The Project Gutenberg EBook of The War, by James H. Wood This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license Title: The War Author: James H. Wood Release Date: March 26, 2015 [EBook #48586] Language: English Character set encoding: ASCII *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WAR *** Produced by MWS and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive) James H. Wood Taken 1910 The War "Stonewall" Jackson His Campaigns and Battles The Regiment As I Saw Them By JAMES H. WOOD Captain Co. "D", 37th Va. Infty. Regiment The Eddy Press Corporation Cumberland, Md. Publishers Affectionately dedicated to my two sons and two daughters, J. Harvey Wood, Jr.; William Scott Wood, Gertrude Wood Dillard and Mary Wood Harriss, the only living members of my family. decoration PREFACE These brief memoirs of the War between the States have been written with care. More elaborate detail might have been employed but habits of a professional life have led to terseness of expression, hence the story unembellished is given, based on personal recollections aided by facts from others and such records as I have been able to reach, including Strickler's Statistics of dates of battles. No effort has been made to do more than to give a brief account of the events seen and known directly or from sources above mentioned. This was undertaken for the purpose of leaving to comrades who still live, to the families of those who are dead, to our own families and to posterity some record, from our view-point, of the most stirring events and enactments of our lives. To the extent of my rank I was a participant in the scenes described—except two battles—from which disability from wounds prevented. "The Regiment" creditably participated in all. The performance of this work though unavoidably deferred, is a duty I have long since felt incumbent upon myself as well as others who can and care to do so, to give to our country the benefit of our testimony as we saw it, of the achievements, sufferings and sacrifices through which our comrades and country passed in those eventful years before the same shall fade from our memory. Our ranks are rapidly thinning and soon there will be none left to tell the tale, hence the importance of the testimony of actors who yet live. From their direct testimony truth can be reached by the future historian. It is becoming in us and we do revere the memory of our dead comrades, thousands of whom sleep in unknown graves, and their achievements and devotion to the cause they believed to be just have almost been forgotten. Yet while the questions involved in the War were forever settled and so accepted in good faith by the people of the South, it is the duty of the survivors to preserve from oblivion the names and deeds of their dead comrades. To this end this narrative, for whatever it is worth, has been written. "But words are things, and a small drop of ink, Falling like dew upon a thought, produces That which makes thousands, perhaps millions, think; 'Tis strange, the shortest letter which man uses, Instead of speech may form a lasting link Of ages; to what straits old Time reduces Frail man, when paper—even a rag like this, Survives himself, his tomb, and all that's his." Lord Byron. I have not mentioned many interesting events, including skirmishes and picket fights—many of which developed into small battles. Nor have I mentioned the hard marches through snow, ice, water, mud and rain, many almost shoeless, poorly clad, hungry, shivering with cold, worn, exhausted, sleeping upon the cold and wet ground, ill and suffering— because memory dimmed by years would not permit the attempt. As it is I cannot hope to have avoided mistakes. After the lapse of so much time it would hardly be possible that some misconception or misunderstanding of an event or events should not occur, in such case I would be glad if apprised of it, to make such corrections as I may be able. I regret not being able to procure photographs of the others of the Field and Staff Officers and of not being able to procure a roster of the Junior Officers and men of the regiment for insertion in these pages, but as it is I send this volume forth for such consideration as it may receive. James H. Wood. Of Bristol, Virginia. New York, May 2, 1910. THE VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE [1] decoration CHAPTER ONE Virginia Military Institute. The Flag Raising. Growing War Spirit. HE growing discontent and excitement in 1860 and the early part of 1861 will ever be remembered by those who passed through that period. At and before this time I, then in my teens, was a cadet at the Virginia Military Institute located at Lexington, Virginia. For some years prior to this, the questions of political difference between the sections of the United States designated as North and South had been discussed in Congress and on the hustings with increasing acrimony and divergence. The two great political parties, Democrat and Whig, had long been contestants for political supremacy, but in 1860 the Republican party, theretofore greatly inferior in numbers and strength to either of the others, elected Abraham Lincoln sixteenth President of the United States. This was attributed to a division in the Democratic party and the nomination of candidates by each of its two factions. This triumph of the Republican party increased anxiety and apprehension in the people of the South as to their institutions and rights. Then followed the assembling of the National Congress on the first Monday in December; the secession of South Carolina, December 20th, 1860; of Alabama, January 11th, 1861; of Georgia, January 19th; Louisiana, January 26th; Texas, February 1st; the evacuation of Fort Sumpter by the Federals, April 14th; the call by Lincoln for troops to coerce the seceded States April 15th; the secession of Virginia, April 17th; of Arkansas, May 6th; of North Carolina, May 20th; of Tennessee, June 24th; and by acts of the Provisional Congress Missouri was admitted as a member of the Confederate States of America, August 20th; and Kentucky on December 10th,—and of these States the new nation was organized. Leaders in the field and not on the forum were now being considered and looked to. Sons of the South who had been trained at West Point and a long list of trained soldiers from the Virginia Military Institute, as well as its professors, educated and trained in the science of war, were justly of first consideration. Many of these and many laymen, as well as many members of the then corps of cadets, won enviable distinction in the four ensuing years. The V. M. I., the West Point of the South, now disclosed its inestimable worth to the new nation born at Montgomery, February 18th, 1861. It may be of interest to relate here an incident which disclosed in advance a military chieftain of whom but little was known until the opportunity came for him to discover his merit. Men before this period who had filled mediocre places, began to burst forth in new light as opportunity came. An incident of one, then a quiet V. M. I. professor, now known to history and the world, is worth preserving. It occurred in March, 1861, at Lexington. The secession of Virginia had not then occurred, but the step was being hotly contested on the hustings between opposing parties. The corps of cadets was almost unanimous for, and the county of Rockbridge and the town of Lexington at the time overwhelmingly against, secession. Lexington was the home of honest John Letcher, then Governor of the State, whose potent influence was understood to have thus molded public sentiment. The secessionists were enthusiastic and intolerant, the unionists sedate and determined. The war spirit had grown rapidly and had spread to all classes. Members of the corps were almost daily hoisting on barracks secession flags which were promptly taken down by order of the Institute authorities, such evidences of sentiment thus displayed on a State Institution not being permissible while the State was yet a member of the Union. At this time a fine volunteer company composed of young men of Lexington and vicinity, with Capt. Sam Letcher, brother of the Governor, at its head, was being regularly drilled on Saturdays of each week. The war spirit had now grown so intense that but a spark was needed to set its smouldering fires into a consuming flame. To emphasize their sentiments, the opposing parties without concert or understanding, conceived the plan of raising flags; one the stars and bars, the other the stars and stripes. The following Saturday was chosen as the day. Due advertisement had been given by both parties. This brought large numbers of people to town, most of whom came provided with such arms as the husbandman of that day had. The number of unionists was more than four times greater than the number of secessionists. The latter soon ran up their flag in the court house yard, addresses followed and the small crowd, including the corps of cadets, was about to disperse to their homes, and the corps to barracks, when the unionists began raising their flag pole some distance up and in the middle of Main street. From some defect the pole broke and fell, at which the corps vociferously gave vent to expressions of joy, and later returned to barracks more than half a mile away, leaving, however, some three or four of its number behind. On reaching barracks dinner roll call and the march to and from dinner followed. As ranks were broken on our return from dinner, one of our number who had remained uptown came in breathless haste and announced that House Mountain men had fallen on some of the cadets uptown and killed them. House Mountain is situate some ten or a dozen miles from Lexington, and at and in the vicinity of its base were homes of a good class of people. They were understood at that time to be extremely pro-Union. This information thus given was the needed match to set in flame the pent-up feeling for war. Without a word every member of the corps rushed to his room, seized his musket, cartridge box, bayonet and scabbard and accoutered himself as he ran down the stoops to the front of barracks, thence down the near way to the foot of Main street near the Letcher residence. Colonel (afterwards General) Smith, superintendent and ranking officer of the Institute, intercepted and tried to turn us back, but his efforts were in vain. On we sped until we reached Main street. Here Cadet Captain Galloway called out, "Form battalion." This we proceeded to do. All had [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] loaded their muskets and fixed bayonets as they proceeded hither. While battalion was forming Major John McCausland (then a sub-professor and afterwards a brilliant Confederate brigadier general) appeared in front of the battalion and said, "Young men, form and I will lead you up." Col. Smith had now arrived and began to urge our return to barracks. R. McCulloch, of the corps, called to McCausland to lead us on. He replied that his superior officer (Colonel Smith) was in command. Meanwhile the unionists who had realized the situation were but a short distance up the street, preparing for the shock of battle which seemed so imminent. The entreaties to return to barracks and the formation into battalion went on. There stood one hundred and eighty manly youths, armed and equipped and eager for the fray, awaiting the command forward. They were of the very flower of the South. A little later on many of them won marked distinction, boys as they were in armies the soldiers of which for gallantry and endurance have never been excelled in the history of the world. At this time, Mr. Massey who had won our confidence in his remarks at the flag raising earlier in the day and Maj. R. E. Colston, a professor in the V. M. I. and afterwards a gallant Confederate brigadier-general, galloped up and joined in the appeal for our return to barracks. Meanwhile a greater than any arrived, tall, sinewy, well-formed, a slight stoop in the shoulders, large feet and hands, retreating forehead, blue-grey eyes, straight nose, strong mouth and chin held well to the front, in measured gait, Major Thomas Jonathan Jackson walked up and down before the battalion which he viewed closely, then looked at the surroundings and position of the opposing forces. He uttered no word, but his movements grew more animated each moment, his stature straightened and grew taller and bigger, and his merit was apparent to all and made him the central figure. Still the formation of battalion went on. A leader who would take command was only needed, while but two or three hundred yards up the street the volunteer company of a hundred young men well-officered, armed and equipped were drawn up across the street in battle array, supported by five times their number of the citizens of the town and county, armed with shotguns, rifles and pistols. This warlike scene which had been gathering like a storm cloud during the morning had alarmed the peace-loving citizens and hence an impromptu delegation came forth to intercede for peace and prevent a bloody tragedy which seemed about to occur. These intercessions prevailed, and the corps broke ranks and returned to barracks, discharging their loaded guns as they went. As soon as we reached barracks, we were summoned by the familiar drum beat to Colonel Smith's section room where we found Colonels Smith and Preston and Mr. Massey on, and Major Jackson near to, but off the rostrum. Colonel Smith proceeded at once to excoriate the corps for its insubordinate conduct. Preston, then Massey, responded pacifically to our call. Last but not least, Major Jackson was called. I remember the scene as if enacted but yesterday. True soldier as he was, Jackson hesitated until Colonel Smith, his superior in rank, asked him to speak. At once he mounted the rostrum and faced his audience. His erect figure, flashing eye, energetic expression, short, quick and to the point, disclosed to the commonest mind a leader of merit. He said, "Military men make short speeches, and as for myself I am no hand at speaking anyhow. The time for war has not yet come, but it will come and that soon, and when it does come my advice is to draw the sword and throw away the scabbard." The personality of the speaker, the force of these simple words thus uttered, elicited a response of approval I never heard surpassed, except by the Confederate yell often heard on the battlefield a little later on. This simple speech and manner of Jackson established in the minds of his audience the belief that he was a leader upon whose loyalty and courage we could rely. How strange it was that this quiet professor who had performed his every duty, monotonous in its regularity, should with a bound leap into view and establish in the minds of his audience that he possessed the qualifications of a brilliant and dashing leader. This was a revelation to his friends and acquaintances, and the estimate of him then formed was shown to be correct by after developments. It was at the V. M. I. that I first came to know its superintendent and professors, including Jackson. Of the corps of cadets there were young men and boys, representing every state of the South and some of the States of the North. The corps was considered to be one of the finest the institution had ever had. Jackson, ever faithful to duty, now manifested great interest in the political conditions of the country and what they portended. He was instructor in artillery tactics, his favorite arm of the service. He now pushed work, giving great attention to the practical part. Drilling, limbering and unlimbering, target practice and the work incident thereto were very trying to boys in their teens in the hot spring sun, but neither heat nor cold had any terrors for Jackson when duty or the accomplishment of a purpose were involved. [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] decoration CHAPTER TWO Corps of Cadets ordered to Richmond. March to Staunton, thence by rail to Richmond. Wreck in Blue Ridge Tunnel. Speech of Governor at Richmond. OME of the States had passed ordinances of secession and others were following in rapid succession and war between the States was no longer problematical, but a fact. Virginia hesitated, but soon cast her lot with her sister States of the South and became a part of the new nation. Preparation for war was now pushed forward with great energy. Our corps under command of the State had previously been ordered to Richmond, and its members had been assigned to drill and organize for service the raw volunteers then hurrying thither. On our departure from the V. M. I. we marched to Staunton, about thirty-six miles distant, thence by rail to Richmond. All were delighted and filled with pride on that beautiful spring morning when the corps in fine array with martial tread marched from the front of barracks, down by the mess hall to the pike, thence on toward Staunton. Colonels Smith and Gilliam and Major Jackson were in charge. Baggage and artillery followed. The bridge across North River was passed and as we ascended the slope on the other side we took a last lingering look at the fading outlines of barracks, so dear to us. There our laudable boyish ambitions had been aroused, our hopes kindled and our mental and physical manhood developed. There each was independent of the others, yet all were a band of brothers. Each had learned to obey, and hence knew how to command. The march continued and barracks was soon out of sight. About ten miles out, knapsacks became too burdensome, and a farmer's wagon was impressed for service. This relieved us greatly. Staunton was reached about 10 o'clock on the night of the day we set forth. The corps was fed and lodged for the night in the hotels. Footsore and weary we slept well and arose at early reveille, chipper and bright and ready for the coming duties of the day. One of the first of which was after breakfast to load on flat cars our battery of four pieces of artillery and our equipment. This was new to us and was hard work. This done, we found we would have two or three hours at our disposal before leaving. Many matrons and damsels, as well as men and boys, had already come to the station to give cheer and encouragement to those who were going forth to do battle for their cause. The neat fitting uniforms of the cadets, to say nothing of their good looks and personal merit, for they were a magnificent body of youths, were always pleasing. A little later the crowd of ladies, men, boys and girls with waving handkerchiefs, cheers and huzzas bade us good-bye, and on our way to Richmond we sped. All went well, until we reached the Blue Ridge tunnel on the old Central, now Chesapeake and Ohio, railroad. Here an exciting and somewhat perilous catastrophe occurred. The train consisted of passenger cars for the officers and corps and flat cars for the battery and baggage. It was special, and hence had no schedule time. When well in the tunnel, which is nearly a mile long, our engine was derailed. The smoke from it filled the cars and the narrow space around them. We could not go forward, for the engine and force engaged blocked the way; nor could we go back, as we would be in danger of being left, as the engine might be ready for duty any minute and would at once pull out. To add to our peril another train from the direction whence we came was about due as per schedule time, and was liable to collide with ours, in which event results could but be imagined. Thus we were held veritable prisoners for nearly two hours, imperiled by the dangers of an oncoming train and the suffocating smoke from our own engine,—our first lesson in the privations and hardships of war. In all this the boys were bright and cheerful. Many witty and some sage remarks were made. Soon, however, we were on our way. Nothing of interest transpired on the rest of our journey, except greetings given us at the stations by the already aroused people who assembled to cheer us on, and the timid requests of the fair maidens for souvenir buttons from our uniforms. Such requests could not be refused. So far was it carried that some of our uniforms were quite disfigured before we reached our destination. Late in the afternoon Richmond loomed up to view. This was another new sight, for most of us were from rural districts and had never seen a city. From the station we marched to the front of the Capitol building in Capitol Square. Here the corps was reviewed by his excellency the Governor who made a little talk and the compliments paid us were pleasing to boys as we were. He said among other things that war was upon us and much depended upon our work in preparing an army for the field. Then amid the waving of handkerchiefs by the dames and maidens and the huzzas of the men and boys, a large number of whom had gathered to see and greet us, we marched to what was then known as the new fair grounds about two miles west of the city. Here we were quartered in the Exhibition and other buildings. The grounds were beautiful and well suited for a camp of instruction. Companies and regiments began at once to arrive, undrilled and undisciplined, raw and without arms, except in instances where the individual had given play to his own imagination as to what would be useful in battle, and pursuant thereto had brought the squirrel rifle, the shotgun, the butcher's knife and the pistol, some of the latter of the old pepper box type. A few thought the savage, the dare-devil mien the true indice of the soldier, hence the red hunting shirt, the coon skin cap, the unkempt hair and beard were popular insignia. How ludicrous was it all in the light of after experience! Yet these manifestations were not to be condemned. It is a chapter in their history that ought to give pride to their sons and daughters, because these were the promptings of purest patriotism. We began early to grapple with the fact that the South was without arms with which to meet a well armed, equipped and powerful foe. These disadvantages to be contended with by the new nation were very great, hence the organization of an army and its equipment as best might be was rushed with great vigor. Enlistment was rapid and troops now [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] [21] entering the camp were anxious to be drilled and instructed. The pulpit, the bench, the bar, the farm, the anvil, the shop and every other calling was represented, ready and willing to take any position from captaincy to private, the latter generally preferred, because of the general feeling of unpreparedness for the responsibilities of office and command, hence there was no unseemly scramble in this respect. At first the camp was intended for Virginia troops only, but it was soon made the rendezvous of troops of other States as well. This increased the numbers so much that not only the new but the old fair ground was utilized and filled. All added to the excitement, and war and preparation therefore were the absorbing themes of the old and the young, male and female. No male, physically and mentally able to do service, would stay out. Boys of tender years enlisted with the approval of fathers and mothers, and in some instances were even urged to do so. No critical or even cursory examination was applied to the volunteer. Meanwhile the drill, the discipline and the organization went on in a most satisfactory way. The efficient work of the corps of cadets which deserves much praise was soon apparent. It is just to say that the work had been done mainly under the command of our commandant, Col. Wm. Gilliam, Colonel Smith having returned to the Institute and Major Jackson having been commissioned a colonel and ordered to report to Gen. Joseph E. Johnston at Harpers Ferry. [22] [23] decoration CHAPTER THREE Richmond becomes Capital of Confederacy. The President. Presentation of Flag. Ex- President Tyler. 37th Virginia Infantry Reg. HE capital of the new nation had been established at Richmond the latter part of May and later the President and his cabinet removed thereto from Montgomery and entered upon their duties. Anxiety to see the President at our camp which was now great was soon gratified by an incident then of much interest. A new regiment commanded by Col. Robert E. Withers had arrived at the camp. It was regarded as a fine body of men and its coming created quite a stir of interest in, and respect for it. The ladies of the city desiring to contribute to this respect made with their own hands, as it was then stated, a splendid flag, and requested the President to present it to this regiment. He accepted the honor and on a subsequent afternoon rode on horseback from the city to the camp attended by his cabinet members, officers and aids. This cavalcade attracted universal attention, because the President was its head and all loved and admired Jefferson Davis. The regiment was drawn up by its proud officers; and other troops and citizens, including many ladies who added grace and beauty to the occasion, assembled nearby. The President stood on a little porch near a small table. The flag was handed him and he held it erect in his right hand, the staff resting on a table, its unfurled folds, rich and beautiful, wafted to the gentle breeze, and it could but be admired. Its makers, however, had not skillfully applied the rules of symmetry and proportion, either in the flag or its staff, for the former was something near the size and shape of a bed quilt and the latter was something less than a bed post. Both were clumsy and disproportionate. The President proceeded with the presentation. His speech was short, but informed, edified and enthused. When he reached the climax, among other things he said, "This flag is our symbol of liberty and on behalf of the ladies of the capital of our nation, I give it into hands that will proudly bear it to victory and never let it trail in the dust." Enthused while these and other words were so eloquently uttered, he held aloft, quivering in the air, as if in the grasp of a giant, this heavy and cumbersome flag. The audience had been spellbound until the climax came, and then enthusiasm scarcely had its bounds. As I remember him, the President was tall, slender, and somewhat cadaverous. I had never before, nor have I since, heard him speak, but on the occasion mentioned I was greatly impressed and shared the general belief in his ability and power. Other statesmen of the South visited the camp and spoke cheering words to the troops. All were optimistic in their expressed views of the outcome of the war then being entered upon. The most interesting to me of these visitors, however, was John Tyler, tenth President of the United States. He was then full of years, but possessed of much mental and physical vigor. Having learned something of his history and being but a schoolboy myself just approaching the threshold of life's battles, I was instinctively led to think of him and his life's work,—as a student at William and Mary College, then a fiddler and rollicking youth, as a brilliant lawyer at the Virginia bar, as a captain of a company in the war with Great Britain in 1812, as a brilliant leader in the Virginia legislature, as Governor of the State, as Representative and then Senator in the United States Congress, as successor to the Presidency after the death of William Henry Harrison and his stormy administration. But I have digressed and must return to my intended narrative. Of the troops now arriving in the camp were the companies of the 37th Virginia Infantry Regiment, to which regiment this narrative will mainly refer. The men composing these companies were young, vigorous and patriotic, but few of them exceeding the age of 35 years. They were from that part of Virginia where milk and honey flow, and were in the main of as good blood as their respective counties contained. One company, with Capt. Shelby M. Gibson at its head, was from the county of Lee; one with Capt. Henry Clinton Wood at its head, from the county of Scott. Three with Capts. John F. McElheney, —— and Simon Hunt at their respective heads, from the county of Russell; and five with Capts. John F. Terry, James L. White, Wm. White, Robert Grant and George Graham at their respective heads, from the county of Washington. These companies as designated by letter and their successive captains, brought about by casualties and other causes during the ensuing four years of war, were as follows: Company "A"—Capt. John F. Terry, later Charles Taylor, still later William Lancaster. Company "B"—Capt. William White, later Benjamin P. Morrison. Company "C"—Capt. John F. McElheney, later John Duff, still later John P. Fickle. Company "D"—Capt. Henry Clinton Wood, later James H. Wood. Company "E"—Capt. Shelby M. Gibson, later Samuel Shumate. Company "F"—Capt. George Graham. Company "G"—Capt. ——, later —— Bussey. Company "H"—Capt. Robert Grant, later Felix Duff, still later James Berry. Company "I"—Capt. Simon Hunt, later Thomas Smith. Company "K"—Capt. James L. White, later John A. Preston. [24] [25] [26] [27] [28] [29] These captains, as well as their subordinate officers, were men of character and in the main of strong personality. Some of them were educated and trained soldiers. Samuel V. Fulkerson of the county of Washington, who had served in the war with Mexico, a man of ability and high standing, left the circuit bench to lead this regiment as its colonel. Robert P. Carson of the same county and Titus V. Williams of Taswell county, both educated and trained soldiers were in the order named lieutenant-colonel and major. No doubt could exist that such a body of patriots so well officered needed but proper training in systematic cooperative effort to become most efficient soldiers. This work of training in which I had no small part showed its worth in effectiveness on the field of battle later on. Doctors C. C. Henkle and M. M. Butler were later on surgeon and assistant surgeon. They were efficient and faithful in their duties. This regiment will be hereafter referred to as "The Regiment" to avoid a more lengthy means of designation. GEN. ROBERT E. LEE [30] [31] decoration CHAPTER FOUR Cheat Mountain Expedition. Ordered to Jackson at Winchester. Expedition to Bath and Romney. Battle of Kernstown. Retreat up the Valley. OBERT E. Lee and Joseph E. Johnston, sons of Virginia, educated and trained soldiers, already distinguished in their profession of arms, had resigned from the United States army and had tendered their services to this new nation. Before Virginia completed the details of her alliance with the Confederacy Lee was placed in command of the Virginia forces, which included the corps of cadets. In the line of duty occasion brought me to his headquarters to receive from him directions for the performance of special military duty, and thus I had opportunity to form my own boyish estimate of him. I judged his age to be in the fifties and that he was in the prime of life. His presence and bearing were above criticism, his manner and conversation kind, firm, direct and self-confident. But it is needless to comment further now; his career, his fame, his life and his death are familiar history and need no further mention here. It is, however, deemed appropriate to insert the following graceful tribute to the memory of Lee from the pen of Mr. Henry Tyrrell which appeared in The New York World on the nineteenth of January, 1910. His sun of life grew grander toward its setting; It shed a dying splendor on his day, Then like a benediction, passed away Through twilight calm, gloomed with no vain regretting. A soul serene beyond our strife and fretting, In honor firm but yielding to the sway Of kindness ever, he shall with us stay Too fair a memory for the world's forgetting. His tomb is here. In graven marble pure, Recumbent sleeps his image. All of fame, Glory and love that mortal man may claim, In this white stone and this white name endure, 'Neath "Robert Edward Lee" might angels write: "Here lies the last and noblest Christian knight." Joseph E. Johnston, whom I met and knew later, was an able and accomplished soldier and impressed me as being of the same class with Lee. Albert Sydney Johnston, Beauregard and others, distinguished in their profession of arms, had also resigned from the United States Army and had cast their lots with the South. Soon both sides began with great energy to hurry troops to the front. Lee with a scattered force commanded in what is now West Virginia, Joseph E. Johnston at Harpers Ferry and Beauregard at Manassas. The Federals with the nucleus of the old army drilled and disciplined, armed and equipped, were rapidly assembling large forces at strategic points. The Confederates were equally energetic in assembling opposing forces, but they lacked the nucleus, the general discipline, the arms, the equipment,—all but courage. Big Bethel, the first battle of the War, Manassas, and movements leading up to them, as well as movements at other points, are matters of history and are not to be recounted here. The first service of "The Regiment" was at Laurel Hill in West Virginia with Brigadier-General Samuel Garland, who was soon compelled by the Federals under McClellan to retire because of his advanced and untenable position. His retreat was hasty, circuitous and trying, lasting from July 7th to the 12th, 1861, during which time skirmishes or small battles occurred, in one of which Garland was killed. After his death the brigade took position on the Parkersburg Pike at Greenbrier River under Brigadier-General Henry R. Jackson. This first was a trying campaign in which a number of casualties occurred and much sickness and suffering ensued. It was from this position at Greenbrier River that the Cheat Mountain expedition into West Virginia in September, 1861, was made. A Federal force had reached in its advance, the crossing of the Parkersburg Pike of Cheat River, half a dozen miles to the west of our position. Skirmishes occurred between observation parties of cavalry, reinforced at times by infantry from the respective sides as occasion required. These experiences were new to officers and men of both armies, and hence a nervous tension was kept up, as the close proximity of the opposing forces threatened to bring on a general engagement at any of these skirmishes. Jackson's brigade consisted of one Georgia, one Arkansas and two Virginia regiments of infantry, a company of cavalry and a battery of artillery aggregating about 3,000 men. Events and happenings as above indicated had continued for some time and thus stood when the Cheat Mountain expedition was entered upon by the Confederates. It was led by Col. Albert Rusk with his own third Arkansas and 37th Virginia regiments. He was to pass to the rear of the enemy and make attack, while Jackson made demonstration in front. The plan had but little promise of success, because of the superior numbers and fortified position of the Federals. We broke camp near nightfall of September 10th and moved out with two days' rations. Our course was toward the west down Greenbrier River. We bivouaced about midnight after a hard march of fifteen miles. To this point we had the benefit of a fair country road, but not so the rest of the way. We forded Greenbrier River in the early morning and, wet to the waists, began the long, rugged and trackless ascent of Cheat Mountain. The hardships and perils of this expedition can hardly be described. The rocks, the cliffs, the precipices, the river were obstacles that had to be [32] [33] [34] [35] [36] overcome at whatever cost of suffering or peril. Our descent of the mountain on the other side was quite short. In a channel or trough along the top of the mountain near its summit Cheat River flows to the east, while Greenbrier River at the base of the mountain flows to the west. The high altitude made the water and atmosphere quite cold, even for this season of the year. Our course was down this river with no road or trail save the bed of the stream. Its precipitous and cragged banks necessitating an almost continuous wading down, across and back for many times. Late in the afternoon we reached a point near the enemy, but slept on our arms until morning. A reconnoissance, however, disclosed his impregnable position. Our skirmish line exchanged some shots with the outposts and some casualties occurred, but the number I do not recall. I was brought to think why it all could not have been avoided; but, then as now, a few men on opposing sides led all the others and war resulted. We rested on our arms that night in close proximity to this stronghold, without food, hungry and chilled to the bone and as uncomfortable as it seemed possible to be. The folly of an assault upon the enemy's fort was seen and known, hence the return march was taken up. This was without incident. Many became ill and a number gave up their lives from the hardships and exposures of this expedition, my own illness extended over many weeks, during part of which time hope for a favorable issue almost fled. It was, however, my good fortune to be taken to a good country home and to be attended by a faithful nurse, which perhaps prevented a different result. When I was convalescing, but yet weak, a young soldier, delirious from pneumonia, who occupied an adjoining room, came to my bedside during the temporary absence of my nurse and seized a heavy, long necked bottle of brandy and raised it as if intending an assault, and apparently was about to bring it down on the head of his prostrate victim, who expected the blow and its serious results, but could do nothing to ward it off. Fortunately, before delivering the blow this crazed man, being consumed with fever, saw through the window an inviting stream of water that flowed by. Quickly replacing the bottle, with cat-like swiftness he passed down the stairway and to the stream, and drank copiously of its waters. He was unable to return and was carried back and early the next morning gave up the struggle and passed into eternity. In October the regiment was ordered to report to Stonewall Jackson at Winchester, and was assigned to the third brigade of Jackson's division. This brigade was now composed of the 37th and 23rd Virginia, First Georgia and Third Arkansas Regiments. Samuel V. Fulkerson was colonel of the first, William B. Taliaferro (pronounced Tolliver) and after his promotion to the rank of brigadier general, Alexander Talliaferro of the second,—Ramsey of the third and Albert Ruske of the fourth, above named regiments. Soon after this time the 1st Georgia returned to its home and the said 3rd Arkansas was ordered to Manassas and became a part of Hood's brigade. The Tenth Virginia, commanded by Colonel S. B. Gibbons, about May, 1862, and the 1st and 3rd North Carolina regiments, about August or September of that year, were assigned to the brigade and remained with it after that time. Our brigade commanders were: First, Henry R. Jackson, later William B. Talliaferro, and still later George H. Stuart. We remained in this brigade and division after that time, and future reference thereto will be "3d Brigade." Jackson was now a major-general and had been assigned to the command of the valley district. His force consisted of three brigades (1st, 2d and 3d, Ashby's cavalry and about three batteries of artillery, aggregating approximately 10,000 men.) In the latter part of December he made an expedition to Bath and Romney which was without apparent results, and it was regarded by his officers and men as unwise. From this a distrust in his ability as a leader arose. The weather was extreme, rain, sleet, snow and intense cold caused great suffering and the actual illness of many. From this and other causes his army was so much reduced that by early spring his entire force did not exceed 6,000 men, at which time the district under his command was beginning to be threatened from different directions and by different commands, aggregating a total force of about 40,000 men. These conditions to many would have seemed appalling, if not hopeless; but not so to Jackson, instead it was then that his remarkable strategy and skill began to manifest themselves. He retired from Winchester, moving slowly up the valley to the vicinity of New Town and from there made a demonstration toward Winchester, now occupied by a Federal force of about 12,000 under the command of General Shields. The forces met on the afternoon of March 23d at Kernstown, three miles south of Winchester and a very severe battle was fought, resulting in many casualties on both sides; but superior numbers forced Jackson to retire about dark still further up the valley. The "Regiment" and "3rd brigade" took a conspicuous part in this engagement and suffered severely. It was then difficult to understand why Jackson should have risked battle with this superior force. This again brought in question his capacity for leadership of a separate army, and but for his courage, sincerity and willingness to share hardships and dangers with his men he would have been held by them in much lower esteem as a commander. He was freely discussed and his expedition to Bath and Romney and his giving battle at Kernstown freely condemned, because not even probable beneficial results could have been anticipated as viewed by his critics. But when conditions were understood later on, it was apparent that no mistake had been made by Jackson in either instance. In truth, it is a question whether these events did not save Richmond from capture. McClellan's army of 100,000 men was pressing Johnston back toward the very gates of the city, yet McClellan was not willing to try conclusions until reinforcements could be had, and there was no other source from which they could be procured than from the armies surrounding and threatening Jackson's district, but withdrawal of reinforcements could not be made until Jackson should be overthrown, and thus the danger of a descent by him on Washington or on the rear of McClellan's army removed. Hence Jackson's evident purpose was to keep these 40,000 men from reinforcing McClellan; how well he accomplished this was abundantly shown. At this distance of time it is difficult to discover a material mistake made by him,—since the Bath and [37] [38] [39] [40] [41] [42] [43] Romney and the Kernstown events have been understood—his career was a success and nothing beats success. [44] decoration CHAPTER FIVE Retired to Swift Run Gap. Ewell's Division Arrives. Battle at McDowell. Battles at Front Royal and at Winchester. Bank's Retreat across the Potomac. HIELDS retired in the late spring of 1862 toward the east side of the Blue Ridge, and Banks with an army of approximately 20,000 men moved up the valley to Strasburg, thence on toward Harrisonburg, Jackson slowly retiring before him. Almost daily attacks, often growing into small battles, were made on the advancing Federals by the intrepid Ashby; but Jackson's force was too inadequate to risk a general engagement. He, however, would pause at strategic points until the enemy would concentrate in his front and would then retire, leaving the ever vigilant Ashby to keep up appearances, which he would so successfully do that the enemy would not discover the ruse for days, and when discovered would be thrown into a state of excitement, because not knowing when and from what direction a blow might be received. Just below Harrisonburg we left the valley pike and went into camp near Swift Run Gap on the road leading through this gap in the Blue Ridge, a strong position susceptible of being held by a small force against many times its number. Thus the way to Harrisonburg and Staunton was virtually open to the advancing foe, but he did not venture on. Ashby's cavalry was not now available to dispute his advance because of the wide field of operation and observation this command had to cover. This field embraced the immediate front, the Page Valley Front Royal and McDowell; thus Jackson was kept informed of every move of the enemy. Here he was reinforced by Ewell's division, bringing his entire force, including the brigade of General Edward Johnston then near McDowell, to approximately 15,000. Milroy was now pressing Johnston back toward Staunton and had reached McDowell, thirty miles northwest of that city. Jackson now left Ewell to watch Banks and moved with his own division about 6,000 through Swift Run Gap to the east side of the Blue Ridge. His army thought this to be an abandonment of the valley, and the impression became general that Joseph E. Johnston needed reinforcements to save Richmond and that this was our destination; but when we reached the railroad instead of going east to Richmond we went by rail west to Staunton, thence by forced march to McDowell. On the afternoon of May 8th the attack on Milroy, whose army was estimated at 8,000, was opened by Johnston's brigade. The Federals occupied a position on the west and at the base of Shenandoah Mountain. A deep and difficult ravine intervened between this position and a low ridge occupied by the Confederates. The use of artillery was almost impossible, owing to the hills and rugged ground; hence the battle was fought almost entirely with small arms and was different from subsequent battles in this, that there was no bayonet charge, but simply each side from its position kept up an incessant fire and roar of musketry at comparatively close range until the end. The whole scene is yet vivid in my mind as I saw it. Our brigade was well down the mountain when the battle began and the roar of musketry and shouts of the contending forces came up the mountain side to us as we hurried on. There was a kind of horrible grandeur about it all that allured and inspired some, and struck others with trepidation. There were but few, if any, who would not prefer to escape the perils of battle, but a sense of duty made the man of moral courage a good soldier however mindful he might be of pending danger or of death itself. It is soldiers of this, and not of the physical courage type that win battles. We moved on; louder and still fiercer the battle grows. Reinforcements are now entering on the Federal side with battle shouts and huzzas, which are answered in grim defiance by the Confederates. Johnston's brigade alone holds the front for the Confederates. Our brigade has now reached the base of the ridge, where we find Jackson who quickly points our position. Here, too, we found the field hospital, the ground strewn with the wounded, the dead, the dying, and still others came down the ridge from the front, wounded and red with blood, assisted or carried on litters. Surgeons and assistant surgeons are doing all they can to save suffering and life, but the scene is too sickening to pause and consider. On we go up the Ridge, take our position in line and open fire on the enemy. The battle now rages ten times fiercer than before, men fall on every side, some never to rise, while others are wounded and helped to the rear. The smoke of battle settles upon us so dense and dark that we cannot see happenings around us. Begrimed, drinking and tasting the smoke of battle seemed to increase courage and determination, and thus with defiant war cries the battle goes on for some hours. General Johnston was shot and disabled, Colonel Gibbons of the 10th Virginia fell. Captain Terry and Lieutenant Wilhelm, John Lawson and many others of my own company and regiment whose names I do not now recall were killed or wounded. After a lapse of forty odd years it is impossible to recall names. Notwithstanding the horribleness of this scene there was such a mixture of excitement, intensity of purpose, of danger and exhilaration that it was more fascinating than repulsive. Nightfall came upon us, yet the battle still went on in unabated fury. At this time a Confederate force that had been making its way on the mountain side through the hills and rugged grounds on our right, descended upon the enemy's left and routed him completely from the field. Then came the jubilation over the victory and of each over his own escape from injury. The next sensation was that of grief for the lost and injured. We now went into bivouac, and the following morning started in pursuit of the Federals who retired in haste to Petersburg, about ninety miles from Staunton. Here Fremont joined Milroy and concentrated his army of approximately 25,000 men to resist our further advance. In this retreat the woods were set on fire by the Federals, causing smoke, darkness and gloom, and hence slower progress in the pursuit as well as suffering from the heat and smoke. About the middle of May, Banks, with an army now increased to approximately 25,000 men, occupied and had fortified Strasburg against attack from the direction of Staunton, eighty miles to the southwest. Ten miles south of [45] [46] [47] [48] [49] [50] [51] Strasburg is Front Royal. Between Strasburg and Front Royal is the north end of Massanutten Mountain, which extends to the South for a distance of fifty or sixty miles, separating Shenandoah from Page Valley. Winchester, twenty miles north of Front Royal, had also been fortified by the Federals and at this place they had assembled large army stores. Thus Banks and his army stood at Strasburg in fancied security while Fremont was concentrating his army at Petersburg to resist further advance of the Confederates. Aided by the smoke and gloom, Jackson withdrew from Fremont's front, l...