ISSN 2046-245X The Second Angus McIntosh Lecture Scots as a language of European civilisation (organised by the Scottish Text Society) Edinburgh, 22 March 2010 Dr Caroline Macafee Photograph by Andrew Swanston, frontispiece, Michael Benskin and M. L. Samuels eds., So Meny People Longages and Tonges. Philological Essays in Scots and Mediaeval English Presented to Angus McIntosh (privately published, 1981) I’ve taken as my title ‘Scots: a language of European civilisation’ because when I think of Angus McIntosh, the word that comes most readily to mind is ‘civilised’. I remember him as dignified and rather awe-inspiring, but also as courteous and urbane. My contact with him was mainly as an undergraduate, though also from time to time as a colleague after I began my teaching career at the University of Glasgow. But I like best to remember him from my lowly position as one of his undergraduate students, because he was – as everybody who knew him would agree – a person to look up to. I had the good fortune to go to Edinburgh University during a Golden Age. The numbers of students were low enough that the Honours classes could be taught in small groups by the most distinguished scholars, like Prof. McIntosh, at that time also the Head of the English Language Department. We were able to see something of the scholar at work, to catch a bit of the excitement of new discoveries and developments as they happened. In particular, we were aware of the ongoing work on the Linguistic Atlas of Late Mediaeval English. Prof. McIntosh would use examples from it to illustrate points that he was making, not just points of fact, but points of methodology and theory, which he was quite happy to expose undergraduates to. There was a feeling that the small steps we were taking into the subject were steps on that same road that leads towards mastery and the opportunity to be part of the invisible college – as 17th century scientists called it – that all of the scholars in a given field belong to. I did go on to become, in my own small corner, a member of the fraternity of scholars and I owe that to the inspiration of truly great teachers and scholars, Angus McIntosh prominent amongst them. One of the rather wonderful things about our field is that knowledge doesn’t become obsolete in it – unlike for instance, medicine or physics, where the work of earlier generations is of purely historical interest. Scholars are still writing – and will go on indefinitely writing – things like, “No one has done more to illuminate this question than Angus McIntosh,”1 or, “the value of linguistic profiles ... is outlined by Professor McIntosh,”2 or, “The means ... have been set out in a series of ground-breaking articles.”3 Because, of course, when scholars cite each other’s work, it is in the present tense. Angus McIntosh’s work is forever, or as long as European civilisation endures, and Angus McIntosh as a scholar is immortal. People sometimes think of scientific enquiry – and linguistics is a branch of science – as a free-ranging adventure into strange unknown lands – a bit like discovering the source of the Nile perhaps. Maybe occasionally it can be like that, but a lot of the time it’s more like extracting precious metal from the ground – you have to sift through many tons of facts to refine some nuggets of understanding. The various fields of academic enquiry are called ‘disciplines’ for a reason – you have to narrow your focus to just those questions that you can hope to answer in the present state of knowledge, and then you pursue the 1 Gillis Kristensson ‘On Middle English dialectology’ in Michael Benskin and M. L. Samuels eds., So Meny People Longages and Tonges. Philological Essays in Scots and Mediaeval English Presented to Angus McIntosh (privately published, 1981) p. 8. 2 Michael Benskin and Margaret Laing ‘Translations and Mischsprachen in Middle English manuscripts’ ibid., p. 99, fn. 13. 3 Jeremy Smith An Historical Study of English (London and New York, Routledge, 1996), p. 29. answer until it gives itself up, exhausted. Even as an undergraduate in those days, I had the sense that this was what was going on around me, and I think that was wonderful. For this lecture, I also thought the theme of civilisation was appropriate because of Angus McIntosh’s war service, first in the Tank Corps and then as a code-breaker at Bletchley. When I was a callow undergrad in the 1970s, the Second World War was, for me, already history. I didn’t understand – I probably didn’t understand until I became a parent – that Angus’s generation had saved Europe from a descent into barbarism. All the comfort and security and freedom that we now enjoy, we owe to them. It’s only when I think about it now that I realise that Angus and his generation purchased the opportunity – not only for themselves, but for those like me who sat at their feet – to explore the riches of knowledge for no other reason than this: that it is civilising. History – the history of language, or any other aspect of history – is a bit like a garden: there might well be useful things in it, but it is also a place to refresh and uplift the spirit. So on this occasion, I invite you to put down the spade and the trowel of scholarship and take a wee dauner, just for the sake of it. Figure 1. Roman Empire 200 A.D. (Bartholomew, Atlas of the Historical Geography of the Holy Land, 1915, via Wikimedia Commons http://commons.wikimedia.org) Figure 1 shows civilisation, as far as the western world is concerned, in the fifth century A.D. Beyond this are barbarians who think the proper response to a murder is another murder, and who wipe their fingers in their beards. The Angles and Saxons are about to overrun eastern Britain and turn the infrastructure of Roman rule into instant archaeology. However, even while we were still on the continent, we Germanic tribes had had some taste of civilisation. As many of you will remember from First Year English Language, there were some early loans from Latin while the Angles were still on the continent, e.g. wine, high on the list of what the Romans did for us. And oddly enough – since it is to this day a revolting northern European habit to cook with animal fat instead of olive oil – the word butter comes to us from Latin, and perhaps Greek before that – though the Mediterranean peoples may only have been transmitting it from further afield. The Oxford English Dictionary (OED) describes its anterior etymology as “perhaps of Scythian or other barbarous origin”. Figure 2. Part of a Roman hoard from Birnie. Courtesy of the National Museums of Scotland. Another mark of civilisation that we owe to the Romans is coinage. Those of you who are old enough to remember real money will recall that the abbreviation for pounds, shillings and pence was l.s.d., i.e. librae, solidi, denarii. Figure 2 shows a hoard of denarii found a few years ago at Birnie near Elgin, a reminder of how far north the Romans got, even if they didn’t manage to establish themselves. Fraser Hunter, the archaeologist in charge of the dig, has suggested that the coins were a bribe to keep the frontier quiet.4 The locals, of course, had nothing to spend the silver on, this being a barter and pillage economy, so they buried them. Birnie is pretty much at the end of the line of known Roman campsites, though even further west, nine Roman coins were found at Burghead, and isolated Roman coins have turned up in Orkney and in the Outer Hebrides (Figure 3). 4 Fraser Hunter Beyond the Edge of Empire – Caledonians, Picts and Romans (Rosemarkie: Groam House Museum, 2007) p. 24; 'Finding Roman Treasure', National Museums of Scotland (http://www.nms.ac.uk/education__activities/celts_and_romans_at_birnie/finding_roman_treasure.aspx. Figure 3. Roman coin finds. Courtesy of the National Museums of Scotland. It’s worth reminding ourselves that Latin is an older language in these islands than Scots or English. It took the Angles till the 12th century to get as far as Elgin, and then only on the coat-tails of the Norman administration – Elgin was chartered as a royal burgh in 1136. The spread of the burghs (Figure 4) is the best surrogate we have for the northward spread of the Anglian language (later, as we know, to evolve into Scots). Figure 4. Burghs to 1300. From Atlas of Scottish History to 1707 (1996), Peter McNeill and Hector MacQueen (eds.), Edinburgh: The Scottish Medievalists and Department of Geography, University of Edinburgh. These were at first Anglian-speaking (and French-speaking) enclaves in Gaelic territory, and it must have been difficult to persuade burgesses to move there. They were enticed with a tax holiday, called a kirset – the word is Danish. It appears first in Latin documents – DOST (A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue) often quotes Latin for the early history of words, since vernacular documents are so thin on the ground until the late 14th c. You’ll see from the DOST citations that you would get quinque annorum in Dumbartonshire, but if you were prepared to go as far as Dingwall, you’d get decem annorum (Figure 5). Figure 5. From A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue via Dictionary of the Scots Language (http://www.dsl.ac.uk/dsl/) Figure 6 shows the major sources of Older Scots vocabulary (based on a 1 in 40 sample taken some years ago when the dictionary was only published as far as the 8th volume).5 The element of Latin in Scots tends to be masked by French, its daughter language, since it’s often the case that a loanword could come from either, e.g. civil, spirit, metal, pupil, to mention only a few. % Sources of Older Scots vocabulary 40 35 30 25 % 20 all words 15 common words 10 5 0 OE ON MDu L L/OF OF Gael ? Figure 6. Percentage sources of Older Scots vocabulary, based on a 1/40 sample of DOST up to ‘Schake’. If we simplify the picture into language families (Figure 7), we can see that the contribution of Latin and French comes surprisingly close to the size of the Germanic contribution, even when we exclude less frequent words (those printed in smaller print in DOST). This isn’t to say, of course, that the better-assimilated Romance words were all in everyday use, but taking the language as the dictionary presents it, across all written registers, we have to acknowledge that Scots, like English, is a massively Romance language, as far as its vocabulary is concerned. % Major sources of Older Scots vocabulary 60 50 40 30 common words 2 0 5 Caroline Macafee and Alan Anderson ‘A random sample of Older Scots lexis’, Transactions of the 10 Philological Society 95:2 (1997), pp. 247-278. 0 Germanic Romance Gael % Major sources of Older Scots vocabulary 60 50 40 30 common words 20 10 0 Germanic Romance Gael Figure 7. Percentage sources of Older Scots vocabulary by main language families, common words only, based on a 1/40 sample of DOST up to ‘Schake’. There have been a number of studies of Scots vocabulary from the point of view of the contribution of individual languages, but I would suggest that the French contribution is ripe for re-examination. There is a very interesting book on this subject, Francisque Michel’s A Critical Enquiry into the Scottish Language with the view of illustrating the Rise and Progress of Civilisation in Scotland, 6 a work of great breadth and erudition, but done without the benefit of the OED, never mind DOST. Its etymologies are sometimes ingenious. I’m sure I don’t have to tell this audience that ingenuity is not a virtue in a lexicographer. So we might say that the form of the language reflects its wide European roots, and in particular its rootedness in the civilised Mediterranean as well as in the barbarous north. We can also see in the content of the language the participation of Scotland in European culture. Here, of course, I can only give a few examples and be very selective. I’m going to leave aside the arts and the institutions and concentrate on trade. The vocabularies of coinage and fabrics are particularly interesting, and with the dictionaries online, it’s very easy now to pull out areas of lexis by searching the definitions (‘senses’) and you can be fairly sure that you’ve got a large proportion of the material, so that generalisations are possible. This online incarnation of the dictionaries would have delighted Angus McIntosh. It was Angus who secured backing for DOST, together with The Scottish National Dictionary, from the four ancient Scottish universities back in the 1950s, and he worked mightily in their support. We can imagine also the hearty welcome he would have given to the Historical Thesaurus of the Oxford English Dictionary, the brain child of his colleague at Glasgow, Prof. Michael Samuels, now brought to fruition by Prof. Christian Kay. Going back to coins, the denarius was the ancestor of the silver penny, and in Medieval Europe (up till the 14th century in Scotland) this was the only coin actually minted. Other 6 Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1882. amounts were what is called money of account – denominations used in prices and calculations but not actually in circulation as coins – rather like guineas, which stopped being minted as coins in 1813 but were used for expressing prices right up until decimalisation (and are still sometimes used in auctioning livestock). There was no shilling coin in Scotland, for instance, until after the Union of the Crowns. The mark or merk was a Germanic measure, originally a weight of precious metals. The mark, as a monetary value, was widely used as money of account. There never was a mark coin in England. In Scotland, however, it was intermittently minted as a coin from the late 16th century on. Derived from mark is the markland, a piece of land with an annual rental value of one mark (except in the Northern Isles where it seems to refer to land with an original purchase value of a mark). It is really a quite remarkable testimony to the conservatism of pre-industrial societies that the mark survived alongside the pound, since it didn’t have a neat relationship with it – the mark was reckoned to be worth 13/4d (two thirds of the pound). However, Scottish merchants were well used to dealing with currency conversions. For one thing, English money circulated freely in Scotland, but after 1367, when Scotland left the “sterling area”, the Scottish and English currencies weren’t at parity.7 By the time of the Union, the Scottish currency was worth one twelfth of the English. This is usually seen as an embarrassing admission of Scotland’s poverty, but looking at the plight of Greece and the other poorer countries within the Eurozone at the present time, it could well be seen as an expression of national sovereignty, since there are times when devaluation of the currency is the only way to protect the economy. Through overseas trade, Scottish merchants were naturally familiar with the coinage of many countries, but even within Scotland, anybody receiving a cash payment was likely to find that the bag contained a large proportion of coins from the Low Countries and France. Having limited natural sources of gold or silver, Scotland was chronically short of coins, or specie, to use the technical term, throughout most of its history as an independent country, and was rather lax about allowing foreign coins to circulate (as opposed to melting them down and reminting them). However, the mints did test foreign coin issues to establish the rate of exchange: Forasmuch as there hath bein of late imported into this kingdome great numbers of these dollors commonly called leg dollors haveing the impression of a man in armes with one leg and a shield containing a coat of armes covering the other leg upon the one syd, which does usually passe at the rate of fiftie eight shillings Scotts money and seing that upon tryeall of the intrinseck … value thereof they are found to fall short of the forsaid rate and that in the Vnited Provinces where the saids dollors are coyned thy passe only at the rate of crose dollors, therefor … the Kings majesty … doeth declare that … the true … pryce at which the forsaids leg dollors ought to passe … is fiftie six shillings Scotts money; 1670 Cochran-Patrick Coinage (DOST s.v. Leg-dollo(u)r). 7 Ranald Nicholson ‘Scottish monetary problems in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries’ in D. M. Metcalf, ed., Coinage in Medieval Scotland (1100–1600). The Second Oxford Symposium on Coinage and Monetary History (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 45, 1977), pp. 103–114. (It’s interesting to note that although this text is written in English, it uses the Older Scots plural forms saids and forsaids. Plural forms of adjectives were a feature of legal writing in Older Scots. It was mainly French adjectives that were treated in this way, but there was a small group of native words that inflected as well, and with said and forsaid the practice continues in formal documents into the 18th century, along with a few other Scottish features that bespeak a national tradition.8) Going back to Michel (1882), just to show the extent to which he was working in the dark – and just to remind ourselves of the immense benefit to scholarship of these major reference works, the dictionaries, thesauri, sound archives and atlases – Michel asserts (quite confidently) that the leg dollar is a Manx coin,9 from the three-legged symbol (the triskelion) of the Isle of Man. A good guess, and merely that. Originally, of course, coins were measured quantities of precious metal, stamped in the name of the king as a warrant that they contained full weight (at least at the point when they entered circulation). There was always a temptation to quantitative easing of the coinage, so some issues were known to contain more precious metal than others, despite having the same face value. People were perhaps quite sensitive to the particular coin issues that they were dealing with; there are certainly large number of names for coins based on individual designs, e.g. the bonnet-piece or bonnet groat (with James V wearing a bonnet), the sword dollar, the ridar, the rose noble, the unicorn and the potence crown (with a potence or gibbet on it). The name miln-rynd was applied to various coins, including a Spanish one, with a representation of a mill-rind on them. A mill-rind (Figure 8) is a piece of iron that separates upper and nether millstones, so that they have a degree of movement against each other. Figure 8: the mill-rind as a heraldic device (from http://www.library.nd.edu/rarebooks/digital_projects/heraldry/charges/misc.shtml) There was also the nonsunt, a coin of Mary Queen of Scots during her brief time as consort of Francis II and Queen of France (1559-1560), with the words Iam non sunt duo sed una caro (Wherefore they are no more twain but one flesh, Matthew xix. 6). You can just imagine hearing the joke for the twentieth time: “Look, this coin says on it ‘I am nonsunt’.” 8 Caroline Macafee and †A. J. Aitken ‘A History of Scots to 1700’ in A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue vol. XII (2002, also http://www.dsl.ac.uk/dsl/index.html). 9 Op. cit. p. 125.