Atlanta University Center DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center ETD Collection for AUC Robert W. Woodruff Library 12-1-2012 The sixth finger: Jack Johnson, Muhammad Ali, and the unconscious race hero in sports Augustus Clark Wood III Clark Atlanta University Follow this and additional works at:http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations Part of theHistory Commons Recommended Citation Wood, Augustus Clark III, "The sixth finger: Jack Johnson, Muhammad Ali, and the unconscious race hero in sports" (2012).ETD Collection for AUC Robert W. Woodruff Library.Paper 443. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in ETD Collection for AUC Robert W. Woodruff Library by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center. For more information, please [email protected]. ABSTRACT HISTORY WOOD, AUGUSTUS C. B.A. MOREHOUSE COLLEGE, 2007 THE SIXTH FINGER: JACK JOHNSON, MUHAMMAD ALl, AND THE UNCONSCIOUS RACE HERO IN SPORTS Committee Chair: Richard A. Morton, Ph.D. Thesis dated December 2012 This study examines both the mentality ofblackrace heroes in American sporting history and the surrounding atmospheric influences onpersonality, mentality, masculinity, and global perspective on said heroes, using the case studies oficonic boxers Jack Johnson and Muhammad Au as the primary focus. This study was based on the premise that both boxers initiated a conscious effort ofracial pride, black agency, and global hegemony through their consistent success both inside and outside the ring. The researcher found that in almost blind adoration, African Americans chose two unconscious, self-righteous, and raceless blacks who utilized their gifted abilities as boxers to only capture full masculinity inthe forms ofwealth and power. In response to their considerable inferior treatment at the hands ofthe majority, blacks actively sought dominant representations of success and defiance ofthe norms to carry their dreams ofblack pride. However, both Jack Johnson and Muhammad Ali repeatedly rejected their anointed statuses of“race men” for the chance at true wealth and power in the commercialization and exploitation 1 oftheir masculinity. In addition, the background environments ofboth figures are essential to the true analysis ofthe mentality and perception ofthe boxers. The conclusions drawn from the finding suggestthat both individuals rejected their hometown communities’ ideals ofagency and activism and instead opted to embrace the more lucrative ideals ofindependence (Johnson and Galveston) and interdependence (Ali and Louisville). As the black community witnessed both Jack Johnson and Muhammad Au continuously thrive and capture success in apredominantly white and commercial environment, they also sawthe potential to showcase the greatest aspects ofthe American black race notjust nationally, but also globally to other black groups. Therefore, race consciousness would both intensify and spread ifpowerful, masculine icons continued to dominate in societal contests like sports. Because ofthese desires, blacks across the nation supplied insurmountable support and sustenance to these figures throughout their careers. In fact, to most blacks throughout the nation, both pugilists possessed superhuman qualities, or a “sixth finger.” As the twenty first century thrives, blacks continue the practice ofselecting sporting representatives ofthe race to showcase dominance in athletics, society, and unconscious racial pride. 11 THE SIXTH FINGER: JACK JOHNSON, MUHAMMAD ALl, AND THE UNCONSCIOUS RACE HERO IN SPORTS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF CLARK ATLANTA UNIVERSITY iN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS BY AUGUSTUS CLARK WOOD III DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ATLANTA, GEORGIA DECEMBER2012 ©2012 AUGUSTUS CLARK WOOD III All Rights Reserved ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work is dedicated to Allyson Wood, Dorcas Wood and Augustus Clark Wood II, three very, special people. I am heartily thankful to my supervisor, Richard Morton, and mentor, Alton Homsby Jr., whose encouragement, guidance, and support from the initial to the final level was essential to the quality ofthe work. Lastly, I offer my regards and blessings to all those who supported me in any respect during the completion ofthis project, especially committee members, Drs. Stephanie Evans and Charmayne Patterson, the Atlanta Fulton Public Library System, and the Auburn Avenue Research Library, which was the cornerstone ofmy research. 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii . Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION: I SHOT AN ARROW INTO THE AIR: BOXING AND THE SEARCH FOR MASCULINITY AND RACE CONSCIOUSNESS TN AMERICA 1 2. THE ARCHITECTS OF FEAR: BLACK SELF-DETERMINATION AND REDEMPTIONIST POLITICS IN URBAN TEXAS, 1850-1900 23 3. THE MONSTERS ARE DUE ON WALNUT STREET: BLACK AGENCY AND SELF-DETERMINANT ACTIVISM IN LOUISVILLE, KENTUCKY, 1865-1980 47 4. BEYOND THE INVISIBLES: THE RISE OF JACK JOHNSON, MUHAMMAD ALl, AND THE UNCONSCIOUS RACE HERO IN SPORTS 74 5. I SING THE BODY ELECTRIC! THE GLOBAL RESPONSE TO JACK JOHNSON, 1907-1912 114 6. “JACK JOHNSON’S GHOST IS WATCHING YOU!” THE GLOBAL RESPONSE TO THE MUHAMMAD ALl ENIGMA, 1960-1964 144 7. CHILDREN OF PANIC: JACK JOHNSON, MUHAMMAD ALT, AND SYMBOLS OF DISORDER IN AMERICAN SOCIETY 194 8. NINETY YEARS WITHOUT SLUMBERING: JACK JOHNSON, MUHAMMAD ALl, AND THE COLLAPSE OF MASCULINITY 238 EPILOGUE 294 BIBLIOGRAPHY 302 III CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION I SHOT AN ARROW INTO THE AIR: BOXING AND THE SEARCH FOR RACE CONSCIOUSNESS AND MASCULINITY IN AMERICA There was a moment intime whenthose who were brilliant and powerful were also sportive and playful. Whenthey took recess from their exhausting and magnificent strides towards glory, they replenished their darker passions with a myriad of“fun and games.” The Ancient Egyptian, Roman, and Greek societies embraced brutish games that served as both an indentation from the harsh realities oflife and as an assessment of individual authority and influence. Inthis multicu1t~iral and exceptionally diverse world, such pastimes have since been civilized, and drained ofall but their last few drops of blood. In fact, the violent and destructive games ofyesteryear have been replaced with more moderate contests today that personify the exceedingly profitable and productive elements ofentertainment, commercialization, and sectionalism. Accompanying these elements are underlying social factors, particularly varying degrees ofracial hierarchal practices, which have devastatingly affected the atmosphere ofsports. Indeed, racial hierarchies have existed throughout international sports history, but the distinguishing factor in recent memory suggests the increased individualization in sports. Originally hailed as ateam ofheroes for major American cities like New York and Boston, a gradual shift to singular iconic worship intwentieth century sporting has resulted in major social and cultural ramifications worldwide. 1 2 This research simultaneously explores, analyzes, and dissects these implications specifically in the area ofboxing, one ofAmerica’s mostpopular pastimes. Prizefighting’s first attempts at modernization and popularizationbegan in 1719 when James Figg, the first bare knuckles boxing champion in history, travelled around England showcasing exhibition fighting.’ At first, the English were unimpressed as they considered sporting amusements to be both crude and counterproductive. As the Revolutionary Era approached and prizefighting extended to the American colonies, both Puritans and Republicans spread anti-sporting propaganda equating athletics to the oppressive nature and decadent monarchies ofEurope.2 More religious groups, especially Protestant sects, followed suit, citing the Sabbatarian restrictions against gambling, amusements, and drinking.3 However, similarto the decline in white middle class male manliness inthe twentieth century, the economic shifts in prosperity and transforming thought patterns on society ushered in a golden age ofsporting at the turn of the nineteenth century. The sport’s popularity exploded with the coming ofJack Broughton, called the “father ofboxing rules” because he introduced aprohibition on eye gouging and attacking a fallen opponent. Broughton exemplifiedthe demographics that dominatedthe pugilist sport for centuries: white, working class males with intentto settle a dispute or earn money. In addition, Broughton added an entertainment value to the sport. Bare knuckle brawling was brutal and violent, but Broughton’s charisma and untouchable defense added intrigue that drew supporters. In fact, by the 1820s, industrialization had brought an influx ofimmigrants to the nation, prompting more citizens to desire sporting and its facets ofamusement and gambling to offsetthe tiresome work days. Historian 3 Dale Somers noted that, “as the tempo ofindustrialization and urbanization accelerated, Americabecame a mass society composed ofpeople whose lives were governed increasingly by the machine and time clock.”4 In similar fashionto the conquerors in history, Americans’ desire for “fun and games” effectively muted the previously thunderous voices in opposition to sports. Regardless ofthe boom in popularity for prizefightingto the public, Northern politicians convincedthejudiciaries to continuously rule boxing illegal. In effect, supporters devoted the largerpart ofthe nineteenth century dodging police, bribing law officials, and holding lucrative fights in secluded areas like barns and abandoned shipyards. As the objectors correctlypredicted, gambling immediately took control of pugilism, which many viewed as a major facet ofan immoral society. Bookmaking, according to protestors, gradually leads to more degenerative practices in a society like vagrancy, debt and prostitution. Plus, along with excessive gambling came violent riots, which prompted state legislatures to pass concrete laws outlawing any simple example of fistfighting at any time. Political objectors wasted no time in celebrating these measures and looked to spread the message harshly. By 1849, in connection with their Puritan past, Massachusetts in particular set the precedentby upholding numerous convictions of their anti-prizefighting laws.5 On May 30, 1880, Irishman Paddy Ryan defeated Englishman Joe Goss in Colliers, West Virginiato become the first world heavyweight champion in boxing. This momentous event represented the southward shift ofprizefighting in America as simultaneously more citizens embraced prizefighting and law enforcement sought out violators. By this point, advertising for bouts was everywhere and the occupation of