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Culture, Theory and Critique, 2010, 51(3), 207–221 Thoughts from Abroad: Theodor Adorno as Postcolonial Theorist Robert Spencer TR1C1O2T530Rro04010aaCuorb.710yiylb1geTt300lleu0roioC-0trnr8r5r.t0ea_s S07&a2,plA/ p8 n0Te1A e4_dFn14hnr 5 cr17(Fetca1eip3oercn5rra5rrl@ic3yenn7i9 cst8m&)5i4/s.a 1.sC2n4g0rc7mi1h3ti0e-qs5.u5t7ee17r5.6a3 c(9.o5unkline) Abstract This article shows that the work of the German Marxist philosopher Theodor W. Adorno offers a surprisingly rich resource for postcolonial theory. Adorno’s work addresses the world outside Europe more often than one might expect. But it is not so much what Adorno thinks as how he thinks that makes 1 him a postcolonialist. Adorno’s philosophy of negative dialectics tracks particular 1 0 2 phenomena to the totality of which they are a part. Everything, from the most y ar innocuous details of everyday life to the Holocaust and imperialism, is linked to u an the world-encircling, thought-frustrating and violence-inducing system of capi- J 8 talism. But Adorno’s characteristic negativity also makes him sensitive to that 1 44 system’s fallibility and its vulnerability to alternatives. The article therefore : 10 touches on the normative dimensions of Adorno’s moral philosophy. Adorno’s : t work commands attention because of its dialectical style of thinking, its conse- A e] quent focus on capitalism’s intrinsic violence, its belief that effective political g ed action presupposes introspection and a moral capacity for empathy with others’ l t u suffering, and its attractive conviction that these aptitudes can be enabled by o R - aesthetic experience. Accordingly, the essay concludes with a reading of the on South African writer J. M. Coetzee’s novel Disgrace. This article seeks to show i t u that an Adornian postcolonial criticism is as concerned with the gratuitous b i tr longevity of capitalism and imperialism as it is inspired by the prospect of s Di erecting a more just and egalitarian social order. t n e t n o C a t n e As long as culture lives on in a world arranged like ours, in which, g n [I whether in South Africa or Vietnam, things happen of which we y: know and only with difficulty repress the knowledge that they B d happen – in such a world culture and all the noble and sublime e d oa things in which we take delight are like a lid over refuse. (Adorno l wn 2000: 130) o D Introduction Given the immiseration of the postcolonial world, the expectation of environ- mental collapse and the haunting of our imaginations by images of poverty, violence, disease and failing states, savants like Theodor W. Adorno appear to speak to us of and from another world entirely. To our dread of impending Culture, Theory and Critique ISSN 1473-5784 Print/ISSN 1473-5776 online © 2010 Taylor & Francis http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals DOI: 10.1080/14735784.2010.515395 208 Robert Spencer calamity Adorno offers elaborate philosophical exegeses and belletristic appreciations of the redemptive powers of art. The musicological scholar’s violin might as well be Nero’s fiddle, a distraction from approaching disaster. Yet I want to insist on the enduring relevance of Adorno’s negativity, by which I mean not his reputed pessimism but his work’s ability to upturn stones and to make appear strange, bothersome and unendurable practices that are otherwise sanctioned by heedlessness and apathy. Nothing in his work, not the most esoteric philosophical treatises nor the most outré experiments in modern music, is considered in isolation from capitalism or from the injustice and violence that capitalism brings in train. Adorno is negative because he counsels an unremitting focus on the defects of the present. For him, resistance to injustice does not take the form of 1 distracting blueprints or anticipations of utopia; it is posed ‘in lines such as: 1 0 2 No man should be tortured; there should be no concentration camps – while y ar all of this continues in Asia and Africa and is repressed merely because, as u n a ever, the humanity of civilization is inhumane toward the people it J 18 shamelessly brands as uncivilized’ (Adorno 1996: 285). Contained in injunc- 44 tions such as these, as well as in my epigraph’s perhaps unexpected censures : 0 1 of late capitalism’s colonial misdeeds, are qualities that make Adorno a post- : At colonial theorist avant la lettre and even sans pareil: his uncompromising e] conviction that global capitalism is erected on violence (including, and g d e especially, colonial violence) as well as his desire to view the world ‘from the l t ou standpoint of redemption’ (1974: 247), from the perspective of a transformed R - society to which our own condition will appear indigent, antagonistic and n o incomplete. i t bu It will perhaps seem perverse to wish to claim Adorno for postcolonial i tr studies.1 The German critic Hans Mayer remarked of Adorno that ‘Europe s i D sufficed for him entirely. No India or China, not the people’s democracies and t en not the workers’ movement. Even in his needs for life experience, he t on remained a citizen – and sovereign – of a small state’ (quoted in Jay 1973: 187). C a Frankfurt School critical theory, according to Edward Said, is ‘blinded to the t n ge matter of imperialism’ (Said 1994: 336). Espen Hammer writes of Adorno’s n [I ‘blunt Eurocentrism’: ‘he seems to have been virtually oblivious to the : y concerns of postcolonialism, including racism, discrimination, and imperial- B ed ism’ (Hammer 2006: 5). ‘He was deeply Eurocentric’, concur Nigel Gibson d oa and Andrew Rubin in their introduction to a recent collection of critical essays l n w on Adorno, ‘and possessed no real knowledge of a world outside of Austria o D and Germany, let alone Europe’ (Gibson and Rubin 2002: 14).This is a particu- larly unfair judgement since, as Gibson and Rubin go on to show, Adorno’s experiences in exile in the United States during the Third Reich were of considerable importance in his intellectual development. Alas, we will struggle to find any extended consideration in Adorno’s work of the theories of imperialism put forward by the anti-Stalinist ‘New Left’ of the 1950s and 1960s. Nor does he engage with the activist element in 1 There have been several efforts to use Adorno in postcolonial theory. Though they differ on key questions, all of them focus on the theoretical question of Adorno’s attitude towards Enlightenment and modernity (Ganguly 2002; Lazarus 1999: 1–8; Patke 2002; Varadharajan 1995). Thoughts from Abroad: Adorno as Postcolonial Theorist 209 the work of contemporaries such as Jean-Paul Sartre and Herbert Marcuse, unless one counts his admonition to Marcuse that protest entails not taking sides but the total rejection of the existing state of things: ‘protest against the horror of napalm bombs but also against the unspeakable Chinese-style tortures that the Vietcong carry out permanently’ (Adorno and Marcuse 1999: 127). ‘Late Capitalism or Industrial Society?’, his opening paper at the 1968 German Sociologists’ Conference in Frankfurt, nonetheless outlines Adorno’s belief that society is still capitalist and imperialist in its basic structure. Unusually, Adorno even hints at his sympathy for ‘the free-flowing anxiety’ (2003: 125) abroad in the Federal Republic, the extra-parliamentary opposi- tion, and the student demonstrations against the emergency laws and the war in Vietnam. Society’s structure remains antagonistic, insists Adorno, for ‘class 1 distinctions have by no means been abolished to the degree that has some- 1 0 2 times been supposed. Even the theories of imperialism have not been y ar rendered obsolete by the great powers’ withdrawal from their colonies’ (116). u n a Ours is not a thoroughly technocratic society, he contends, but a conflict- J 18 ridden capitalist one impelled by a thirst for maximising profit to inflict 44 inequality on a world scale. Irrational social relations, which are an outmoded : 0 1 inheritance from the struggle for existence against nature and each other, exist : At alongside the advanced development of the forces of production, which for e] the first time in human history have made possible the creation of a just g d e world. This paradoxical situation is ‘responsible for the fact that, in crazy l t ou contradiction to what is possible, human beings in large parts of the planet R - live in penury’ (121). One struggles to detect any obvious ‘Eurocentrism’ in n o the outraged lament that technological resources capable of abolishing i t bu hunger are instead put to use manufacturing superfluous consumer goods i tr and deadly weapons. s i D In a sense, however, the open question of Adorno’s reputed Eurocen- t en trism is immaterial, for it is less what Adorno thinks than how he thinks t on that is exemplary: sketching connections, contrasting complacent milieus C a with the violence on which they rest, and penitently acknowledging one’s t n ge own entanglement in a situation of domination. It seemed for a time in the n [I late 1960s that what offended some of his students was not what or how he : y thought but that he thought. Reflection on the political and economic basis B ed of bourgeois subjectivity appeared a gratuitous luxury when the whole d oa system of late capitalism was teetering on the brink of collapse. The more l n w impatient militants disrupted Adorno’s lectures with ribald stunts under o D the delusion that teaching is a form of thought control, a distraction from a close-at-hand utopia whose arrival required not protracted meditation but the leavening of paving stones. Yet not least among Adorno’s pertinent virtues is his conviction that reflection and practice – thought and deed – go hand in hand. It is partly its ability to demonstrate and, especially, to engender a single-minded, at times almost obsessive, practice of self- questioning that constitutes the contemporary pertinence of Adorno’s philosophical writing and aesthetic criticism, not least amidst the profound insularity of a wider culture coarsened and constricted by the heightened imperial violence of the ‘war on terror’. The constructive (as opposed to indulgent or despairing) practice of self-critique is what makes Adorno a postcolonial scholar. 210 Robert Spencer Adorno’s dialectical method shows how everything, from the most innocuous details of everyday life to the worst crimes in human history, is linked to the world-encircling, thought-frustrating and violence-inducing system of capitalism. It is this method that allowed him to see the Holocaust and imperialism as intrinsic rather than contingent aspects of capitalist modernity. Adorno is an orthodox Marxist thinker in his insistence that capi- talism and imperialism are synonymous but an unorthodox one on account of his belief that the acquisitive, homogenising logic of capitalism can be detected in everything from the formulaic catchiness of hit tunes and the fanatical rationality of idealist philosophy to the Holocaust and imperialism: ‘Genocide is the absolute integration’ (1996: 362). ‘If the lion had a conscious- ness’, Adorno contends, ‘its rage at the antelope it wants to eat would be 1 ideology’ (187). Ideology is ‘the belly turned mind’ (23), the effort to eradicate 1 0 2 difference, digest it and reduce things to a uniform standard. Indeed for y ar Adorno the logic of identity, which dictates the violent incorporation of u n a difference, is a pathological extension of the logic of capitalism itself, which J 18 must expand in order to survive and which must seek out raw materials, new 44 markets and cheap labour. But at the same time Adorno’s dialectical method : 0 1 permits an appreciation that capitalism and its attendant misdeeds came into : At being historically and are therefore mutable and changeable. Adorno’s work e] inspires and is inspired by a tacit normative vision. If dialectical thinking is its g d e method then its objective is a social order based on what James Gordon l t ou Finlayson’s study of Adorno’s moral philosophy has called ‘affection’ (Finlay- R - son 2002: 7). Affection is the capacity to be moved by the fate of others and is n o therefore the opposite of coldness or indifference, ‘the basic principle of i t bu bourgeois subjectivity, without which there could have been no Auschwitz’ i tr (Adorno 1996: 363). Adorno’s work commands attention because of its dialec- s i D tical style of thinking, its consequent focus on capitalism’s intrinsic violence, t en its belief that effective political action presupposes introspection and a moral t on capacity for empathy with others’ suffering, and its attractive conviction that C a these aptitudes can be enabled by aesthetic experience. Accordingly, the essay t n ge concludes with a brief reading of the South African writer J. M. Coetzee’s n [I novel Disgrace (2000). I seek to show that an Adornian postcolonial criticism is : y as concerned with the gratuitous longevity of capitalism and imperialism as it B ed is inspired by the prospect of erecting a more just and egalitarian social order. d a o l n w Do Adorno’s dialectical method A dialectical insight is one capable of recognising that its object of analysis has been made historically; knowing a thing entails knowing its mutability and therefore tracing its complex history. The thinker versed in the dialectical method exists in a state of ‘negative capability’ amidst antagonisms and contradictions, conscious that whichever phenomenon he chooses to study both is and is not itself: that it is both a specific thing and a complex product of the forces that brought it into being. All of Adorno’s analyses, whether sociological, literary, musicological or philosophical, share this dialectical approach: nothing is studied in isolation. This means, for example, that not even Wagner’s Parsifal or the astrology columns of the Los Angeles Times can be understood without reference to the world-encircling system of Thoughts from Abroad: Adorno as Postcolonial Theorist 211 commodity exchange.2 For Fredric Jameson’s Late Marxism, or, The Persistence of the Dialectic (1990) this is one of the most useful aspects of Adorno’s think- ing: its insistence on employing the category of totality. The difficulty of Adorno’s work – its extraordinary eclecticism and laby- rinthine prose style – is actually that of advanced capitalist society itself, a system in which nothing can be understood on its own terms. Not the valedic- tory final movement of Mahler’s Ninth Symphony, not the working-class accent of North Berlin or the demise of the casement window, nor even the purportedly rational mind itself can be understood without reference to capi- talism, its dehumanising effects, its class conflicts, its transformation of malleable phenomena into fixed things and its incubation of the mindsets and structures that spawned fascism. In the system of late capitalism the mind is 1 faced with a massively complicated situation in which meaning is nowhere 1 0 2 and everywhere at the same time, in which objects have been divested of their y ar sense and value by an economic system that esteems exchange over use and u n a in which, precisely because objects are so intricately intertwined, the intrepid J 18 mind can only track down meaning eventually and painstakingly to the over- 44 bearing system of production itself. Adorno’s style thus windingly connects : 0 1 different phenomena or else blasts them out of their immediate context with : At pungent aphorisms and unexpected comparisons. Its aim is to show that each e] purportedly fixed and immutable thing is in fact the changeable product g d e of the history that shapes it: ‘Dialectics means intransigence towards all l t ou reification’ (Adorno 1967: 31). R - Adorno’s chef d’oeuvre sets out to elaborate a theory of negative dialectics. n o Negative dialectics are negative firstly because they are aimed at showing the i t bu ‘whole’ of capitalism to be ‘false’. In other words, capitalism is incomplete, i tr fallible, antagonistic, incapable of stamping out resistance and the visibility of s i D alternatives and therefore, ultimately, vulnerable to revolutionary transfor- t en mation. The second reason for the qualifying adjective is Adorno’s conviction t on that even though everything is forcibly connected, this should not be so. The C a dialectical thinker’s task is not, like that of all the king’s horses and all the t n ge king’s men, to put things back together again. The liberated condition would n [I involve neither unity nor conformity. What Jameson fails to stress is that for : y Adorno, totality is the principle that governs the present order, not the future B ed emancipated one. Regrettably, we inhabit a system that expropriates the d oa labour of the individual, distorts her thoughts and compels her body to l n w assume pliant forms, and which for the sake of profit spreads its net ever o D more widely across the face of the earth. But in an emancipated society men and women would no longer be forced to march in step with the system: ‘Totality is not an affirmative but rather a critical category … A liberated mankind would by no means be a totality’ (Adorno 1976: 12). Adorno envis- ages the state of reconciliation not as a coercive amalgamation of differences but as a kind of voluntary pacification of antipathies: ‘Utopia would be above identity and above contradiction; it would be a togetherness of diversity’ (Adorno 1996: 150). The point of radical politics is to abolish the most hateful 2 I refer here to Adorno’s books In Search of Wagner (2005) and The Stars Come Down to Earth (1994). 212 Robert Spencer inequalities (between those with enough to eat and those who are starving or between those who need to undertake back-breaking labour in order to live and those who need not) so that the differences that really matter (between individuals’ and communities’ diverse traditions, talents and inclinations) might be able to flourish more freely. Dialectical thinking is a means not an end in itself. Its hope, Adorno states at the close of Negative Dialectics, is that ‘it will not come to rest in itself’ (1996: 406). To become conscious of the forcible interconnectedness of all things under advanced capitalism is the first step to changing that system, not an act of transformation in its own right. Dialectics, as Adorno acknowledges, ‘is the ontology of the wrong state of things’ (11), a philosophical expression of a durable but also hopefully transient system in which human beings, the 1 products of their labour and the natural world to which they belong are regi- 1 0 2 mented and coerced. Hopefully ‘dialectics will drive men beyond bourgeois y ar society’ (337). But we cannot simply wish away that society by pronouncing u n a its name, as the miller’s daughter did to Rumpelstilzchen. It is politically J 18 counter-productive to simply renounce totalising ‘metanarratives’ since the 44 biggest one of all, the catastrophe of capitalism, careers onwards and is : 0 1 unlikely to be brought to a halt by theoretical critiques alone. We need to be : At capable of holding in our minds at the same moment capitalism’s daunting e] ubiquity and the necessity and possibility of its supersession: ‘Universal g d e history must be construed and denied’ (320). l t ou The final and most formidable difficulty of dialectical thinking is the R - embroilment of mind with world. ‘Dialectic is the unswerving effort to n o conjoin reason’s critical consciousness of itself and the critical experience of i t bu objects’ (Adorno 1999b: 9–10). According to Negative Dialectics, the mind is i tr prone to reify its theories about the shape and attributes of the external world, s i D investing these systems with a permanence, authority and prestige unwar- t en ranted by their contingent character (Adorno 1996: 13). Instead of dealing in t on rigid and ahistorical systems, Adorno claims, we should make our thought C a vigilantly responsive to its objects. To think dialectically means to recognise t n ge that thoughts, just as much as objects, are historical products and can be n [I revised. Because of their resistance to modification, the traditional and solidi- : y fied systems that Adorno bemoans (he is thinking of philosophical idealism B ed but here we should substitute something like colonial discourse) serve not to d oa know that world or bring it closer but to press it into the moulds of their l n w prejudgements. The enquiring mind should attend instead to the world’s o D details and complexities: ‘[w]e are not to philosophize about concrete things; we are to philosophize, rather, out of those things’ (33). Traditional, system- atic philosophies, as Adorno makes clear, are actually finite and limited, inadaptable to the rough ground of judging, interpreting and understanding specific phenomena and fit only for holding forth about generalities. They must therefore become malleable and self-critical. ‘Thought’, according to Adorno, ‘need not be content with its own legality; without abandoning it, we can think against our thought, and if it were possible to define dialectics, this would be a definition worth suggesting’ (141). The mind that seeks to capture the world’s complexity and diversity with an arsenal of inflexible concepts behaves like an imperial army annexing and disciplining recalcitrant populations. The cataloguing and acquisitive Thoughts from Abroad: Adorno as Postcolonial Theorist 213 mind-set results in what Adorno dubs suggestively ‘the philosophical imperi- alism of annexing the alien’ (1996: 191). But to think attentively, self- consciously and historically – in a word, dialectically – is to begin to over- come the mind’s reification and its subordination to a system that violently incorporates difference. Dialectical thinking ‘demands a rational critique of reason, not its banishment or abolition’ (85). Its goal remains the acquisition of knowledge, though this process presupposes the most scrupulous attention to one’s object of study and the most vigilant consciousness of the fallibility and revisability of one’s concepts. A responsible epistemology would entail examining the world perspicaciously, conscious that one is undertaking not a scientific experiment or a bureaucratic task but an examination of human lives, which must be represented in ways that make clear the limitations and 1 provisionality of the scholar’s vision and conclusions. ‘Intelligence’, for 1 0 2 Adorno, ‘is a moral category’ (Adorno 1974: 197), not of course because intel- y ar lectuals are better people but because thinking effectively means thinking u n a humanely: beyond the boundaries of a received wisdom that exists to legiti- J 18 mise self-preservation and the infliction of distant suffering. Epistemologi- 44 cally, dialectical thinking means acknowledging the inevitable gap between : 0 1 the moderate prowess of the individual mind and the complex, changeable : At and multiform world that it confronts. If it is not to belittle its objects of study, e] to homogenise them, paint them as passive or in some way endorse the vari- g d e ous ideologies that dismiss certain peoples as inferior and even expendable, l t ou then thinking demands at all times humility and self-critique: R - n o If negative dialectics calls for the self-reflection of thinking, the tangi- i t bu ble implication is that if thinking is to be true – if it is to be true today, i tr in any case – it must also be a thinking against itself. If thought is not s i D measured by the extremity that eludes the concept, it is from the t en outset in the nature of the musical accompaniment with which the SS t on liked to drown out the screams of its victims. (Adorno 1996: 365) C a t n ge Scholarship entails methodological self-consciousness, attention to detail and n [I a sense of moral answerability to the human subjects of one’s enquiries. : y That Adorno enjoins a moral response to suffering is part of his convic- B ed tion that violence is an integral and on-going aspect of the totality whose d oa contours his philosophy ventures to trace. Auschwitz was not, for Adorno, a l n w freakish interregnum but a product of capitalist modernity. Moreover, the o D post-war world had not fully broken with the structures and attitudes that made possible the outbreak of fascism (Giroux 2004; Rothberg 1997). The system stands ready to perpetrate further misdeeds, if not in Europe then elsewhere. ‘Millions of Jews have been murdered, and this is to be seen as an interlude and not the catastrophe itself. What more is this culture waiting for?’ (Adorno 1974: 55–56). The Holocaust itself is not the catastrophe. If it were then we could proceed to draw breath and pick up the pieces, confident that the worst was over. Rather, the catastrophe is the uninterrupted continu- ation of suffering, and the Holocaust but its latest, most terrible manifestation. ‘Auschwitz’ serves in Adorno’s work, therefore, as a metonym for an on- going calamity that portends even graver atrocities. For Adorno ‘the path of the world spirit is the unity of terror rolling over mankind’ (Adorno 214 Robert Spencer 1996: 341). Therefore if a new moral law were to be formulated it would resemble less Kant’s blueprint for a future moral order than a steadfast refusal to tolerate the perpetuation of avoidable suffering: ‘A new categorical impera- tive has been imposed by Hitler upon unfree mankind: to arrange their thoughts and actions so that Auschwitz will not repeat itself, so that nothing similar will happen’ (365). And it must be borne in mind that for Adorno, as he announced in a lecture from the mid-1960s, ‘Auschwitz’ signifies ‘not only Auschwitz but the world of torture which has continued to exist after Auschwitz and of which we are receiving the most horrifying reports from Vietnam’ (Adorno 2000: 101). It is not hard to discern topical significance in Adorno’s view that ‘the world of torture’ is a durable reality, or in his suggestion, that an alternative 1 can be glimpsed not in high-flown ideals about brotherhood but in the 1 0 2 simple inkling that human bodies possess a shared vulnerability to pain. For y ar Adorno the hope that nothing similar to Auschwitz will recur rests in part u n a on ‘the practical abhorrence of the unbearable physical agony to which indi- J 18 viduals are exposed’ (Adorno 1996: 365) or, put differently, on ‘the sense of 44 solidarity with what Brecht called “tormentable bodies”’ (286). The ‘inability : 0 1 to identify with others’ was ‘unquestionably the most important psychologi- : At cal condition for the fact that something like Auschwitz could have occurred’ e] (Adorno 2003: 30). Adorno wishes to revive a moral capacity to experience g d e the world from the perspective of the other and in particular to imagine, l t ou empathise with and act to alleviate the other’s suffering. What makes legal R - instruments compelling and what gives us the will and capacity to uphold n o them and follow their provisions is the spontaneous intolerance of injustice i t bu or, put differently, the instinctive capacity for empathy with another i tr person’s pain. s i D In Negative Dialectics, Adorno reflects movingly on ‘the drastic guilt of t en him who was spared’ (1996: 363) and on a recurring dream that he was sent to t on the ovens in 1944. Indeed, existence at large ‘has become a universal guilt C a context’ (372). It is dogged by the suspicion that the comfort and prosperity of t n ge some lives is based upon the torment and impoverishment of others, both n [I those who came before us and those who live now. Thinking for Adorno is : y permeated by guilt. An Adornian postcolonial theory would keep in mind at B ed all times the conditions of those millions whose blighted lives facilitate the d oa superficial and restricted prosperity of neoliberalism. ‘To recover the memory l n w of those silenced and “disappeared”, the negativity of their difference from o D consumer society requires’, according to Epifanio San Juan, ‘critical labor that demystifies atomizing, fragmented appearances and exposes the deceptive pluralism of the “liberal” consensus’ (San Juan 1998: 258). Adorno demon- strated and entreated this heightened awareness of violence and injustice more compellingly than any other thinker: I believe that every thought that fails to measure itself against such experiences is simply worthless, irrelevant and utterly trivial. A human being who is not mindful at every moment of the potential for extreme horror at the present time must be so bemused by the veil of ideology that he might just as well stop thinking at all. (Adorno 2006: 203) Thoughts from Abroad: Adorno as Postcolonial Theorist 215 Reading Disgrace I want briefly to suggest what an increased sensitivity to ongoing manifesta- tions of imperial violence and to the emergence of genuinely post-imperial forms of community might mean for critics of postcolonial writing. Neil Lazarus has argued, via Adorno, that ‘disconsolation’ or the dispelling of illu- sions is the ‘deepest aesthetic (hence indirectly social) aspiration’ (Lazarus 2005: 430–32) of many of the most important works of postcolonial literature. Such works do not console their readers with images of harmony or reconcili- ation but disturb them and throw them off balance, whether by presenting surprising realities and perspectives or through their confounding formal qualities. Adorno’s final lesson for postcolonial studies, therefore, is that 1 works of art gain a right to exist and are more than mere distractions from 1 0 2 injustice when they are so powerful and thought-provoking and so challeng- y ar ing to their audiences’ customary complacencies that they persuade us to fix u an our gaze upon suffering and then act to prevent its continuation. ‘The func- J 8 tion of transcendence in art today’, according to Adorno, ‘can only be that of 1 44 protest’ (Adorno 2002: 154) against the temptation to coexist or rest easy with : 10 a social order founded on violence. The purpose of art is the provocation of : t dissent, a task that must be undertaken not didactically (since pulpitry A e] assumes in readers the passivity such works wish to counteract) but by g ed engendering a questioning attitude that can then be applied to all the dogmas l t u and complacencies that hold the status quo in place. o R - As is well known, Coetzee’s Disgrace narrates the experiences of David on Lurie, a former professor of modern languages in post-apartheid South Africa i t u who is midway upon the journey of his life. Towards the beginning of the b i tr novel Lurie is obliged to testify before a university disciplinary committee in s Di the wake of an exploitative relationship with one of his female students. t n Though he is prepared to plead guilty, he is unwilling to feign contrition and e t on is fired. Lurie’s subsequent travails and discoveries bring him to a realisation C a not that he is mistaken in his aversion to insincere apologies but rather, more t n e profoundly, to a tentative and rather confused consciousness of the need for a g n [I more profound admission of guilt and a more effective act of reparation. y: Lurie’s introspection takes the form of a tentative examination of the privi- B d leges and crimes of the white elite to which he belongs. What the novel e d oa achieves is to bring into disrepute the merely formal apologies proffered by l wn Lurie at his hearing and by the apartheid functionaries at the Truth and o D Reconciliation Commission (TRC) between 1994 and 1996, the events that Lurie’s unimpressive confessions seem to echo (McDonald 2002). Lurie’s eventual apology to his former student’s family is equally unconvincing, because it is not made to Melanie herself and because it involves him genu- flecting absurdly before her mother and young sister. Indeed the patent falli- bility of Lurie is matched by the openly problematic novel that narrates his experiences. Neither succeeds in overcoming the divisions of the past. Disgrace itself is in disgrace. The novel has been subjected to public scandal and ignominy on account of its alleged pandering to racist stereotypes. It appears to allegorise the new ascendancy of South Africa’s black majority in the incident in which Lurie’s daughter Lucy, to whose isolated farm he has decamped, is raped by three young black men. Both protagonist and novel