Understanding the London Corresponding Society: A Balancing Act between Adversaries Thomas Paine and Edmund Burke by Jocelyn B. Hunt A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2013 © Jocelyn B. Hunt 2013 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This thesis examines the intellectual foundation of the London Corresponding Society’s (LCS) efforts to reform Britain's Parliamentary democracy in the 1790s. The LCS was a working population group fighting for universal male suffrage and annual parliaments in a decade that was wrought with internal social and governmental tension. Many Britons, especially the aristocracy and those in the government, feared the spread of ideas of republicanism and equality from revolutionary France and responded accordingly by oppressing the freedom of speech and association. At first glance, the LCS appears contradictory: it supported the hierarchical status quo but fought for the voice and representation of the people; and it believed that the foundation for rights was natural but also argued its demands for equal rights were drawn from Britain’s ancient unwritten constitution. This thesis contextualizes these ideas using a contemporary debate, the Burke-Paine controversy, as Edmund Burke was the epitome of eighteenth century conservative constitutionalism in Reflections on the Revolution in France while Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man represented a Lockean interpretation of natural rights and equality. Thus using Reflections and Rights of Man as a framework, this thesis demonstrates that the LCS thoroughly understood its demands for parliamentary reform and uniformly applied its interpretation of natural rights and equality to British constitutionalism and the social and governmental hierarchies. iii Acknowledgements I am fortunate to have many people to thank for their support and encouragement throughout this project, but I will highlight just a few. The Tri-University program truly focuses on helping students achieve their goals, and I want to thank Donna Lang especially for her ongoing assistance and great conversations. To my committee, Dr. Gary Bruce and Dr. Amy Milne-Smith, thank-you for your thought-provoking questions and suggestions, you both provided important considerations for this and future projects. Mostly importantly, though, I am grateful to my supervisor Dr. Dan Gorman, whose mentoring through our discussions, both specific and abstract, guided me with ease into the field of intellectual history. His insightful questions and comments helped me produce a thesis I am proud of. On a more personal note, I must thank my mom for her unwavering support in so many ways, big and small. My mom has always taught me to improve myself and strive for bigger goals, both of which contributed to me realizing my dream of studying history at the graduate level; and will continue to impact my life. To Ashley Hunt, my sister and friend: your wisdom in life and school knows no limits. I could not have asked for a better colleague or friend during my Master’s than Elliot Worsfold. I am very thankful for his willingness to take a coffee break and look at my work, but I will never be able to thank him enough for changing how I look at history. Geoff Keelan showed me that another person can make you and your work much better. So often he acted as a sounding board when I needed to think aloud, and his penetrating questions made me consider my work in an entirely different light. Without Geoff this project would be different, likely not yet complete, and I would be slightly less sane; thank-you Geoff, for being both supportive and motivating. iv Table of Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter One: The Men Behind the Ideas ...................................................................................... 32 Chapter Two: Society and Government ........................................................................................ 47 Chapter Three: The People ........................................................................................................... 68 Chapter Four: The LCS as Constitutionalists ............................................................................... 83 Chapter Five: Natural Rights and Constitutionalism .................................................................. 103 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................. 119 Bibliography ............................................................................................................................... 125 v Introduction In 1799, the London Corresponding Society (LCS) was officially disbanded by the government after a mere seven years. After attempting an underground meeting in November, 1800 without success,1 the largest and most active British parliamentary reform association in the 1790s was permanently dissolved. Its demise was a result of Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger’s fears of a revolution in Britain. With An Act for the more effectual suppression of societies established for seditious and treasonable Purposes; and for better preventing treasonable and seditious practices , the Pitt Government ended the assembly of all extra- parliamentary reformist associations, specifically naming the LCS, United Englishmen, United Scottsmen, and United Irishmen.2 What did the LCS do to deserve a legislative act specifically aimed at ending its existence? Violent riots? Attempted revolution? Anti-government rhetoric? No, it was simply convinced that “a thorough Parliamentary Reform would remove every grievance under which [they laboured]” and it could use constitutional methods to restore the right of universal male suffrage, annual parliaments, and a more representative government system.3 Seven years earlier, the shoemaker Thomas Hardy formed the LCS 25 January 1792. After considering American Revolutionary ideas and reading political tracts from the Society for 1 Mary Thale, Selections from the Papers of the London Corresponding Society, 1792-1799, Edited and notes by Mary Thale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 451. 2 39 Geo III, c. 79 sect. 27 in Joseph Davis, A Digest of Legislative Enactments Relating to the Society of Friends, Commonly Called Quakers, in England, with Occasional Observations and Notes, (London: Edward Marsh, 1849), 16, at the Columbia University Libraries from Internet Archives Online. 3 LCS, Address to the nation, from the London Corresponding Society, on the subject of a thorough Parliamentary Reform; Together with the Resolutions which were passed at a General meeting of the Society; Held on Monday, the 8th of July, 1793. At the Crown and Anchor Tavern Strand (London: LCS, 1793), from the British Library at Eighteenth Century Collections Online, 7. 1 Constitutional Information (SCI) as well as from other “realy [sic] great men,” Hardy realized “it was very evident that a radical reform in parliament was quite necessary”. To achieve reform, it was necessary to form a society including “all classes and descriptions of men…”4 Hardy’s revelation was shared by many across Great Britain and Ireland where numerous urban and provincial reform societies formed in the early years of the 1790s. In Britain, the 1790s was a decade ripe for internal turmoil. Britons heard about the equality achieved in the American Revolution and the rights being demanded by French Revolutionaries. Many of the grievances felt by the American colonists and French people were also felt in Britain. The previously quiet and unrepresented masses were becoming more aware and active as they realized that without political representation their social or economic grievances may not be addressed. While there were a few revolutionary and somewhat violent groups in Britain, largely the Britons associating for some level of change were reformists.5 The French Revolution inspired the responses of Britons from all walks of life. Pamphleteers and politicians debated the potential impact of the Revolution on Britain as well as 4 Thomas Hardys account of the origin of the London Corresponding Society (1799), British Library Add MSS 27814, 5. (Author’s italics) 5 For example, the United Irishmen (UI), a Dublin-based group originally formed to gain parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation, diligently attempted to work with British groups, but their quick turn towards a “secret revolutionary organisation determined to establish a non-sectarian republic in Ireland” alienated the non-violent British reformers. Nancy J. Curtin, “The Transformation of the Society of the United Irishmen into a Mass-Based Revolutionary Organisation, 1794-96,” Irish Historical Studies 24:96 (Nov., 1985), 463 (463-492). Also, in a LCS letter to the Birmingham Corresponding Society, the LCS showed their distaste that a fellow corresponding society was propagating revolutionary aims and riots. “LCS to Birmingham Corresponding Society 17 July 1795,” from LCS, The correspondence of the London Corresponding Society revised and corrected, with explanatory notes and a prefatory letter, by the Committee of Arrangement, Deputed For That Purpose: published for the use of members, Pursuant To The 17th Article Of The Society's Regulations, at the Harvard University Houghton Library from Eighteenth Century Collections Online, 32. All future correspondence from this folio will be noted with: “in LCS, The correspondence of the London Corresponding Society revised and corrected.” 2 the scale and nature of the British reaction. While there were hundreds of published works, the best known early response was Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France. The notoriety of Reflections was a combination of the perspective and the writer, and is considered one of the founding tracts of modern conservatism.6 Burke feared the spread of revolutionary ideas that would decimate values he believed Britons held dear. He argued that the French ancien regime must be reinstated, explaining that the degradation of France was a consequence of lacking a strong constitution like Britain’s, where hereditary succession, historical precedents, and the constitutional monarchy ensured Britain maintained its balance and strength.7 Further, as a formerly prominent Whig Party member and regular conservative writer, Burke already had a potential audience ready to read Reflections. Numerous other writers published their perspective of the French Revolution as well as many who responded directly to Burke. Thomas Paine, influential in the American Revolution because of Common Sense and the series The American Crisis, had begun writing a pamphlet hoping to expose Britons to the great French revolutionary ideas, but altered his course to reply directly to Burke. In Rights of Man, Paine attacked Burke’s idolization of the unwritten British Constitution, and Paine applauded the French Revolutionaries as they were fighting for the natural rights of all men and pursued a republic which Paine saw as the only truly democratic system.8 While Burke and Paine were but two of many important writers during the Great Revolutionary Debates in the 1790s, they were two of the most 6 Russell Kirk, “Burke and Natural Rights,” The Review of Politics 13:4 (Oct., 1951), 456. 7 Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France, And on the Proceedings in Certain Societies in London Relative to that Event (1790), edited and introduction by Conor Cruise O’Brien (USA: Penguin Books, 2004), 325, 375, 111, 117, 372. 8 Thomas Paine, Rights of man: being an answer to Mr. Burke's attack on the French Revolution. By Thomas Paine, secretary for foreign affairs to Congress in the American war, and author of the work entitled Common sense (1791) at the British Library from Eighteenth Century Collections Online, 28, 69, 55, 76. 3 prominent writers for they represented two divisive perspectives: constitutionalism9 and natural rights. These works impacted Britain in the 1790s because they opened a public discourse on the nature of the British government and its constitution. Works such as Rights of Man were accessible to the average uneducated Briton because the language was simpler than Burke’s eloquent writing, and writers like Paine also called on Britons to rally against their government and demand equal rights. While historians debate whether Britons formed reformist associations because of Paine’s rallying cry, the spread of natural rights ideas from France, or to redress their grievances, new parliamentary reform societies soon formed across England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland.10 This surge of working population reform associations are often described as either the last decade of eighteenth century reformists or the first decade of nineteenth century radical associations. The eighteenth century reformists were largely dominated by aristocratic or upper 9 The use of ‘constitutionalism’ in this thesis is defined by Glenn Burgess: constitutionalism is “a political theory that required all political action, including that of kings, to be in conformity with the law, and which provided legal remedies for dealing with actinos that were note.” This is the basis of a ‘constitutionalist,’ but it will be demonstrated that the LCS was constitutionalists beyond this basic definition, for they understood the basic principles of the constitution and fought to restore them. See: Chapter Two and Three. Glenn Burgess, The Politics of the Ancient Constitution: An Introduction to English Political Thought, 1603-1642, (Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1992), 89. 10 For Paine see: John Belchem, “Republicanism, Popular Constitutionalism and the Radical Platform in Early Nineteenth Century England,” Social History 6:1 (Jan., 1981): 1-3 and Gwyn A. Williams, Artisans and Sans- Culottes, Popular Movements in France and Britain during the French Revolution, (London: Cox & Wyman Ltd., 1968), 67. For France see: Albert Goodwin, The Friends of Liberty: The English Democratic Movement in the Age of the French Revolution, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), 20; J. Ann Hone, For the Cause of Truth: Radicalism in London 1796-1821, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 11; and The French Revolution and British Popular Politics, edited by Mark Philp (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). For socio-economic factors see: James A. Epstein, “The Constitutional Idiom: Radical Reasoning, Rhetoric and Action in Early Nineteenth-Century England,” Journal of Social History 23:3 (Spring, 1990), 556; Walter Phelps Hall, British Radicalism, 1791-1797, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976) (First edition: 1912), 13; and Eugene Charlton Black, The Association: British Extraparliamentary Political Organization, 1766-1793, (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1963), 3. 4 ranked11 men calling for moderate parliamentary reforms like household male suffrage.12 Their demands were typically focused on the same political changes seen in the 1790s, but they denied membership to working population men through high membership fees and also strictly controlled who could voice their opinions at meetings.13 The nineteenth century radicals were working population men calling for similar political reforms, but diverged in two important aspects. First, the eighteenth century era of reform and the radical societies in the 1790s distinguish themselves from nineteenth century radicals because of the earlier emphasis on petitions as the primary means of achieving a redress of grievances.14 Second, later reformists had additional demands, such as the Chartists who sought to repeal the Poor Laws and ‘torch- light’ meetings in 1838 challenging factory masters.15 The reformers in the 1790s, and the LCS specifically, was a party to both reform movements. The LCS focussed on parliamentary reform and petitions like their predecessors, but their internal organization was more democratic, for their structure was a reflection of their demands for equality. Furthermore, while they happily accepted assistance from aristocrats who desired more equality as well, the LCS worked hard to 11 The decision to use ‘rank’ instead of ‘class’ when discussing social distinctions is twofold: First, while I heed historian James Thompson’s observation that “much writing on the language of class lays great stress on this transition from rank to class. It is undeniably the case that talk of rank comes to seem obsolete and archaic.” It is, at the same time, anachronistic to discuss the social ranks as individuals classes in Britain during the 1790s. Second, this thesis concludes that the LCS, as an organization, did not identify with a working class consciousness, thus it would anachronistic to use a term or concept that the LCS itself did not use nor identify with. James Thompson, “After the Fall: Class and Political Language in Britain, 1780-1900,” The Historical Journal 39:3 (Sep., 1996), 799. 12 H.T. Dickinson, British Radicalism and the French Revolution, 1789-1815, (Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd., 1985), 5. 13 SCI, An Address to the Public, from the Society for Constitutional Information, (London: SCI, c. 1780), at the Cambridge University Library from Eighteenth Century Collections Online, 3-5; and Richard. W. Davis, Political Change and Continuity, 1760-1885: A Buckinghamshire Study, (Hamden, Connecticut United States: Archon Books, 1972). 14 In John Belchem’s discussion of nineteenth century radical platforms, he emphasizes that radical rhetoric moved away from the language of petitioning with mass platforms becoming a “mad collective of violence.” Belchem, “Republicanism, Popular Constitutionalism and the Radical Platform,” 1-32. 15 Epstein, “The Constitutional Idiom,” 561. 5