M , M , ystery edicine A and lchemy R I in enaissance taly i m m w u im Q NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC WASHINGTON, D.C. para Elbita con amor, y para Miguelito con esperanza Prologue: Experience and Memory 7 1 Mia Dolce Patria 14 2 The Empire of Disease 22 Published by the National Geographic Society 3 Medical Bologna 34 1145 17th Street N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 4 Leonardo and the Anatomists 41 Copyright © 2010 William Eamon. All rights reserved. Reproduction of the whole or any part of the contents .without written permission from the publisher is prohibited. 5 The Education of a Surgeon 48 ISBN: 978-1-4262-0650-4 6 The Road of Experience 57 Library of Congress cataloging-in-publication information available upon request. 7 The Carnival Doctor 62 8 The New Asclepius 69 9 The Marvelous Virtues of Precipitato 77 10 Charlatan or Wonder Worker? 86 11 An Ingenious Surgery 91 12 The Marvels of Naples 102 13 An Academy of Magi 111 14 The University of War 122 The National Geographic Society is one of the worlds largest nonprofit scientific and educational orga­ nizations. Founded in 1888 to “increase and diffuse geographic knowledge,” the Society works to inspire 15 The Cardinal’s House 134 people to care about the planet. 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And who wouldn’t be? Ever since he arrived in Milan in the early 1570s, the city’s physicians had been plotting against him. But this time they’d gone too far, sending offi­ cers of the Proweditori alia Sanita, or Public Health Board, to arrest him arid throw him in prison on the dubious charge of “not medi­ cating in the canonical way.” Fioravanti was no common barber-surgeon. Nor was he one of those wandering charlatans who would suddenly show up in the town square, hawk a few nostrums, then just as quickly disappear. He was a physician, holding degrees from Italy’s preeminent medical school, the University of Bologna. Yet he’d languished in jail for eight days now without anyone’s heeding his protestations of innocence. Unable to contain his anger any longer, Fioravanti asked the prison guard for pen and paper. He then drafted a letter to Milan’s public health minister, taking care to address him in the proper—that is to say obsequious—manner. He introduced himself as “Leonardo Fioravanti of Bologna, Doctor of Arts and Medicine, and Knight.” He wrote his protest in a measured tone, but didn’t hold back, demand­ ing to be allowed to “medicate freely as a legitimate doctor.” Then he sealed the letter, dated it 22 April 1573, and paid the jailhouse guard to entrust it to a messenger, who would carry it to the Sanita office at the ducal palace in the Piazza del Duomo. 7 THE PROFESSOR ]£E SECRETS PROLOGUE The next day, Niccolo Boldoni plucked Fioravanti’s letter from seems unlikely, but the historical record is mute. In any event, the the pile of documents on his desk. As Milan’s protophysician (pro- court set him free. tojisico), or public health minister, Boldoni oversaw every aspect of the city’s medical profession. His duties entailed a seemingly endless LEONARDO THE MIRACULOUS grind of routine bureaucratic tasks: examining barber-surgeons and This was hardly the first time that Leonardo Fioravanti had run midwives, collecting fees, imposing fines, inspecting pharmacies, afoul of the medical establishment. By 1573 his defiance of conven­ ruling on petitions and appeals. tional medical doctrine was legendary. He had journeyed to Milan On the face of it, there was nothing unusual about the letter from Venice, where the College of Physicians had accused him of Boldoni was about to open: He would have read plenty of com­ fraud and endangering the people’s health with his unorthodox plaints from disgruntled healers. After breaking the wax seal that treatments. Before that, Fioravanti had been chased out of Rome by fastened the edges of the letter and opening it, however, Boldoni a “cabal” of physicians. Yet when he visited Sicily in 1548, his mirac­ must have immediately recognized that the appeal before him was ulous cures earned him accolades as a “new Asclepius.” And while like no other. serving as a military surgeon in the Spanish navy during the war A vile plot was afoot, the angry supplicant protested.'The town against the Turkish corsairs in Africa, Fioravanti became famous physicians were behind it. They had accused him of poisoning his for his novel treatment of gunshot wounds. Only a few years after patients, yet the real reason for his incarceration was “pure and sim­ the Milan affair, he would travel to Spain and to the court of King ple envy”: Philip II, where the people would proclaim Leonardo Fioravanti a saint, a prophet, and a necromancer. Seeing that I’ve cured and saved so many sick people in this Contemporaries lavished similar paeans on his healing prowess. and many other cities of Italy with such beautiful and excel­ A Venetian poet called him “an angel of paradise, sent by God to lent remedies unknown to any of them, and seeing that my earth for the health and preservation of human life” after Fioravanti fame continues to grow because of it, the physicians don’t cured him “with miraculous success” of a brutal gunshot wound to want me, a foreigner settled in Milan, to demonstrate the vir- the head. Abrasive and contentious, Fioravanti made enemies wher­ tue that God, nature, and long experience have taught me. ever he went; his battles with the medical establishment made him a virtual symbol of the Renaissance charlatan—a reputation that To prove the worth of his doctrine, which he called the “New would shadow him long past death. Way of Healing,” Fioravanti issued a challenge: “Let there be con­ To some, Leonardo Fioravanti was a ridiculous and dangerous signed to me alone twenty or twenty-five sick people with diverse quack; to others, he was a veritable savior. Unlike the commonplace ailments and an equal number with similar infirmities to all the charlatans of the day, Fioravanti didn’t mount a portable scaffold and physicians of Milan. If I don’t cure my patients quicker and better pitch his remedies to a crowd in a piazza. Yet he was a prolific author than they do theirs, I’m willing to be banished forever from this who marketed his cures with equal parts originality and theatricality. city.” The results, he predicted, would demonstrate once and for all In the books he wrote for middlebrow readers, he launched a new that “true medicine is proved only by experience.” kind of medical advertising that would survive for centuries, even as We can only imagine what Boldoni made of this preposter­ his cures faded from memory. Fioravanti was an ordinary surgeon ous challenge. Did the town physicians accept Fioravanti’s dare? It who catapulted himself from obscurity to become one of the most 8 9 THE PROFESSOR ^ SECRETS PROLOGUE famous healers of the Renaissance. The scourge of the regular doc­ ways, they typify the most novel aspect of Renaissance science: For tors, he lashed out against their “abuses” and accused them of having a growing number of men and women interested in natural philoso­ extinguished the light of “true medicine.” In so doing, he became phy (as the study of nature was called at the time), trueness to nature one of history’s first medical celebrities. In the minds of his read­ was measured not by the yardstick of ancient authority but by direct ers he was “Fioravanti of the miracles,” and through the miraculous experience. For them, the secrets of nature had to be discovered by medium of print he gained a devoted following. experiment—a vague concept that often meant little more than try­ Yet Fioravanti’s successes did not stem purely from clever adver­ ing out a procedure that had never been attempted before. tising. For better or for worse, his style of medicine pointed the way The practitioners of this chemistry-kit approach to science were to* modern practices. Although premodern medicine offered few known to contemporaries as “professors of secrets.” The sobriquet effective cures for most maladies, Fioravanti insisted on attacking had been bestowed on them by Dominican friar Tommaso Garzoni, every illness head-on, using robust drugs that he promised would whose 1585 book, The Universal Plaza of All the World's Professions, drive out the sickness and return the body to “pristine” health. Dis­ identified the pursuit of the secrets of nature as one of the “profes­ eases to him were not benign humoral imbalances, as they were to sions” or preoccupations of the day. In his encyclopedic tome, Garzoni the run-of-the-mill doctors of the day, but rather alien forces that depicted society as a teeming piazza filled with an infinite variety of invaded the body and had to be violently beaten baek. His martial occupations and professions, each one unique. Somewhere in that therapeutics prefigured a confident age of “magic bullets” that would buzzing swarm Fra Tommaso located the “professors of secrets,” cre­ promise instant panaceas. At the same time, it heralded the emer­ ating an indelible portrait of them as a community of hypercharged gence of medical messiahs who prey upon helpless patients desper­ experimenters who burned with such passion for secrets that “they ate to be healed. desire them more than any of life’s daily necessities.” Three decades before Garzoni wrote The Universal Plaza, the very A PASSION FOR SECRETS first professor of secrets—the model for them all—was portrayed in Fioravanti was also a zealous Renaissance experimenter—not the one of Renaissance Italy’s most popular scientific books, The Secrets of kind we normally associate with the great scientific revolution that Alessio Piemontese. The book’s author identified himself as a nobleman ushered in modern science, but rather one who practiced a more from the Piedmont region of Italy who had spent a lifetime traveling typically Renaissance style of experimenting: avid, daring, devour­ from place to place collecting hundreds of secrets and experiments, ing—and utterly random. Throughout his life, he wrote, he had some drawn from books and others obtained simply by drawing out followed* in the footsteps of the “masters of experience,” whom he people. Alessio had gathered them “not just from very learned men identified as the original school of doctors who practiced in ancient and noblemen, but also from poor women, artisans, peasants, and all times. Among contemporary masters of experience he named natu­ sorts of people.” His secrets included remedies unknown to doctors, ralists such as Vincenzo Cantone of Siena, who “has walked the exotic perfumes, and alchemical formulas tried out by Alessio him­ world and ploughed many seas in order to discover diverse secrets self. Like other collectors, he’d always carefully guarded his discover­ of nature,” and many others whose names have been eclipsed by the ies lest they be “profaned by the common people.” standard heroes of Renaissance science. One day Alessio was approached by a surgeon who had gotten Without such vibrant figures, however, our picture of the scien­ wind of his cache of rare secrets. He begged Alessio to divulge one tific and medical world of the 16th century is incomplete. In many that would enable him to cure an artisan he was treating; tormented 10 11 THE PROFESSOR ^ SECRETS PROLOGUE by a bladder stone, the poor man was near death. Alessio demurred, exaggerate, hide, or make the same facts serve different ends as apprehensive that the surgeon would claim sole credit for the cure. the occasion suited him. The more I thought about how to make The surgeon, for his part, refused Alessio’s offer to treat the man sense of Fioravanti’s life, the more Andrea’s advice came back to me. gratis, fearing that it would ruin his reputation if word got out that What kind of trick might I use, I wondered, to uncover the sleight he had consulted another healer. of hand behind his contradictory and sometimes dubious self­ The artisan paid the ultimate price for their reciprocal vanity, representations? How might I trick Leonardo Fioravanti into con­ eventually succumbing to his painful ailment. Racked with remorse fessing the truth about himself? over his role in the affair, Alessio gave away his wealth and retired, I decided to play his game: I would probe his memory through monklike, to a secluded villa. There he renounced his adherence to his books and try to make it tell a story, just as he had manipulated secrecy—and vowed to publish his secrets for the benefit of the world. the facts in creating his own persona. Some of the details can be Garzoni creates the impression that professors of secrets like teased out of his medical autobiography, The Treasury of Human Life, Alessio Piemontese roved all over early modern Italy, members of which he published in 1570. Further details can be gleaned from a Europe-wide network of experimenters who made up an under­ recollections contained in his other seven books on medicine and world of 16th-century science. Only then; obscurity has made it dif­ natural philosophy, including his last, Dellafisica (Of Physic), which ficult for historians to reconstruct that community. he completed in Naples after returning from Spain in 1577. A dark, Among these “masters of experience,” Leonardo Fioravanti brooding, pessimistic work, it barely conceals the fact that some­ stands out because he reveals so much about himself, making him thing had gone terribly wrong. pivotal to the history of early modern science. A prolific author, he Archival documents and the testimony of contemporaries can published books that were reprinted and translated into several lan­ augment our knowledge, but Fioravanti himself was the principal guages well into the 18th century. In fact, almost all that we know witness to his life—a fact that renders a conventional biography of the man comes from his own writings. Although the archives almost hopeless. An obsessive autobiographer, he continually col­ provide a check to his exuberant and often embellished recollec­ ored the events of his past to build an image of himself among his tions, they provide only scant glimpses of his wanderings. Fiora­ admiring public. At best, we are left with an incomplete and selec­ vanti worked hard to dictate how posterity would define him, taking, tive record of his memory. Although I rely on Fioravanti’s memory pains to disclose neither fault nor flaw. Theatrical, larger-than-life, and use it as a guide, I do not accept it at face value. Instead, I barely believable episodes are offset by exasperating silences. He was have strived to craft it into a more multilayered story than the one­ a master at shaping and remaking his image. dimensional, biased version we encounter in his writings. Precisely because so little is known about marginal figures such REBUILBINB A LOST W0RLB as Fioravanti, the effort of reconstructing his memory can bring all A friend of mine, the Italian historian Andrea Carlino, once of us closer to a world that has otherwise been lost. Because he is remarked that Fioravanti was a trucco—a trick. With him, Andrea the principal source of information about himself and the members said, what you think you see is never quite what really is: Just when of his cultural circles, his recollection of events is precious to us. you think you’ve uncovered the truth, the trickster changes the rules If we cannot accept his memory at face value, our reconstruction of the game. In reading Fioravanti’s autobiographical fragments, I of his life can serve as a window into the remarkable world of late often found myself frowning in disbelief at how brazenly he would Renaissance Italy. 12 13 MIA DOLCE PATRIA In many ways, historian Guido Ruggiero has pointed out, the Renaissance has always been litde more than “a fantasy, a dream.” Intellectuals and writers of the 14th century imagined that they I were giving birth anew to the grandeur of ancient civilization and, as Florentine novelist Boccaccio wrote, “breaking through and tearing away the brambles and bushes with which, by the negligence of men, the road was covered.” Boccaccio described Dante as the poet who “opened the way for the return of the Muses, who had been banished from Italy.” The notion of reviving an age of glory was born in the period we call the Renaissance. If the Italian Renaissance was a dream, the late Renaissance in “My sweet homeland” was how Leonardo Fioravanti remembered his Italy was a nightmare. As a checkerboard of independent princi­ birthplace, Bologna. When viewed from the historical perspective, palities, Italy was tantalizing territory for the powerful, centralized however, it’s difficult to imagine a more unlikely depiction either of monarchies newly arrived on the Continental scene. The French the city or of Italy as a whole during the late Renaissance. Like other monarchy, which had consolidated its domestic power following the cities dotting the long peninsula, 16th-century Bologna exhibited Hundred Years’ War, and the Catholic monarchs of Spain—Ferdi­ both the glories that had epitomized the High Renaissance and the nand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile, who in 1492 had completed detritus of decades of social conflict and political turmoil. the reconquista of the Spanish peninsula by taking the last Muslim “La misera Italia ’ (unhappy Italy) was the description more com­ stronghold, Granada—regarded Italy as a region of vast wealth and monly used by Fioravanti’s contemporaries. Indeed, an entire literature strategic importance. For both France and Spain, the prospect of was devoted to Italy’s woes in the late Renaissance. The lament can be expansion into the Italian peninsula held a powerful appeal. traced all the way back to the 13th-century poet Dante, who exclaimed, Whenever they faced a crisis, all too often the Italian city-states “Ah, servile Italy, hostel of grief, ship without pilot in great tempest, no called upon some foreign ally to tip the balance of power in their mistress of provinces, but brothel!”The brooding over Italy’s condition favor. In 1494, the Duke of Milan, Ludovico Sforza, “II Moro,” crescendoed in the 16th century, as writers and poets competed with invited the King of France to invade Naples in order to punish his one another to mourn the country’s current chaos while exalting her old enemy, Ferrante II, the Aragonese king of Naples. French King past glory. Machiavelli considered Italy to be a beaten, stripped, and Charles VIII, who had just come of age, wanted to do something plundered captive, reduced to a state of misery from which only a bold, and II Moro gave him his chance. Pressing an ancient claim to strong leader could free her. “So now, left lifeless, Italy is waiting to see the Kingdom of Naples, Charles gathered an army of 25,000 men who can be the one to heal her wounds,” he wrote in The Prince, “and and invaded the peninsula. Unexpectedly, city after city capitulated cleanse those sores which have now been festering so long.” to him, and within a few short months Charles marched into Naples, What had happened to “poor Italy” to warrant these gloomy having conquered virtually all of Italy. depictions of a land where, everyone agreed, civilization had once The French invasion heralded a period of foreign involvement flourished as nowhere else? How had the age that produced Leo­ in Italian affairs that would last for more than 60 years. Machia­ nardo da Vinci turned into the age of Leonardo Fioravanti? velli found the situation so desperate that he exhorted some “new 14 15 MIA DOLCE PATRIA THE PROFESSOR l(E SECRETS prince”—a thinly veiled reference to Lorenzo de’ Medici of Flor­ ence—to step forth and “liberate Italy from the barbarians.” What happened instead was a succession of foreign incursions, culminating in the humiliating Sack of Rome in 1527—a fitting measure of Italy’s impotence. Even if it was only a dream, to many of Leonardo Fiora- vanti’s contemporaries the age of Italy’s glory seemed far in the past. BOLOGNA ASCENDANT Bologna’s early history, like that of its fellow Italian city-states, was rent with violence and political discord. Founded as a self-govern­ ing commune in 1123, when privileged townspeople seized power from their overlord, the Holy Roman Emperor, the city’s gov­ erning body was initially aristocratic (signorile). In 1278, the city again became part of the Papal States; for the next two centuries, it passed back and forth from papal rule to aristocratic rule to repub­ lican regimes as “the people” (popolo) and the nobility (nobilta) vied for power. This to-and-fro of political conflict manifested itself in Bologna’s urban architecture, as the armed castles of the feudal countryside were brought into the city. Soaring fortresses belong­ ing to noble families popped up all over town. At one time, 145 towers—rising as high as 97 meters (318 feet), in the case of the Asinelli tower—dominated the cityscape, standing like sentinels primed for the next outbreak of hostilities. The political turmoil of the 14th century demonstrated that Though Renaissance condottiere Giovanni Bentivoglio had been out of the survival of the city depended on the concentration of power power for more than a decade by the time Leonardo Fioravanti was born, in a single leader. Pressured from within by political conflict and the memory of his benevolent despotism was still alive in Bologna. from without by the prospect of a papal takeover, Bologna finally succumbed to signorial government. In 1446, Sante Bentivoglio of the princely dynasties” of Italy. They did not establish a princely became prince of Bologna in everything but name. He ruled until court and, like the Medici in Florence, did not hold formal office. his death in 1463, thus securing the hold of the Bentivoglio family Yet they were generous patrons of the arts: Under Giovanni II Ben- on Bolognese politics. tivoglio, who ruled the city for nearly half a century, Bologna under­ Under the benevolent despotism of the Bentivoglio family, which went an urban makeover. It was said of Giovanni that “he received governed the city until 1506, Renaissance Bologna experienced a a clay and rough-wooden Bologna [and] returned it as brick and golden age during the 15th century. As a modern historian remarks, however, the Bentivoglios “were not among the more resplendent polished marble.” 17 16 THE PROFESSOR l(E SECRETS MIA DOLCE PATKlA During Giovanni’s rule, the University of Bologna rose to world by infantry, improvements in fortification design, an increased prominence. Enrolling 1,000 to 2,000 students, plus hundreds of reliance on battlefield firepower, a dramatic increase in the size foreign scholars and their servants, the university furnished the city of armies, and new tactics that took advantage of artillery. The a steady source of income—and global renown. Bologna emerged destructiveness of the prolonged Italian wars inspired awe in all as a university town, its major economic activity the housing and who witnessed it. Gravediggers reported burying 16,500 bodies provisioning of students. after the battle at Marignano in 1515, when French forces under The university’s influence was everywhere apparent. Doctors in the command of King Francis I defeated an army of Swiss mer­ sumptuous purple robes figured in all civic ceremonies, and every cenaries commanded by the Sforza Duke of Milan. At Ravenna in candidate for a degree was conducted in state to the cathedral, there 1512, more than 13,000 Spanish and French troops were slain. The to expound his thesis and (if all went well) to receive the insig­ Italian wars ended in 1559 with the Peace of Cateau-Cambresis, nia of the doctorate. The city accommodated the university even which confirmed Spains dominance in Italy through its control in its architecture: Bologna’s famous porticoes, which overhang of Milan and Naples, as well as its alliance with the papacy. The its sidewalks and give the town its distinctive modern-day charm, accord left the Republic of Venice as the sole independent entity originated as shelters from the harsh climate for students forced on the Italian peninsula. out-of-doors from their cramped lodgings. During the lifetime of Leonardo Fioravanti, the political situ­ MA MOST PRESUMPTUOUS P0K” ation in Bologna—indeed, in all of Italy—was nothing short of Along with the horror of war came famine and disease—including depressing. The papacy, intent on bringing the Papal States, hitherto ailments previously unknown. The most frightening of them was ruled nominally by the pope, under the direct rule of Rome, took syphilis, probably introduced to Spain from the New World by sail­ advantage of this weakness. Within days of becoming pope in 1506, ors on Columbus’s return voyage. Spanish soldiers carried the sick­ Julius II informed Bologna of his intentions. Giovanni resisted, ness to Naples, where troops in Charles VIIIs army got infected and whereupon Julius placed the city under interdict, preventing any of took the illness back to France. For this reason it gained the name its citizens from participating in the sacraments. But with the people mal Francese, or French pox, from the erroneous belief that the Ital­ tired of arming themselves at their own expense, Giovanni enjoyed ians had contracted the disease from the French army. The French, scant support. The churches closed. The clergy began to depart. A meanwhile, believing they had caught it from the Italians, dubbed it gloom settled over the city. the Neapolitan disease. Finally, on All Souls’ Day, Giovanni, accompanied by his sons Whatever name it went by, the pox ravaged its victims, leaving and grandsons, rode out of Bologna. Eleven days later Julius II them hideously scarred—and ostracized from society because of the personally took control of the city, ending its long and prosperous moral opprobrium the disease carried. Although the modern strain period of independence. of syphilis is relatively mild (and treatable), during the Renaissance After the French invasion of 1494, hostilities dragged on almost it was a deadly scourge. No disease was more contagious, reckoned continuously in Italy for another 65 years. The warfare was made the Dutch humanist Erasmus, more terrible for its victims, nor more more horrifying by the introduction of some innovations known difficult to cure. “It’s a most presumptuous pox,” exclaims a character collectively as the “military revolution.” The major technological in one of his Colloquies. “In a showdown, it wouldn’t yield to leprosy, and strategic changes of the time included the eclipse of cavalry elephantiasis, ringworm, gout, or sycosis.” 18 19