Back to Volume One Contents Towards an Autonomous Antioch College: The Story of the Nonstop Liberal Arts Institute By Jean Gregorek When the Antioch University Board of Trustees announced in June of 2007 that it was closing the historic Antioch College, we all mourned. Then, as Mother Jones recommended, we began to organize. Our goal was to reclaim the college from decades of dysfunctional government that had resulted in the loss of its institutional autonomy and ultimately its closure. This is the story of Antioch College in Exile, the project which became the Nonstop Liberal Arts Institute, an unusual one‐year experiment in higher education and one of several strategies employed to save Antioch College from extinction—strategies which, as of this writing, appear to have been successful. Antioch Abandoned For authorities whose hopes are shaped by mercenaries? Copyright American Association of University Professors, 2010 AAUP Journal of Academic Freedom 2 Volume One ….Not for these the paper nautilus constructs her thin glass shell. ‐‐Marianne Moore Antioch College was closed by the Board of Trustees of Antioch University on June 30, 2008, after an intensive year‐long struggle to save the 155‐year‐old institution, long known for its influential innovations in American higher education. Antioch College was the flagship campus of Antioch University. The history of what was first described as a “network,” then a “federation,” and now Antioch University began from the most idealistic of motives, with a directive from the college’s Board of Trustees in the mid‐1960s to extend its educational opportunities to traditionally underserved populations. Field programs and adult education mini‐campuses were established all over the country, aimed at communities in Appalachia, Philadelphia, and Washington, D.C.; at Native American reservations; at migrant workers, miners, and prisoners. The Antioch Law School was particularly respected in progressive legal circles. These programs multiplied rapidly, and soon satellites were sending out satellites with a total of somewhere—to this day no one knows exactly—between 35 and 40 mini‐campuses (the most eccentric example being the Antioch branch in Columbia, Maryland, which consisted of a giant, one‐acre, portable college in a plastic bubble—unfortunately, cost cutting on the air conditioning meant that the temperature became unbearable and all within the bubble ended up poached). The College’s noble experiment in taking education to the streets (or in arrogant empire‐ building, depending on one’s perspective) led to tremendous confusion in terms of mundane details such as registration, faculty supervision, and tuition payment; by the time the Board fired the ambitious president who had presided over the chaos, the college finances were in shambles. In the 1980s, the College was rescued by another ambitious president, who consolidated the 3 Towards an Autonomous Antioch College Jean Gregorek most successful of the adult campuses and organized them into a new entity called Antioch University—made up of the residential liberal arts college plus commuter campuses in Seattle, Santa Barbara, Los Angeles, Keene, New Hampshire, and Antioch McGregor in Yellow Springs, Ohio. Today these campuses provide continuing education and graduate programs for adults in such fields as leadership, management, creative writing, psychology, and education certification. Run along the lines of “for‐profit” enterprises, the adult campuses employ a small group of untenured core faculty (most of whom do have PhDs) to administer programs that rely heavily on adjuncts, practitioners, and short‐term contracts with faculty at other institutions. The president of Antioch University McGregor, Barbara Gellman‐Danley, touted her 2006‐2007 staffing of 18 full‐time faculty members who teach 750 students with the help of 150 adjunct faculty as “a tight ship and a good business model” (Yellow Springs News, June 28, 2007). In time, the relationship between the liberal arts college in Yellow Springs and the far‐flung satellite campuses became tense. The university sought to use (some would say usurp) the name recognition of the historic college, while distancing itself from college traditions of faculty governance, academic freedom protected by tenure, student participation in committees, and a reputation for breeding political activism. College alumni and faculty resented the expensive, administration‐heavy university structure and its growing control over the college. (For a full account of the disintegration of the college–university relationship, see the AAUP Report on College and University Government: Antioch University and the Closing of Antioch College, September 9, 2009). With one exception (Steven Lawry), college presidents were installed by the university Board of Trustees with no or merely pro forma consultation with the faculty from 1995 on. Eventually the college president had no direct relationship to the Board of Trustees, and the college’s long tradition of community governance was repeatedly bypassed; university administrators, most with no previous experience of liberal arts colleges, issued edicts from on high. Pleas by successive college presidents for more attention to the needs of the college fell on deaf ears. As one wrote to the university chancellor: “While it seems to me that any university strategic planning effort would address... the specific issues of what it will take to sustain such a AAUP Journal of Academic Freedom 4 Volume One distinctive residential undergraduate liberal arts program within the framework of a federal university, the financial modeling I’ve seen thus far has been aimed at standardizing, rationalizing, and achieving equity across the campuses, with little regard for the history, circumstance, or distinctiveness of the college” (letter from President Bob Devine to Chancellor Jim Craiglow, February 22, 1999). In 2001‐02, in response to the post‐September 11 economic downturn, the university Board of Trustees installed hiring freezes, laid off staff, and took over every aspect of the college finances. A new accounting method was imposed in which the depreciation of buildings was charged to the college budget rather than coming out of the university’s interest on investments. Certain university‐wide liabilities, such as the cost of technical systems and interlibrary loan networks, were applied solely to the college budget, artificially bolstering the claims that the satellite campuses were more sustainable. These structural and accounting changes further undermined the ability of the college to determine its own fate. Between 2001 and 2007, the college would go through six different presidents, and, unlike the other university campuses, had no chief financial officer. The entity officially “responsible and accountable for” the collegeʹs administrative leadership was the University Leadership Council, composed of the chancellor, the university CFO, and the presidents of the six campuses. It became increasingly clear that they had little appetite for the task (Brian Springer, “Antioch Confidential”). In 2005, the board and the ULC stepped up this micromanagement by mandating a new interdisciplinary curriculum that abolished departments and proposed to alter the teacher– student ratio from 1:8 or 1:9 to 1:15—in other words, to reduce the number of faculty positions. Sold to the faculty as a last‐ditch effort to put college on the road to financial stability, the reorganization was a logistical nightmare that had to be designed and implemented in a little over a year. Throughout this period, the faculty struggled mightily to maintain and deliver some semblance of a liberal arts curriculum, despite ever‐decreasing infrastructure and staffing cuts in programs, academic support, and student services. Neither complacent about nor ignorant of the college’s problems and their cause, faculty lacked the means through which to 5 Towards an Autonomous Antioch College Jean Gregorek make our concerns heard. While some faculty left, many stayed, still compelled by the challenges and rewards of teaching a bright, intellectually curious student body. Indicators of academic quality, such as national rankings of student engagement, number of students who obtain Fulbrights, rates of acceptance to top graduate programs and of completion of PhDs, remained extremely strong, and we felt there remained much to be proud of as we fought to carry on the Antioch legacy. The new curriculum imposed on the college by the Board of Trustees either failed to attract students, or the confusion resulting from dramatic changes implemented too quickly made it difficult to explain and to market. Enrollments dropped lower; turnover in the administration and the admissions office stayed high. Donations to the college had been falling away. Shortfalls were not ameliorated by contributions from trustees—some appeared indifferent, a few explicitly hostile to the college. The cultures of the college and university continued to diverge and the presidents of the other campuses came to see the college as more liability than asset. Gellman‐Danley of Antioch McGregor cultivated relations with business leaders in the Dayton area, particularly those with connections to the nearby Wright‐Patterson Air Force Base, and sought new funding sources under the Bush Administrationʹs Homeland Security initiatives. In an attempt to literally detach Antioch McGregor from Antioch College, in 2005, Gellman‐Danley ordered the construction of a new $15 million facility at the opposite end of the town of Yellow Springs, moving into the 6,000‐square‐foot space in 2007. As the Yellow Springs News reported, “Some have wondered how a new building for McGregor was financed while the [college] campus just across the street was crumbling.” The controversy that erupted at McGregor surrounding the building of the McGregor campus and the separation from Antioch College was stifled—student newsletters taken from mailboxes, faculty warned not to speak publicly against the decisions of management. Gellman‐Danley made it clear that traditional concepts of academic freedom did not apply under her administration. In March 2007, the University Chancellor, Tullisse Murdock, a former president of the AAUP Journal of Academic Freedom 6 Volume One Antioch University unit in Seattle, armed with a consultant’s report that characterized the college’s tenured faculty and staff union as obstacles to a more flexible, market‐oriented institution, informed the Board of Trustees that the college’s continued deficits could soon jeopardize the entire university system. The report outlined three options for Board actions. The third option, that of suspending the operations of the college for a minimum of four years “to clear out the ghosts,” was the course of action recommended by the consultants and also explicitly identified as “the one preferred at this time by the university’s management team.” That June, without having turned to alumni for help, without having consulted with faculty—as they were contractually obligated to do—and without consulting any of the many stakeholders involved in the fate of this historic institution, the Board of Trustees voted to put the flagship Antioch College to sleep. The 120 remaining members of the college faculty and staff learned of the decision when we were called to a special meeting, at which then‐college President Steven Lawry relayed the news that all college operations would be suspended on June 30, 2008. Tenure was voided by the declaration of financial exigency—a condition that seemed highly disputable, given that other university units claimed to be financially sound. Staff union contracts ensured that many staff received severance pay; faculty were offered a year’s contract in lieu of severance. Sympathetic faculty at the McGregor campus were discouraged from talking to the press at the risk of being terminated as well. When President Lawry became too vocal about the glaring structural problems inherent in the college–university relationship, his head was the next to roll. Pleas of financial exigency also appeared questionable given the salaries and compensation received by university administrators. The year she presided over the closing of the college, Chancellor Murdock was listed as earning over $532,491 in total salary and benefits (including deferred compensation of $264,000). Gellman‐Danley received $399,328. In August 2007, Murdock unveiled a tentative plan for a “renewed Antioch College Yellow Springs” to be organized on the same model as the other university campuses, without tenure and presumably without a staff union. The proposal called for a small core faculty of eight 7 Towards an Autonomous Antioch College Jean Gregorek (Antioch College employed 44 full‐time faculty that year) to administer a high‐tech version of a liberal arts education, linked to the other units via the Web and assisted by virtual classrooms and a virtual commons. Later this proposal was quietly dropped. For an entire year, a coalition of outraged college alumni, faculty, staff, students, and concerned local citizens of Yellow Springs fought hard to have the decision to suspend operations reversed. This stage of the struggle involved multiple fronts, including a massive alumni fundraising campaign that began with the raising of half a million dollars over one weekend at the June alumni reunion, reaching $18 million in cash and pledges by the time of the October reunion; a lawsuit filed by tenured faculty seeking to prevent the closing of the college and the seizing of its assets; the formation of dozens of new alumni chapters; numerous petition and letter‐writing drives; protests from former trustees; town meetings in the Village of Yellow Springs; and letters of concern from the AAUP. Efforts to rescue the college soon focused on obtaining a separation from its parent Antioch University, but the university turned down repeated offers by alumni to purchase the college. One group of wealthy alumni and former trustees, the Antioch College Continuation Corporation (ACCC), offered $12.2 million dollars for the college, with $6 million down and the remainder to be paid over the next few years. The ACCC’s insistence that it be ensured representation on the Board of Trustees was seen by the university as a “hostile takeover,” and so the university resisted the deal, insisting that all the money be paid in full. Soon after, the university released a press statement declaring the College “up for sale” and making it known that they were “open to negotiations with any potential buyer.” This prompted a mock ad on the local Craigslist: “Antioch College no longer holds any substantial meaning or value to its Board of Trustees, beyond what it can be sold for on the open market. Offers by alumni groups promising to operate the college in a continuous manner, beholden to its traditional values of openness and academic freedom, are particularly loathsome. Real estate developers with proven military–industrial success are preferred.” After June 2008, the beautiful 100‐acre campus of Antioch College stood empty, its graceful AAUP Journal of Academic Freedom 8 Volume One pre‐Civil War brick buildings shuttered, the heating disabled, the campus monitored by security cameras which might or might not have been connected. Despite repeated advance warnings from The Ohio Historical Society and concerned citizens of the Village of Yellow Springs, neglect of basic maintenance caused serious damage from burst sprinkler pipes in three buildings over the winter. In spring 2009, the Antioch campus buildings were placed on Ohio Preservation’s list of Most Endangered Historic Sites. The AAUP’s investigation into the closing of Antioch College determined that Antioch University had violated numerous AAUP standards and guidelines, most obviously that faculty governance at the college and faculty control over the college curriculum were repeatedly sidestepped. As the AAUP report stated, “There can be little doubt that Antioch College’s financial problems were in no small measure a product of managerial decisions made without faculty consultation, including a curricular experiment that was connected to a decline in enrollment; and a decision to reduce financial support to the college from the university” (p. 35). The Association further found that academic freedom at the satellite campuses was infringed upon, and that the University’s declaration of financial exigency in order to terminate employees and eliminate tenured positions remained unsubstantiated. Ultimately, the AAUP charged the board of trustees and the university administration with what amounts to gross dereliction of duty, noting, “It seems to the investigating committee not at all unreasonable to have expected the trustees to pursue the goal (the operation of Antioch College) for which the enterprise had been established... Unfortunately, the trustees and the administration of Antioch University seem to have lost sight of this purpose” (p. 28). In June 2009, College alumni at last succeeded in negotiating a deal with the university to regain the campus and the rights to the name Antioch College. Keys to the campus buildings officially changed hands on September 4. This time, Antioch and its history sold for $6 million. Former Antioch student Jeanne Kay characterized Toni Murdock’s plan to close Antioch College and open a new unit of the university in its place in 2012 as the higher education version of the tactic Naomi Klein names “neoliberal shock therapy.” In Klein’s account, drastic 9 Towards an Autonomous Antioch College Jean Gregorek actions are taken to displace people, demoralize resistance, erase established traditions, and generally “clean house” in order for outside interests to rebuild a national or local economy from the top down. In our own small example, a sanitized “Antioch Yellow Springs” was to be superimposed on the former Antioch College; a greatly reduced clone of the University’s tenureless, administration‐heavy units with little room for dissenting voices was to replace the College and its messy self‐governance. Clearly Antioch’s plight dramatizes many of the most disturbing trends in the corporatization of higher education: A. A consolidation of power in upper levels of administration; the expansion of administrative bureaucracy and “culture”; a reliance on consultants as opposed to available wisdom and experience; a shift away from faculty and community traditions of governance; the abrogation of faculty control over the curriculum; B. A lack of transparency in governance; a culture of secrecy and closed conversations on the part of Boards of Trustees and administrators; no consultation with other stakeholders in making decisions with far‐reaching and damaging impacts; C. The deliberate violation of tenure; increased use of contract, part‐time, and adjunct labor; increased reliance on distance learning and low‐residency courses; the undermining of tenured faculty through competition with contract faculty; and the undermining of contract faculty through competition with adjuncts; D. A succumbing to the “edifice complex”: prioritizing showpiece buildings and facilities over personnel; the building of ever‐larger (and often unnecessary) new buildings rather than the rehabilitation of existing usable spaces. Claiming the Legacy: Antiochians Fight Back In its deepest and richest sense a community must always remain a matter of face‐to‐face intercourse... Democracy must begin at home, and its home is the neighborly community. —John Dewey, The Public and Its Problems (1927) AAUP Journal of Academic Freedom 10 Volume One The decision to dispose of Antioch College was simply not one that faculty, alumni, staff, and students could accept. In the winter of 2007‐2008, frustrated at the university’s intransigence, Antiochians began to contemplate taking Antioch College off campus if the new round of negotiations between the college alumni and the university Board of Trustees did not yield a more positive outcome. An ad hoc group of about thirty faculty, staff, alumni, and students met over a weekend in March 2008 and brainstormed about how to move forward, developing Plan A, a reduced campus footprint for the following fall term if the ACCC was indeed able to obtain a separation from the university; and a Plan B, in which faculty would continue to hold classes elsewhere if the university closed the campus. That weekend, the alumni board voted to commit financial resources to the proposed project and the faculty sketched out a budget for a college in exile that we desperately hoped we would not need. In April, we were crushed to learn that the university board turned down the ACCCʹs final offer for the college and was proceeding with the closure. The members of the ACCC disbanded in disgust. Plan B it was, and planning for what became Nonstop Antioch began in earnest. Faculty and students stopped attending the now‐hollow shell of community governance, the Administrative Council (Adcil), and created their own governing body, named ExCil, or Adcil‐ in‐Exile. In May, following the termination of negotiations, eighteen Antioch College faculty— most of the tenured faculty at the time—committed to teach with Antioch in Exile. Faculty then worked without pay from May through August to develop a curriculum, admissions and tuition policies, and a detailed budget. An executive collective was voted in, a group of three faculty members who would divide the leadership tasks of the new institution. As faculty and staff mournfully packed up their offices, we were simultaneously starting to piece together a college from scratch. We scouted around for usable classroom spaces in the Village of Yellow Springs. Churches, coffee shops, arts spaces, and the senior citizens’ center opened their doors to us. We found surplus chairs, desks, and blackboards at a sale at Wright State University, while computers and even a high‐end server were donated. A nearby bookstore agreed to sell textbooks, and the Yellow Springs Library handled reserve readings
Description: