UC San Diego Working Papers Title Frontier Hybridization or Culture Clash?: Trans-national Migrant Communities and Sub- national Identity Politics in Andalusia, Spain Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/20p4h3dr Author Dietz, Gunther Publication Date 2001-02-01 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California CCIS THE CENTER FOR COMPARATIVE IMMIGRATION STUDIES Frontier Hybridization or Culture Clash?: Trans-national Migrant Communities and Sub-national Identity Politics in Andalusia, Spain By Gunther Dietz Visiting Fellow, Center for Comparative Immigration Studies Working Paper No. 35 February, 2001 Revised Version Published in the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 30, Nº 6, pp. 1087-1112 (2004). University of California-San Diego La Jolla, California 92093-0548 FRONTIER HYBRIDIZATION OR CULTURE CLASH?: Trans-national migrant communities and sub-national identity politics in Andalusia, Spain Gunther Dietz University of Granada Visiting Scholar, Center for Comparative Immigration Studies Introduction As part of a larger project on the role played by local civil society and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the design and implementation of specific integration policies for migrant communities in the southern Spanish region of Andalusia 1, in this paper the support activities the Andalusian voluntary associations and NGOs have been realizing for the last years in the domain of non-EU immigration are analyzed in the context of increasing xenophobic and muslimophobic tendencies observable inside Andalusian society. Currently, these recently emerging muslimophobic movements, which tend to combine narrowly localist and Spanish nationalist identity horizons with an emphasis on Catholicism as a decisive "ethnic marker" of Spanish-ness, are being countered by Andalusian regionalist strategies of muslimophilia, which claim that a "return of Islam" and/or the pluri-religious legacy of Al-Andalus will empower the region's ongoing search of a supra-local, but sub-national and non-Castilian common identity. As a point of departure, in the following the dilemma of the currently predominant dualized identity theories is sketched and dimensions for a comparative analysis of processes of migrant as well as non-migrant identity construction are briefly presented. Building upon these dimensions, the specific context and problematics of migrant 2 community formation is illustrated for the Andalusian region, which is then contrasted with the "identity politics" of the non-migrant Andalusian host society and its struggle for increasing and stabilizing regional autonomy inside the Spanish state. The subsequent, contemporary ethnization of intercultural conflicts resulting from native versus migrant identity politics in Andalusia is illustrated with the emergence of muslimophobic and muslimophilic movements inside the region. Finally, the increasingly important role of Andalusian NGOs as intercultural mediators and spaces of cultural hybridization is analyzed with regard to its political and societal as well as theoretical consequences for the study of identity politics. The "Top of Africa" or the "Bottom of Europe"? A striking gap is perceivable in the contemporary academic as well as political debate on migration, identity and integration processes currently taking place inside the European Union. Both political decision-making and social science theorization seem to agree that two different phenomena are challenging the classical European nation-states: On the one hand, there are obvious trends towards a - mainly economically and technologically driven - supranational or transnational integration of the once nationally confined and defined societies 2. The social impact of this trend is not limited to the often nostalgically deplored loss of regional or national cultural peculiarities in the course of the "McDonaldization" of European societies; its is also international migration towards Europe which is interpreted as part and direct consequence of an ongoing process of 1 Project supported by Fundació "la Caixa", Barcelona, and Junta de Andalucía, Seville (Spain). 3 transnational integration (King 2000). In this sense, willingly or not, the European national societies are "multiculturalizing" in the last decades as a result of non-European Union immigrant settlements. According to mainstream decision-makers throughout the continent and the political spectrum, this de facto multiculturalism challenges national as well as European identity policy "from the outside" (Sassen 1999). On the other hand, a supposedly different phenomenon is simultaneously challenging the European Union and its member-states "from within": the rediscovery and/or creation of subnationally articulated identities which are currently emerging on a regional level in different parts of Europe (Hettlage 1996). A new wave of regionalism is defying the nation-state's monopoly on territorially bounded, exclusive identities and its insistence on constructing European-ness as a shared sum of national identities. The increasingly popular project of a "Europe of Regions", which may be complementing or even substituting the still hegemonic official insistence on a state-driven Europeanist project, is not only questioning the nation-state's legitimacy. With its renewed emphasis on the authochthonous character and the ethno-regional "rootedness" of subnational identities (Guiberneau 1999), regionalism is also challenging the very notion of an all- encompassing, not ethnic, but civic European citizenship. Reflecting these political and societal distinctions of multiculturalist versus regionalist phenomena, which appear to question the nation-state as the pillar of European integration, several of the pioneer authors who have started to theorize national/regional and migrant identity have been insisting on the conceptual necessity of 2 The rich debate on the impact of globalization and transnationalism on European as well as non- European societies cannot be comprehensively reflected here; for details cf. Kearney (1995), Holton (1998) and García Canclini (1999). 4 distinguishing two completely different forms of identity arguing that that there is a fundamental difference between national/regional (indigenous or historical) ethnogenesis and migrant (minority) ethnogenesis. On the one hand, they claim the existence of an identity politics whose main axis remains territoriality and which accordingly creates "endogenous ethnicities" (Holton 1998). Similarly, in the conclusion of his comparative study on ethnogenesis, Leman (1998) holds that indigenous or historical identity emphasizes the claimed territorial and temporal continuity of the majority in a certain territory, which forms a "historical matrix" for the group involved. This matrix is expressed in a distinctive ideology, which combines and merges language and territoriality into a first kind of identity (Myhill 1999). Following the argument of the same authors, this autochthonous type of identity is completely different from "migrant ethnicity" (Holton 1998), on the other hand, which is not rooted in the past, but future-oriented and which focuses first and foremost on the substantialization of the community; hence it is the community itself which becomes the core issue (Leman 1998). Territorialization and temporalization are of no fundamental importance or are simply absent, whereas the personal link between the group members' language and their notion of "community" is the core issue of migrant identity politics (Myhill 1999). The distinction between autochthonous and migrant ethnogenesis made by these authors implicitly seems to revive the opposition developed by the historiography of the Late Middle Ages between a Territorialverband that spatializes its virtual existence and a non-territorial Personenverband that substantializes its identity around corporative and personalized symbols (Reynolds 1997). What is new and intriguing is that Holton, Leman 5 and Myhill refer to ethnicity theory in order to sustain this opposition. By stating a fundamental difference between autochthonous and migrant identity, "dual tracking" in identity policy is being legitimized scientifically 3. The following analysis of the intertwining of migrant and non-migrant identity politics for the Andalusian case and their impact on the mobilizibility of regional "civil society" (Cohen & Arato 1992) as well as on the development of new intercultural spaces and strategies will question this political-cum-academic tendency towards "dual tracking". Herself a product of multiple waves of immigration and emigration, alternatively serving throughout history as target and as origin of different conquests and re-conquests, the southern Spanish region of Andalusia seems particularly suited for studying this inter- relation between an identity project relying on territoriality and "aboriginality", on the one hand, and migration-based ethnogenesis and community formation, on the other hand. As will be analyzed in detail in the next sections, Andalusian identity has always been tempted to bridge the Mediterranean divide. Oscillating throughout different epochs between identifying itself as the "top" of the oriental world or the "bottom" of Occident, its still recent integration into the European Union and its subsequent role as European "gate keeper" at the margins of the continent is ambiguously re-defining the region's self- perception. As will be shown at least for the Andalusian case, multiculturalism and regionalism, migrant ethnogenesis and autochthonous ethnic movements are closely interrelated and mutually reinforcing phenomena. Methodologically, such an integrative approach, which rejects focussing a priori only on either migrant or native identity politics, empirically relies on ethnography and its 3 The broader theoretical and political implications of "dual tracking" in identity politics are analyzed and 6 holistic procedure. For the present study, since 1997 fieldwork has been conducted in several Andalusian cities through the participant observation of and through ethnographic interviews with a wide range of both migrant and non-migrant NGOs, public institutions and community representatives 4. The research process and the data analysis have been based on a three-dimensional model aimed at avoiding one-sided and thus biased accounts, which in contemporary ethnography frequently opt for either emic or etic research perspectives (Hammersley & Atkinson 1983, Werner & Schoepfle 1987). To overcome this reductionist tendency, data on intercultural relations in multicultural settings have been gathered and analyzed by distinguishing three different axes: (a) a semantic dimension, which focuses on the diverse actors involved and which extensively uses semi-structured ethnographic interviews to compile these actors' discourses and to analyze them from a deliberately emic point of view; (b) a pragmatic dimension, which focuses on the interaction patterns involving the different participating actors, which relies on participant observation for gathering data on the actors' practice and which applies a thoroughly etic perspective of analysis; (c) and a syntactic dimension, which focuses on the institutional structures of the movements and organizations studied and which through "intercultural workshops" and other participative tools tries to elucidate the "epistemological windows" (Werner & Schoepfle 1987) which result from incongruencies that discussed in Verlot & Dietz (2001). 4 Details on the methods used and the organizations studied are included in Dietz (2000) and Dietz et al. (2001). 7 necessarily arise inside hierarchies, institutions and organizations between the emic, actor-centered and the etic, interaction-centered perspectives of analysis 5. Tariq's return? The formation of trans-national migrant communities In the last fifteen years, Spain has experienced a remarkable increase in its immigrant population (Izquierdo 1992, Cornelius 1994). Some authors have even claimed that Spain has changed from being a classical country of emigration to becoming a country of immigration 6. The currently available data, however, do not support this affirmation, nor is - quantitatively speaking - the situation comparable to that of other European Union member states. Although there are already more than 800.000 foreigners living with a residence permit in Spain, there are still more than two million Spaniards living abroad (García Castaño 2001). Accordingly, the current migrant phenomenon is very heterogeneously patterned: - Firstly, and despite their original migratory project, many Spanish emigrants living and working in western and northern Europe have been settling down definitively in their host countries. The second and even third generation of former emigrants, however, is not completely abandoning their parents' or grandparents' relation to their often mythisized country of origin. By frequently travelling to Spain and maintaining kin and/or communal ties to their villages of "origin", this new generation of rather well integrated, but hyphenated Spanish- Germans, -French or -Swiss cultivates an identity which is characterized by a diasporic longing for their ancestors' Mediterranean roots (Ruiz Garzón 2000). 5 This model of analysis is presented and discussed with more detail in Dietz (2001). 8 - Secondly, those Spanish "guest workers" who migrated to western and northern Europe and who did not succeed in definitively integrating into their host society tend to re-migrate to their regions of origin once they retire. Sometimes, this return migration splits up the migrant family, as the emigrants' children often prefer to stay in the country where they grew up; in other cases, the whole family "returns", settling down in a country which the second generation only knows from short holiday trips. Their integration either into the Spanish school system or into its labor market is increasingly problematic 7. - Thirdly, retirement migration is not limited to Spanish "guest workers", but dominates the intra-European migration towards Spain, too. Although scarcely perceived as part of the overall immigration phenomenon, the European "trans- migrants" (Smith & Guarnizo 1999, Pries 2000), many of whom spend half of the year in their country of origin and half of it on the Canary or Baleares Islands or on the southern Spanish Mediterranean shores, make up nearly half of the migrant population residing in Spain (Jurdao Arrones & Sánchez 1990, Fernández Cordón et al. 1993). - Finally, non-European immigrants are increasingly choosing Spain as transit or destination. On the one hand, the composition of this kind of immigration reflects the post-colonial links which still exist between the Spanish peninsula and its formerly dependant Latin American as well as north African territories. However, 6 Cf. Cazorla (1995), Colectivo IOE (1999) and Arango (2000). 7 There are currently no systematic data available on the amount and extent of this "remigration" integration phenomenon; an exploratory case-study from north central Spain is offered by Hannken (1994). 9