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united states africa command and human security in africa kester chukwuma onor PDF

445 Pages·2016·3.4 MB·English
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UNITED STATES AFRICA COMMAND AND HUMAN SECURITY IN AFRICA KESTER CHUKWUMA ONOR BSc (Hons) Political Science, MSc Political Science Thesis Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) in the School of Social Sciences, College of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa Supervisor: Dr Alison Jones Co-Supervisor: Dr Sadiki Maeresera February, 2016 DECLARATION I, Kester Chukwuma Onor declare that: (i) The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original work. (ii) This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. (iii) This thesis does not contain other persons’ data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other persons. (iv) This thesis does not contain other persons’ writings, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: (a) their words have been re-written but the general information attributed to them has been referenced; (b) where their exact words have been used, their writing has been placed inside quotations marks and referenced. (v) Where I have reproduced a publication of which I am an author, co- author or editor, I have indicated in detail which part of the publication was actually written by myself alone and have fully referenced such publications. (vi) This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the sources being detailed in the dissertation and in the references sections Signed…………………………………….Date………………………………… Supervisor…………………………………………………………………………. Signed…………………………………….Date………………………………… Co-Supervisor…………………………………………………………………… Signed……………………………………..Date………………………………… ii ABSTRACT Since 2005, the United States (US) has shifted its justification for the militarization of the African continent to the more humanitarian security-development discourse. This apparent paradigmatic shift presents the United States African Command as more benign than it may be. However, the response to the emergence of United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) has ranged from wholesale condemnation to selective criticism of US policy. Skeptics of AFRICOM cite previous US military forays in Africa which led to a disproportionate development of military institutions relative to instruments of civilian rule. Others see AFRICOM as a naked attempt to exert American control over Africa’s valuable natural resources (Taguem, 2010, Esterhuyse, 2008, Isike, Uzodike and Gilbert, 2008, 2009). On 11th July 2009, while addressing Ghana’s Parliament, President Barack Obama remarked that Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at war but nonetheless, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. He reiterated that America has responsibility to ameliorate the deplorable human security condition of Africans not just in words, but with support that strengthens Africans’ capacity (President Obama’s address to Ghana’s Parliament July 11, 2009). In his 2010 National Security Strategy (NNS), President Obama called for partnership with African nations as they grow their economies, and strengthen their democratic institutions and governance. In June 2012, he approved Presidential policy directives that outline his vision for sub- Saharan Africa. The stated pillars of US strategy towards Africa are to strengthen democratic institutions, to spur economic growth, trade and investment, advancement of peace and security, and the promotion of opportunities and development by promoting food security and transforming Africa’s public health system (US.Strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa, 2012). The achievement of these stated goals is incumbent on the third goal which AFRICOM is expected to spearhead. Africans predominantly see Washington’s profession of concern for development and security as transparent cover for hegemonic assertions of “Imperialist power” (Stevenson, 2011:28). However, these debates have been based on conjectures informed by a historical review of major power involvement with Africa. There is a iii need to move from these conjectural debates to provide empirical details of AFRICOM activities and their consequences for human security in Africa. This study therefore contributes to this debate by investigating AFRICOM’s activities since its formation in 2007. The series of activities by AFRICOM on the continent and its intervention in security situations in Libya, Mali, Nigeria and Somalia makes this study very promising in light of the study’s engagement with the strategic possibilities of AFRICOM through a critical review of the objective security conditions in Africa within a changing global security context. The research identifies the nexus between AFRICOM and human security in Africa. By doing so, it articulates the security concerns of African States and contributes to discussions on, and practices of, alternative ways of providing human security to African people(s). This study argues that the lopsided power relationship between the United States of America and Africa engendered the imposition of AFRICOM on Africans without due consultation with the African Union (AU), while the multi-faceted challenges of poverty, inter-ethnic conflicts, religious intolerance, trans-border crimes and terrorist attacks in Africa induced the US government to categorize the continent as zone of conflicts from whence threats to US stability emanate. The thesis also argues that the successful securitization of these threats by United States government engendered the creation of USAFRICOM. The study constructs the above arguments on historical, exploratory, descriptive and critical foundations. The research contains a substantial amount of fieldwork data on which it bases an empirical evaluation and analysis. iv DEDICATION This Work is dedicated to the Almighty GOD for His ever abiding presence, His leading and faithfulness, His mercies upon my life and His marvelous and continuous help. Oh LORD, I remain eternally grateful for the abundance of all things. To my beloved mother Mrs Joy Nwachi Onor (Ezigbo Nnem Oma), my mentor and Uncle Col. Victor Chinedu Ndulue, I am exceedingly grateful to both of you and I pray that the almighty LORD will reward you abundantly. v Acknowledgments The research and writing of this PhD thesis could not have been successfully completed without the invaluable contributions of my supervisors. To Dr Alison Jones I owe a particular debt of gratitude. I am sincerely grateful for her continuous guidance and support throughout this long and solitary journey. I thoroughly enjoyed working with her and found her an inspiration for both her vast knowledge and patience. I will never be able to show appreciation enough for her willingness to take on this interesting yet controversial and, at times, difficult project. My heartfelt thanks also go to Dr Sadiki Maeresera who, in his role as supervisor, nurtured this project with insightful suggestions and encouraging comments. The depth and breadth of his knowledge is nothing short of astounding and his encouragement and guidance were invaluable throughout. I would like to give special thanks to the Social Sciences Research Council (SSRC) for the award of Next Generation’s SSRC Dissertation Fellowship 2015-2016 which facilitated the timely completion of this project. My special thanks go to Chief Bernard Chinedu Okekeigwe (Ezechinedo) for his financial support, my mentor, Prof. Ufo Okeke Uzodike, his amiable wife Dr Uju Ufo-Okeke Uzodike and my good friends and sisters Miss Victoria Akudo Onyegbula and Miss Rechel Omoruyi for their massive spiritual support. I also like to appreciate my Dean and Head: School of Social Sciences, Prof. Stephen Mutula. My heart-felt appreciation goes to LT. Gen. Chikadibia Obiakor (RTD) and Gen. Festus Okonkwo whom I consider as a good father. My thanks go to the Dr Remi Emmanuel Aiyede for his unquantifiable investment in my career and his insistence that I venture into the field of peace and security. My special thanks to the ECOWAS military chief of staff Gen. Hassan Lai, who extended unlimited assistance by helping to arrange a large number of valuable interviews to enrich this research. Moreover, I would like to recognise and express gratitude to my brilliant friends who read through early manuscripts of this document. I wish to thank my resident Pastor, Pastor Stanley Nkwoji, my fellow labourers in the LORD’s vineyard, Pastor David Yemi, Pastor Timothy Akindeji, Pastor Akinola Ikudayisi, Pastor Osayande Odaro vi Dr Nneka Ofoma, Mark Rieker, Mr Chika Igilige, Dcn Emmanuel Obodoechi, Mr Chuba Adigo, Mr and Mrs Ife Adegunloye and the entire members of Winners Chapel International Durban branch for their invaluable encouragements, valid comments and tireless prayers. I am indeed privileged to count them as my family and friends. I am deeply obliged to my brothers Tochukwu, Uchenna and chukwunnonso and sisters Mrs Ogechukwu Obijekwu and Miss Grace Onor for their enduring support and unceasing encouragement from the very beginning of this study. They were instrumental in raising my spirits and helping to bring this project to a successful close. Finally, I wish to remember my late father Chief Eric Ndubuisi Onor (Obuzoba- onweya) who passed away in my first year of preparing this thesis. I would like to express my limitless thanks for his unwavering love and support since my early days in high school and, most of all, for his constant encouragement. This publication was made possible by support from the Social Science Research Council’s Next Generation Social Sciences in Africa Fellowship, with funds provided by Carnegie Corporation of New York. vii LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS AQIM Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb AU African Union ACRI African Crisis Response Initiative ACOTA Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance ACRF African Crisis Response Force AGOA African Growth and Opportunity Act APS Africa Partnership Station AAPC All African People’s Congress AfDB African Development Bank APFO Adequate Public Facilities Ordinance AQAP Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula APRM African Peer Review Mechanism ANC African National Congress AOPIG African Oil Policy Initiative Group ACOTA Africa Contingency Operation Training and Assistance ADAPT Africa Deployment Assistance Partnership Team CA Constitutive Acts CA Commission for Africa CAADP Comprehensive African Agriculture and Development Programme CAQDAS Computer Assisted Quantitative Data Analysis Software CAR Central African Republic CENTCOM Central Command CHS Committee on Human Security CJTF-HOA Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa CS Copenhagen School CPRC Chronic Poverty Research Centre CGAR Crisis Group African Report CPA Comprehensive Peace Agreement CSSDCA Conference on Security Stability Development and Cooperation in Africa CIA Central Intelligence Agency viii CDC Centre for Disease Control CIPA Contribution to International Peace keeping Activities CJOA Combined Joint Operation Area CONUS Continental United States DFID Department for International Development DoD Department of Defense DoS Department of States DRC Democratic Republic of Congo DHS Department of Health Service DCMA Deputy to the Commander for Civil-Military Activities DCMO Deputy to the Commander for Military Operations EUCOM European Command ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States ECOSOCC Economic Social and Cultural Council ECOMOG Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group EIA Energy Information Administration EEZ Exclusive Economic Zone FRELIMO Frente de Libertação de Moçambique FOA Food and Agriculture Organization FGT Four-Gamete Test FLNM Northern Mali Liberation Front FIDH International Federation for Human Rights FMF Foreign Military Financing FMS Foreign Military Sales FOC Full Operating Capacity GAO Government Accountability Office GWOT Global War on Terror GSPC Groupe Salafiste Pour la Predication et le Combat GDP Gross Domestic Product GSP Generalized System Preferences GIA Armed Islamic Group GFM Global Force Management HA Humanitarian Assistance HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus HIPC Heavily Indebted Poor Countries ix HDI Human Development Index HRW Human Rights Watch IADB Inter-American Development Bank ICU Islamic Courts Union IDP Internally Displaced Person IMF International Monetary Fund IRC Internet Relay Chat IMET International Military Education and Training IPT Integrated Process Team IOC Initial Operating Capacity JEM Justice and Equity Movement JFCOM Joint Force Command LANTCOM US Atlantic Command LRA Lord’s Resistance Army MCA Millennium Challenge Account MCC Millennium Challenge Corporation MDGs Millennium Development Goals MDRI Multilateral Debt Relief Initiatives MNA National Movement of Azawad MNLA National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad MPA Azawad People’s Movement MNC Multi National Corporation MPLA Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola MUJAO Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NAVAF Naval Force Africa NEPAD New Partnership for African Development NIH National Institute of Health NPFL National Patriotic Front of Liberia NRM-A National Resistance Movement-Army NSR National Security Review NSS National Security Strategy OCRS Organization Commune des Regions Sahariennes OSAA Office of the Special Adviser on Africa OAU Organisation of African Unity x

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Africans' capacity (President Obama's address to Ghana's Parliament July 11, 2009). In his 2010 National Lippman sees national security as the nation's ability to secure her core values and if threatened, to .. religious groups is coterminous with the idea of human security. Individuals and sub-.
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