CCiittyy UUnniivveerrssiittyy ooff NNeeww YYoorrkk ((CCUUNNYY)) CCUUNNYY AAccaaddeemmiicc WWoorrkkss Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects CUNY Graduate Center 5-2015 TThhee WWoorrlldd BBaannkk,, AAmmaarrttyyaa SSeenn aanndd CCuullttuurraall HHeerriittaaggee aass DDeevveellooppmmeenntt iinn JJoorrddaann Mark Guarnaccia Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit you? Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/956 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] The World Bank, Amartya Sen and Cultural Heritage as Development in Jordan BY Mark Guarnaccia A master’s thesis submitted to The Graduate Faculty in Middle Eastern Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts, The City University of New York 2015 This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Middle Eastern Studies in satisfaction for the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts Approved by Thesis Advisor: _____________________________ Date: __________ Prof. Alexander Bauer Acting Director of the Masters in Middle Eastern Studies: _____________________________ Date: __________ Prof. Simon Davis ii THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK Abstract Amartya Sen, the World Bank and Heritage as Development in Jordan By Mark Guarnaccia Advisor: Alexander Bauer Starting in the mid 1990’s, the World Bank, in small but nonetheless meaningful amounts, began to fund projects in the Middle East and North Africa with the express purpose of promoting tourism and urban redevelopment through cultural heritage preservation. To date, the World Bank has sponsored projects in Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan. Focusing on the three projects in Jordan, this paper attempts to problematize the World Bank’s heritage preservation activities in the Middle East and North Africa. In order to do this, it examines the thought and work of Nobel Prize winning economist Amartya Sen. It proposes that cultural capabilities may be understood as the ability for individuals within a community to contribute to discourses on history, memory, heritage and tradition. Utilizing this framework, I argue that the World Bank’s projects in the MENA, for a variety of reasons, do not achieve this standard. However, the capabilities approach outlined in this paper may provide an alternative methodology of valuation which will produce better results. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 1 Chapter 1: The World Bank and Cultural Heritage 4 Preservation in the Middle East and North Africa Chapter 2: Heritage, Tourism and the World Bank in Jordan 12 Chapter 3: Economics, Ethics and Capabilities 17 Chapter 4: The Capabilities Approach 23 Chapter 5; Sen and Culture 30 Chapter 6: The World Bank, Jordan and Capabilities 37 Chapter 7: Cultural Capabilities and the Production of History and Narrative 41 Chapter 8: Tourism and Prospects for Development 45 Conclusion 48 Bibliography 50 iv List of Tables World Bank Cultural Heritage Preservation Projects in the MENA 11 v Introduction In his book, Imperial Nature: The World Bank and the Struggle for Social Justice in the Age of Globalization, Michael Goldman argues that in the aftermath of the Cold War, the World Bank began to turn towards alternative development agendas, most notably environmentalism.1 In addition to the environmental turn identified by Goldman, within the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region, there is a clearly identifiable cultural turn. Beginning in the early to mid 1990’s, World Bank began to invest small (in comparison to total World Bank expenditures) but meaningful amounts of money in an effort to promote the preservation of cultural heritage sites and activities as a means of promoting economic development. Ultimately, much as in Goldman’s analysis of the World Bank’s environmental programs, this relatively newfound interest in heritage as development is highly problematic. There are a number of reasons for this. The World Bank is constrained by its need to operate through and with national governments which promotes the propagation of official state narratives and discourses, often at the expense of others, the World Bank’s status as a proponent of neoliberalism and globalization tend to incentivize certain forms of heritage. This often comes at the expense of the discourses and histories of local or minority populations. Heritage preservation, by its very nature, is part and parcel with the production of culture and tradition. Resultantly, one must be extraordinarily careful not to produce historical silences and restrict the ability of minority populations to produce their own histories and traditions. Fundamentally, many of these issues stems from problems with the World Bank’s evaluative framework. Ultimately, the World Bank views development in terms of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), per 1 Michael Goldman, Imperial Nature: The World Bank and the Struggle for Social Justice in the Age of Globalization (Yale University Press, New Haven, 2005). 1 capita income, and other strictly data-driven indicators of economic progress. In doing so, it ignores crucial economic, social, and political indicators of development and progress. The work of India’s Nobel Prize winning economist Amartya Sen provides an alternative methodology for evaluating development progress. Sen has roundly criticized strictly “empirical” data-driven indicators of development and progress. In their place, he has proposed what he refers to as the capabilities approach. The capabilities approach attempts to present a far more comprehensive means of measuring developmental advancement. This stems from the importance the Sen puts on individual agency. For him, what matters most is not that someone is, strictly speaking, better off economically, but rather that each individual in a given society possesses the opportunity to make their own decisions and act as they see fit in a variety of fields. In order for real progress in development, capabilities must exist not only within the economic sphere, but within the political and cultural spheres as well. For Sen, political freedom and the ability to contribute to and consume cultural goods are just as important as the existence of a free market. As it pertains to this paper, it is cultural capabilities which are the most relevant when discussing and evaluating the World Bank’s heritage preservation activities. In this vein, when considering the preservation of cultural heritage, both tangible and intangible, cultural capabilities are crucially important. In other words, those whose heritage is in question ought to contribute substantially to the preservation and interpretation of their own historical and cultural identities. By this standard especially, the efficacy of World Bank cultural heritage preservation programs in the Middle East and North Africa are highly questionable. The top-down organization of World Bank projects encourages their development with only minimal input from local groups. Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, these projects are necessarily run in 2 conjunction with national governments who have their own agendas, as well as historical and national narratives which they wish to propagate. Additionally, heritage as development often takes the form of the promotion of tourism which can and does reemphasize power imbalances between (often Western European or American) tourists and local populations. This can be extremely problematic as power relations between native populations and Western tourists, for example, are often reinforced. Additionally, this emphasis on tourism may simultaneously serve to restrict the ability of locals to exhibit agency. When tourism is the only means of economic advancement available, this runs counter to Sen’s emphasis on the role of choice in development. The first chapter of this paper is devoted to an analysis of the World Bank’s heritage preservation projects in the Middle East and North Africa as well as the book Cultural Heritage and Development: a Framework for Action in the Middle East and North Africa, written by Michael Cernea. It is followed by a more in-depth study of three World Bank projects in Jordan. From this point, I pivot to a discussion of Amartya Sen, his intellectual background and theories as well as a discussion of capabilities. In the next section, I will discuss my interpretation of cultural capabilities which I understand to comprise the ability to contribute to discourses and production not only of culture, but also of tradition, memory and history. Finally, I turn to an analysis of the World Bank’s heritage preservation activities in Jordan within the framework of this conception of cultural heritage. 3 Chapter 1: The World Bank and Cultural Heritage Preservation in the Middle East and North Africa In this section, I turn my attention to the book, Cultural Heritage and Development: a Framework for Action in the Middle East and North Africa, written for the World Bank by Michael Cernea. This book, as its name suggests, provides the framework for the World Bank’s rationale regarding the utilization of Cultural Heritage as a vehicle for economic development. It also includes a brief overview of heritage preservation projects by the World Bank in the Middle East and North Africa. I identify a total of eight projects in five countries throughout the region. After giving a brief overview of projects in each of these countries, I turn my attention to a more comprehensive examination of the three World Bank projects in Jordan. I selected the Bank’s work in Jordan for further analysis because Jordan has received funding off and on for World Bank heritage-related activities since the late 1970’s, and because it serves as an instructive example of the types of programs and objectives favored by the Bank in the heritage sphere. These three Jordanian projects will provide my primary case study upon which I will apply the concept of cultural capabilities. The World Bank’s interest in heritage preservation is a relatively recent one. Apart from a tourism project in Jordan during the late 1970’s and early 1980’s, the Bank only began financing heritage preservation efforts starting in the late 1990’s. Since that time, heritage preservation efforts have comprised a small but meaningful portion of Bank activities.2 The Bank’s rationale is laid out in Cernea’s book, which makes the case for heritage preservation as a 2 All totals with regard to the number, size and total expenditures of all World Bank projects in the Middle East and North Africa are based on my research which is in turn based upon World Bank budgets and project summaries which may be found here. http://www.worldbank.org/projects/search?lang=en&searchTerm=cultural%20heritage 4