found in the larger urban centers. This study will examine the settlement r_ 100 FEDERAL HILL HOUSE work undertaken during this second wave in one such neighborhood, the Federal Hill section of Providence. As elsewhere, settlement work in Providence followed, and sometimes over- lapped, philanthropic and working girls' club movements for the working poor. These movements all shared certain distinct similarities because of their common middle-class orientation, Protestant and often nativist outlooks that colored their assumptions about the poor. Nonetheless, significant changes did occur in Providence's poor-relief organizarions as increasing numbers of immigrant poor caused old philosophies and methods to be questioned. These changes were nor abrupt, nor did they all occur completely. At Federal Hill House, the focus of this study, change was a gradual, uneven process. Although 1916 may be taken as the approximate date when Federal Hill House embraced settlement philoso- phies, its workers referred to it as a settlement much earlier, and it retained residues of older philosophies and methods well beyond that time. Like other Providence institutions, Federal Hill House has commonly been called a settle- ment, without regard for the differences between the settiement concept and other kinds of social reform.'This study will attempt ro show how the ideologr of the settlement movement, as developed by reformers in the larger American cities, can provide useful criteria for making such distinctions. @@@@@ To understand the emergence of the settlement movement in providence, it is necessary to consider the system of middle-class philanthropy against which it reacted. Like most medium-sized cities at the end of the nineteenth century, Providence had its share of philanthropic organizations. some of rhese were organized through religious institutions, others by ethnic groups; some champi- oned particular causes, such as the Charitable Fuel Society or the Home for Aged 'women.'In all, Providence philanthropists created hundreds of organizations with dozens of different objectives, and it is therefore difficult to characterize philanthropy at the turn of the century in comprehensive terms. Nevertheless, it is clear that some of the basic tenets of poor relief reflected distinctively middle- class assumptions about poverty, and that these assumptions shaped the ways that poverty was combated. As John Gilkeson has shown inhis Middle-Class Prouidence, 1820-1940, phi- lanthropy in nineteenth-century Providence-as in nineteenth-century America generally-grew largely out of middle-class benevolence work and was designed to aid working-class people of lesser means and, presumedly, lesser virtue. The city's philanthropists believed that poverty resulted from flaws in an individual's moral character, and that these flaws could be corrected through adherence to middle-class moral lessons in propriety, temperance, and the protestant work ethic. The "friendly visitors" who canvassed poor areas for organizations like the Providence Aid Society determined who was morally redeemable, and thus among the "deserving poor"l visiting the homes of relief seekers, they scrutinized living conditions and habits and granted relief accordingly.'The middle-class view that destitution was a symptom of idleness or deficient morality also resulted in an insistence that relief be granted only in exchange for labor. The destitute men who were assisted at the Providence charity Building, for exam- ple, were required to perform work for the city. "very few bummers or vagrants have been fed," the city's Poor Department reported in 1878, "the idea of labor 101 FEDERAL HILL HOUSE evidently having deterred them."6 rn 1909 Mary Conyngton of Brown University maintained that "continuous help is given [by the city] only in cases of families where the natural breadwinner is dead or permanently disabled."' This insistence on helping only deserving poor created a heated debate about "outside" relief, the aid given by individuals or independent groups without being funneled through the poorhouses and other charitable institutions of the city.8 In 1892 the Providence Society for organizing charity was formed to coordinate the relief efforts of the city's charities, benevolent societies, churches, and synagogues and to minimize the possibility of organizations duplicating one another's work.n In centralizing Providence poor relief, philanthropists not only created an instrument for limiting relief to worthy poor but also turned poor relief into a massive, citywide undertaking. Perceiving themselves as judges of good character, middle-class philanthropists saw themselves as authoritative voices of morality as well. while spreading alms, charity workers preached middle-class notions of cleanliness, industrious- ness, nutrition, and propriety. "Require of each beneficiary abstinence from intoxicating liquors," the Providence Aid Society instructed its visitors. when providing food for the needS visitors selected items from one of two menus, basing their choices on the presumed nutritional needs of their beneficiaries, with- out any regard for the beneficiaries'preferences.'o Throughout the nineteenth century, and into the twentieth, the vast majority of philanthropic field-workers were married women, who, in their class-assigned domestic roles, were likely to have grown accustomed to their duties as moral guardians. For these women, charity work may well have seemed a natural extension of their roles as middle- class mothers. "Providence seems to have ordained woman as a messenger of kindness and a dispenser of charity," a philanthropist declared in a local news- paper in 1877.11 This view was typified by the Bethany Home, a .,temporary home for respectable women," which directed the matrons on its staff "to establish and maintain a healthful physical, social, and spiritual home life" for the women who boarded there.'' Although middle-class married women did not ordinarily work outside rhe home, the nature of philanthropic work allowed it to fit neatly into the more accept- able category of "volunteer" or "nonprofessional" benevolence work. Thus the Rhode Island Nursery Association for Homeless Infants was directed completely by women, and twenty-seven of the thirty directors on its board in 1893 were married.t3 Because volunteerism of this sort was considered an extension of women's natural benevolence and nurturing, work training was rarely offered. As well-to-do volunteers, few required wages for their work; the only women who were paid were those who took up residence as nurses or matrons. Com- pared to what her few male counterparts were paid, a matron's wages were meager. ln L896 the live-in matron at the Rhode Island Nursery received an annual salary of 5178.25, which could not have covered her expenses had she lived on her own.to Philanthropic work in Providence during the early years of the twentieth century had changed little from what it had been during the nineteenth century, except in one major way: new strategies of poor relief had been devised to deal with the increasing population of immigrants who were settling in the city. The immi- gration of southern and eastern Europeans-most notably southern ltalians- would cause the Society for Organizing Charity to develop new methods of r 702 FEDERAL HILL HOUSE relief tailored to the needs of these newcomers. The Immigrant Education Bureau, founded by the Union for christian work in 1911, dedicated its effo-. specifically to this new surge of immigrants in Providence. Recognizing thar these immigrants needed assistance almost immediately, bureau workers mei them at dockside. According to a 1913 report, Providence presents the problem of being a port of entry without an immigrant station. . . . Among those released after examination by government officials, we frequentiy found large families with small children, while waiting for their baggage to be examined, subjected to inclement weather and kept without food for many hours, in a large open shed, which at first had neither heating nor lighting. . . . Circulars of information in the foreign languages have been distributed, telling the immigrants of our willingness to direct them to their proper destinations.'j Having tended to the immigrants' immediate needs at the port of entry, bureau workers set about preaching the importance of middle-class standards of virtue and industry, couching their lessons in terms of "good citizenship" and "manda- tory Americanization." According to these exhortations, good citizenship required adherence to a middle-class work ethic and standard of propriety. Immigrants were inundated with information about American schools and other institutions, and they were urged to attend evening school to learn the English language and American culture. They were also warned that the law required them to enroll their children in school. Carrying our a bureau-created program called "children tracing," volunteers recorded the names of all children disem- barking at the port of Providence, and checks were later made to ascertain that these children had been enrolled in American schools and were "under the proper influences." In pursuit of its mission, the bureau supported a library, from which "emanatefd] a wholesome and educational influence of great benefit to the community," and it sponsored lectures on such topics as "Opportunities in the U.S.," "Abraham Lincoln," and "Our Political Institutions and the Duties of the Citizen," all with the intention of developing a working-class version of model citizenship.16 Other programs of the bureau-such as lectures on contagious diseases, infant care, and the intricacies of workmen's compensation-sought to satisfy the immigrants' more direct needs. But these undertakings paled in comparison to the attempts to "Americanize" immigrants with class-distinct notions of good citizenship. In Providence, Americanization remained a unidirectionai process of cultural influence; friendly visitors came to the tenements and demonstrated "American" housecleaning, child care, and cookery, without giving much thought to whether immigrant men and women had valuable lessons to teach in return. @@@* @ Throughout the country, phiianthropists attributed poverty, licentiousness, and intemperance more and more to the rise of industrialization. Believing that the morality of a whole class of urban industrial workers needed reforming, thel- approached this task from several directions. As early as 1883, Unitarian minis- ters in Providence were attempting to provide more "uplifting" alternative leisure activities to working-class men who customarily sought diversion in saloons and gambling halls." Middle-class women attacked the moral laxity of the working class from directly inside the home, where mothers could instill more industri- ous "American" values into their children. Volunteers attempted to inculcate 103 FEDERAL HILL HOUSE this working-class version of republican motherhood through a network of "working girls' clubs," organizations that originated in the largest industrial cities and eventually made their way to medium-sized cities like providence. In many ways these clubs resembled the philanthropic efforts of the nineteenth century; iike the earlier undertakings, the clubs were staffed by middle-class women who tried to make the behavior and values of working women resemble their own. Modeled after the women's clubs of the middle class, the working girls' clubs encouraged emulation of the activities and decorum of the more privileged voiunteers. For a minimal monthly fee, members had access to a librarn classes in household management, and wholesome entertainment, all of which were designed to impart middle-class ideals of feminine citizenship." In 1887 Alida Sprague gathered middle-class volunteers and twenty-three working girls and women and organized the Mount Pleasant'Working Girls' Club in Providence. Sprague served as president and Harriet Richards as vice president for the club's first thirteen years. Most of the volunteers were women who resided on the affluent East Side of town; only one woman-the head worker-lived on the premises at 7 Armington Avenue.re As women "who had many opportunities and some leisure," the volunteers felt a moral obligation to "meet with those of their sisters who passed busier days in closer contact with the hard- ships of life," according to an early club report.2O By 1890 the Mount Pleasant club had raised funds to send two delegates to the New York Convention of Working Girls' Clubs, thus formally joining the reform movemenr that was already thriving in the nation's larger cities. By then the club had a hundred working-class members. Like the clubs in larger cities, the Mount Pleasant club offered ahbrary, classes in domestic science, and whole- sorne leisure activities. Its programs, originally oriented toward women, soon shifted focus to provide recreation for the whole family. In 1907 the club-now renamed Sprague House after its founder and honorary president- The Mount Pleasant'Working Girls' Club-latet was conducting sewing, dramatic, and gymnastic classes for girls and a debat- renamed Sprague House-was organized in 1887. ing society for boys. 'Women were urged to attend meetings of the Nfomen's It moued into its newly buib "Club House" at Progressive Club, while men were encouraged to congregate in the house's 7 Armington Auenue two years later. Halftone iz Report of Sprague House Association and smoking room or library as an alternative to the saloon. on Sundays the house Federal Hill House Association. 1911. RIHS held "smoke talks" for men or a "serious lecture" on "civics, or some kindred Collection (RHi X3 8591). subject" for both sexes.21 Like the Immigrant Education Bureau, sprague House designed its programs to promote middle-class ideals of citizenship among working-class families. In addition to their commitment to working-class men and women in Mount Pleasant, Alida Sprague and others soon recognized an even greater need for their services among the growing colony of immigrants in the neighboring dis- trict of Federal Hill. The years between 1890 andL920 brought an influx of southern italian immigrants to Providence, the majority of whom settled within Federal Hill's 1llz-square-mile area. By 1905 eighteen thousand Italian,born immigrants resided there; by 1916 that number had grown to more than forty thousand.z2 Many of these residents lived in severely unhealthy conditions, sus- F 104 FEDERAL HILL HOUSE ceptible to malnutrition and the contagious diseases that swept through rhe-r cramped tenements. Moreover, in the eyes of locai philanthropists, the imm:- grants were facing serious difficulties of another kind as well, for they lackec the cultural resources required for enjoying the benefits of an "American" u'-i of life. Believing that programs could be organized that would help to assimi- late the Italian immigrants into American society as productive and upstandi: citizens, in 1910 the directors of Sprague House founded an Italian Departme: which began servicing Federal Hill's growing Italian population from a fi'e- room apartment at 417 Atwells Avenue.23 The Italian Department's programs were of two types: those for immediate health needs, and longer-term pro- grams of Americanization. Italians in Federal Hill enthu siastically embraced the health programs, crearing enoue demand for their expansion. ln 1912 a Babies Consultatir Clinic was opened at the Atwells Avenue location, wirh certified nurses and doctors to advise mothers on prope child care for weil babies.,o But the objective of the clini changed when it became clear that almost all the babies being brought there were not well and required medical attention. By 1915 the clinic reported that fifteen hundre sick babies had been registered to receive immediate car with thirty-five to forty mothers awaiting assisrance ar any given time. \fhen the clinic determined that spoiled milk was responsible for many of the infants' ailments. . milk station was established at the Atwells Avenue site.: Residents who grew up in Federal Hill recalled the babie clinic and milk station fondly. Tony Marrocco declared that he would "never forget the days when free milk rva distributed to everyone who was in need."25 Ugo Gasbarr remembered the lines of chiidren waiting for milk at the ln response to the growing population ctf Italian station and recalled that "the people [Sprague workersl immigrants on Federal Hill, Sprague House were very nice to us."2'The popularity of the health programs offered by the established an Italian Department at'417 Italian Department attested to the desperare need for immediate and uncondi- Atuells Auenue in 1910. Federal Hill House tional medical care in Federal Hill. was formally incorporated at that location in 1911. Halftone llz Report of Sprague House In contrast to the health programs' popularity, the programs in Americanizatior Association and Federal Hill House Association, met more ambiguous and mixed reactions. Although the larger objectives of 1914. RIHS Collection (RHi X3 8592). these programs were not explicitly stated to immigrants, Elizabeth Haight, the Italian Department's head worker, asserted in her reports that the recreational activities and domestic instruction offered to residents were designed to nurtur high standards of citizenship. Haight saw the work of the department as parrioi: service rendered for a grearer national cause, and she described her middle-cla, volunteers as true patriots.ts To Haight, the Americanization of immigrants s-as a necessary nationwide objective, both to maintain the standards of middle-c1as American life and to improve the immigrant's own standard of living. Althoug sensitive to the hardships and inadequacies of the immigrant's life, she felt thar only through Americanization could they be remedied: 'We are forced to admit that in this place and time the foreigner is getting the worsr of it. He lives in the worsr houses in the city. coming as he does with hopes of democracy and America, he is given the most corrupt ward politics in place of civic duty. Education itself is often ill adapted to his rndustrial future and his amuse- 105 FEDERAL HILL HOUSE ments are cheapest and most objectionable. 'worst of all he never glimpses an American home nor associates with a gentreman. . . . The Meltinfpot cannot melt without the heat of mixing.r, Alice'ilf. cooper, the Italian Department's secretary, put the argument for Americanization bluntly; "This is America, and life is not the same here as in sunny Italy. N7e have different standards of iiving and a different social attitude.,,30 The Italian Department's programs for men and boys were created to mold ideal male American citizens; they served as alternatives to popular leisure pur- suits, which Haight believed bred "ignorance, brutality, and venality." ,,Most. . . new arrivals [to the Italian colony on Federal Hill] find only saioons, pool rooms and the street," she lamented. "A chance to read, to know a good m".r, to be " social being is what thousands of these men need to make them good citizens.,, Thus the Atwells Avenue apartment had a small library and offered its facilities to groups of men or boys who wished to congregate for dinners, singing, or social gatherings. In Haight's mind such alternatives were better i.rflrrerrces ,rpo1 the foreign-born than the picture show or dance hall.,' Haight argued that idle- ness in boys caused the proliferation of neighborhood ,,hang-outs,', gambling, riots, and arrests, and she insisted upon the need for boys' athletic and social clubs. The house offered a saturday morning music crub and a weekly evening ciub for boys in its attempt to keep them off the streets. Annual reports reveal that these activities were popular and brought the same boys back to the house regulariy. Nevertheless, sensing the apprehension of many parents in letting their sons participate in such programs, Haight and her workers found it necessary to hold "a mass meeting for the purpose of explaining to parents and others the objects of the house, the problems of youth and ways tf meeting them.,, "our own boys' club though small is a brilliant contrast to the other neighbor- hood clubs, many of which are thoroughly objectionabre," she argued. ,,our boys make their own rules against swearing and rough conduct nr. growing rapidly in responsibility and character."r, "rrd,h.y The Italian Department offered women and girls ,,industrial,' classes in home economy and housekeeping to provide the skills necessary for meeting ,.American,' standards of living in the tenements. In 1912 Cooper spoke with satisfaction of the classes and their instruction in middle-class domesticity: The industrial classes at the house were . . . mosr successful. These included the sewing, mending and darning, and housekeeping classes. These housekeeping lessons covered elementary cleaning work to all parts of the house, with advanced work in cooking and management. Two supper classes were conducted in this con- nection. one group was given a course in personal hygiene with the ,,bedroom course. "rJ "we have given a large number of cooking and dress-making lessons ro young brides and young mothers," Haight reported in 1913. The foliowing year she announced that "the work with young mothers in cooking, sewing and the care of infants is intermittent but most gratifying. r7e hope to interest ihe Italian mothers in other things as well.",o Adolescent girls attended classes that taught them how to be ideal American housewives and mothers. Hosting teas for their own mothers at the Atwells Avenue tenement on Saturday afternoons, they came early to arrange flowers, fold napkins, and be instructed on the "proper" ways to entertain. A felv younger girls were selected by public school officials and the Italian Department to attend "diet" (nutrition and hygiene) classes. chosen because they were