The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Political History of England - Vol. X., by William Hunt This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: The Political History of England - Vol. X. The History of England from the Accession of George III to the close of Pitt's first Administration Author: William Hunt Editor: Reginald L. Poole William Hunt Release Date: April 29, 2008 [EBook #25232] Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF ENGLAND *** Produced by Paul Murray, Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Seventy-five years have passed since Lingard completed his History of England, which ends with the Revolution of 1688. During that period historical study has made a great advance. Year after year the mass of materials for a new History of England has increased; new lights have been thrown on events and characters, and old errors have been corrected. Many notable works have been written on various periods of our history; some of them at such length as to appeal almost exclusively to professed historical students. It is believed that the time has come when the advance which has been made in the knowledge of English history as a whole should be laid before the public in a single work of fairly adequate size. Such a book should be founded on independent thought and research, but should at the same time be written with a full knowledge of the works of the best modern historians and with a desire to take advantage of their teaching wherever it appears sound. The vast number of authorities, printed and in manuscript, on which a History of England should be based, if it is to represent the existing state of knowledge, renders co-operation almost necessary and certainly advisable. The History, of which this volume is an instalment, is an attempt to set forth in a readable form the results at present attained by research. It will consist of twelve volumes by twelve different writers, each of them chosen as being specially capable of dealing with the period which he undertakes, and the editors, while leaving to each author as free a hand as possible, hope to insure a general similarity in method of treatment, so that the twelve volumes may in their contents, as well as in their outward appearance, form one History. As its title imports, this History will primarily deal with politics, with the History of England and, after the date of the union with Scotland, Great Britain, as a state or body politic; but as the life of a nation is complex, and its condition at any given time cannot be understood without taking into account the various forces acting upon it, notices of religious matters and of intellectual, social, and economic progress will also find place in these volumes. The footnotes will, so far as is possible, be confined to references to authorities, and references will not be appended to statements which appear to be matters of common knowledge and do not call for support. Each volume will have an Appendix giving some account of the chief authorities, original and secondary, which the author has used. This account will be compiled with a view of helping students rather than of making long lists of books without any notes as to their contents or value. That the History will have faults both of its own and such as will always in some measure attend co-operative work, must be expected, but no pains have been spared to make it, so far as may be, not wholly unworthy of the greatness of its subject. [Pg ii] Each volume, while forming part of a complete History, will also in itself be a separate and complete book, will be sold separately, and will have its own index, and two or more maps. Vol. I. to 1066. By Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., Litt.D., Fellow of University College, London; Fellow of the British Academy. Vol. II. 1066 to 1216. By George Burton Adams, M.A., Professor of History in Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut. Vol. III. 1216 to 1377. By T. F. Tout, M.A., Professor of Medieval and Modern History in the Victoria University of Manchester; formerly Fellow of Pembroke College, Oxford. Vol. IV. 1377 to 1485. By C. Oman, M.A., Fellow of All Souls' College, and Deputy Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford. Vol. V. 1485 to 1547. By H. A. L. Fisher, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of New College, Oxford. Vol. VI. 1547 to 1603. By A. F. Pollard, M.A., Professor of Constitutional History in University College, London. Vol. VII. 1603 to 1660. By F. C. Montague, M.A., Professor of History in University College, London; formerly Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. Vol. VIII. 1660 to 1702. By Richard Lodge, M.A., Professor of History in the University of Edinburgh; formerly Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. Vol. IX. 1702 to 1760. By I. S. Leadam, M.A., formerly Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. Vol. X. 1760 to 1801. By the Rev. William Hunt, M.A., D.Litt., Trinity College, Oxford. Vol. XI. 1801 to 1837. By the Hon. George C. Brodrick, D.C.L., late Warden of Merton College, Oxford, and J. K. Fotheringham, M.A., Magdalen College, Oxford, Lecturer in Classics at King's College, London. Vol. XII. 1837 to 1901. By Sidney J. Low, M.A., Balliol College, Oxford, formerly Lecturer on History at King's College, London. The Political History of England IN TWELVE VOLUMES EDITED BY WILLIAM HUNT, D.LITT., AND REGINALD L. POOLE, M.A. X. THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE III. TO THE CLOSE OF PITT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION 1760-1801 BY WILLIAM HUNT, M.A., D.Litt. PRESIDENT OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. [Pg iii] 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 1905 The production of this book, which was ready in April, has unavoidably been postponed by the Publishers CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. The King and Bute. PAGE 25 Oct., 1760. Accession of George III. 1 National feeling 1 The king's education and character 3 His plan of government 6 His first cabinet 8 Influence of the Earl of Bute 11 The civil list 13 1761. The war in Germany 13 7 June. Capture of Belle Ile 15 The king's covert attack on the whig ascendency 15 Opposing views with respect to the war 17 The general election of 1761 19 25 Mar. Bute secretary of state 20 8 Sept. The king's marriage 21 Bute's unpopularity 22 CHAPTER II. The Peace of Paris. 1761. Negotiations for a peace 23 France and Spain act together in negotiation 25 Pitt maintains British honour and interests 26 Pitt and his colleagues 28 5 Oct. Pitt resigns office 31 2 Jan., 1762. The family compact. War declared against Spain 32 Frederick of Prussia offended 33 25 April. Newcastle's resignation. Bute succeeds to the treasury 34 The war in Germany 35 British conquests: Martinique, Havana, Manila 37 Negotiations with France 38 A majority in the commons secured 39 The terms of peace 40 10 Feb., 1763. Definitive treaty signed at Paris 42 Mar. The cider tax 43 11 April. Bute retires from office 44 CHAPTER III. The Grenville Administration. 1763. The new ministers 45 April. The North Briton, No. 45, and the general warrant 46 Aug. The king's attempts to strengthen the administration 48 [Pg ix] [Pg x] Sept. Changes in the administration 49 Nov. Proceedings in parliament against Wilkes 50 19 Jan., 1764. The commons expel Wilkes 51 Violation of the privileges of parliament 52 Grenville's economy 53 Great Britain's colonial policy 54 1763. Defence of the American colonies 58 10 Mar., 1764. The stamp bill proposed 59 22 Mar., 1765. The bill enacted 60 American resistance 60 The right of taxation 62 Unstatesmanlike policy 63 CHAPTER IV. The King, The Whigs, and Chatham. 1765. The king and Grenville 64 April-May. The regency bill 65 The weavers' riot 66 16 July. A whig administration formed under Rockingham 67 Its weakness and difficulties 68 Jan., 1766. Pitt on American taxation 69 Burke, his character and political principles 70 Mar. Repeal of the stamp act. The declaratory act 71 July. Pitt forms an administration, and is created Earl of Chatham 73 His foreign policy 74 Sept.-Nov. "A forty days' tyranny" 76 Feb., 1767. Chatham incapacitated by disease 76 June, 1763. Revolt of Mír Kásim 77 23 Oct., 1764. Battle of Baxár 78 June, 1767. Parliamentary interference with the E. India Company 79 1767-69. Haidar Alí's invasions of the Karnatic 80 CHAPTER V. Growth of the King's Power. 1767. C. Townshend and the new American duties 82 The ministry in Chatham's absence 85 Jan., 1768. Junction with the Bedford party 87 Feb. The Nullum Tempus bill 87 Massachusetts heads resistance to the revenue acts 88 1 May, 1769. Partial repeal of the new duties decided on 90 1761. Condition of Ireland. Rise of Whiteboyism 91 The government of Ireland 93 1768-69. Octennial act and augmentation of Irish army 94 1768. The general election of 1768 94 Wilkes returned for Middlesex 95 10 May. Riot in St. George's Fields 96 1769. Wilkes and the Middlesex electors 97 French annexation of Corsica. Faltering policy of ministers 98 Arrears of the civil list 99 The Letters of Junius 99 Chatham in opposition 100 28 Jan., 1770. Grafton resigns. North forms an administration 102 Triumph of the king's policy 103 Discontent with the constitutional machinery 103 [Pg xi] Chatham and Burke differ on character of needful reforms 105 CHAPTER VI. The King's Rule. 1770. Two parties in the opposition 106 The struggle in parliament 107 April. The Grenville controverted elections act 108 5 Mar. The "Boston massacre" 109 Chatham and his city friends demand a dissolution 110 They are foiled by the king 111 Dispute with Spain concerning the Falkland islands 112 England's foreign policy 114 1770-71. Changes in the ministry 115 The law of libel 116 The house of commons and the printers 117 1772. Religious toleration 118 The royal marriage act and C. J. Fox 119 June, 1773. Affairs of E. India Company. North's regulating act 121 May. Clive's acquittal 122 The king's political predominance 123 CHAPTER VII. The Quarrel with America. 1772-73. Resistance to law in America 124 16 Dec., 1773. The Boston tea-riot 126 29 Jan., 1774. Franklin before the privy council 126 The penal acts 128 The Quebec act 129 5 Sept. First meeting of a continental congress 132 The American loyalists 134 The general election of 1774 135 Opinion in England on the American crisis 136 Feb.-Mar., 1775. Bills and resolutions for conciliation 138 The Americans prepare for war 139 19 April. Fighting at Lexington and Concord 140 CHAPTER VIII. The Colonial Rebellion. April, 1775. The American army at Cambridge 143 May. Americans seize Ticonderoga and Crown Point 144 English opinion on the outbreak of war 144 15 June. Washington appointed American commander-in-chief 146 17. The battle of Bunker hill 147 The invasion of Canada 151 31 Dec. Defeat of the Americans at Quebec 152 The king hires German troops 153 17. The evacuation of Boston 155 May-June, 1776. The Americans chased out of Canada 155 Spread of the idea of separation 156 28 June. Unsuccessful attempt on Charleston 157 4 July. Declaration of American independence 158 1775. The war generally popular in Great Britain 158 The opposition in parliament 159 The state of the navy 161 [Pg xii] Nov. North's prohibitory bill 162 CHAPTER IX. Saratoga. 27 Aug., 1776. The battle of Long Island 164 15 Sept. British take New York 165 11, 13 Oct. Carleton's victory on Lake Champlain 166 8 Dec. Washington retreats across the Delaware 167 26. The surprise of Trenton 168 Partial secession of whigs from parliament 169 Impressment for the navy 170 1777. Arrears of the civil list 171 Plan for co-operation between Howe and Burgoyne 172 June-Nov. Howe's campaign. Battle of the Brandywine, Sept. 11 173 American camp at Valley Forge 175 6 July. Burgoyne captures Ticonderoga 176 His difficulties, distress, and failure 177 17 Oct. The convention of Saratoga 179 Responsibility for the disaster 179 6 Jan., 1778. Alliance between France and the Americans 181 Why England had not yet subdued the Americans 183 CHAPTER X. War with France and Spain. 1777-78. The opposition and the war 186 Mar., 1778. The king's refusal to allow Chatham to form a ministry 187 11 May. Chatham's death 190 Constitutional importance of the issue of the war 191 Abuses in naval administration 191 27 July. Naval action off Ushant 193 Progress of the war in America 193 Lord Howe and Count d'Estaing 194 Mistaken naval policy of Great Britain 195 Aug., 1779. Combined French and Spanish fleets in the Channel 196 The war in various parts of the world 196 12 May, 1780. The surrender of Charleston 198 Jan.-Feb. Rodney's relief of Gibraltar 198 17 April. His indecisive action off Dominica 199 Ireland's grievances 200 1779. The volunteers 202 Removal of restrictions on Irish trade 202 1779-80. Activity of the opposition in England 202 2-7 June. The Lord George Gordon riots 205 CHAPTER XI. Yorktown and the King's Defeat. Mar., 1780. The armed neutrality 208 20 Dec. Dispute with the Dutch: war declared 209 Defence of Gibraltar 210 5 Aug., 1781. Battle of the Dogger Bank 212 1780. General election and the new parliament 212 2 Oct. The fate of Major André 215 3 Feb., 1781. Rodney takes St. Eustatius 216 July, 1780. French squadron at Rhode island 218 16 Aug. Cornwallis's campaign in the south: battle of Camden 219 [Pg xiii] 17 Jan., 1781. Battle of the Cowpens 221 15 Mar. Battle of Guilford 222 May. Cornwallis in Virginia 223 How England lost command in the American waters 224 19 Oct. The capitulation at Yorktown 225 Causes of the disaster 225 Reception of the news in England 226 Events in the war with France and Spain 227 Mar., 1782. The second Rockingham ministry; the king's defeat 229 CHAPTER XII. The Rout of the Whigs. 1782. Attack on the corrupt influence of the crown >231 May. Legislative independence conceded to Ireland 232 12 April. The "battle of the Saints" 234 Last scenes of the siege of Gibraltar 236 1780-84. War in India and in the Indian waters 236 Quarrel between Fox and Shelburne 238 July, 1782. Shelburne forms a ministry 240 30 Nov. Preliminaries of peace between Great Britain and America 241 The American loyalists 242 3 Sept., 1783. Definitive treaty of Versailles 242 State of parties in parliament 243 The coalition between Fox and North 244 April. The Coalition ministry 245 May. Pitt's motion for parliamentary reform 246 Warren Hastings in India 247 Nov.-Dec. Fox's India bills 249 Dec. The Coalition ministry dismissed; Pitt prime minister 251 Struggle on the question of a dissolution 251 25 Mar., 1784. Parliament dissolved 254 General election: "Fox's martyrs" 254 CHAPTER XIII. Social and Economic Progress, 1760-1801. General character of the period 255 Amusements, gambling, racing, the drama, etc. 256 Travelling and the state of the roads 258 Literature: poetry, fiction, and serious prose works 259 The arts, architecture, painting, etc. 262 Natural science 263 Voyages of discovery 263 Religion 264 The criminal law 265 The prisons and transportation 266 The police system 267 Increase of trade and manufactures 268 The mercantile system and laissez-faire 269 Steam and water power: iron manufacture 270 Canals 271 Manufacture of textile fabrics 271 Failure of domestic industries 272 Wages of agricultural labourers 273 Regulation of corn trade 273 Improvements in agriculture 274 [Pg xiv] [Pg xv] Enclosures 275 Combinations of workmen to raise wages 277 The poor law 277 Sufferings of the poor and specially of factory children 278 CHAPTER XIV. Early Years of Pitt's Administration. 1784. Significance of Pitt's victory 280 Change in office of prime minister and in house of lords 281 Pitt's character and management of parliament 282 The Westminster election 283 1784-85. Pitt's finance 284 Aug., 1784. His bill for the government of India 286 18 April, 1785. His bill for parliamentary reform 287 May. His resolutions on Irish trade 288 1786. Establishment of the sinking fund 291 26 Sept. Commercial treaty with France 293 1787. Consolidation of customs and excise 294 Bill for relief of dissenters 295 1788. The slave trade question 295 Foreign policy 296 1785. Austrian aggression 297 1786-87. French influence in the United Provinces 298 Oct., 1787. Restoration of the stadholder 300 April, 1788. Triple alliance—Great Britain, Prussia, and the United Provinces 301 CHAPTER XV. The Regency Question. 1785. Return of Hastings to England 302 1786. Pitt and the charges against Hastings 303 13 Feb., 1788. Trial of Hastings begun 304 1788-93. Cornwallis as governor-general of India 305 Feb., 1788. Pitt's (India) declaratory bill 305 May, 1787. The Prince of Wales's debts paid 307 5 Nov., 1788. The king's insanity 309 10 Dec. Fox asserts the prince's right to the regency 311 Pitt's resolutions 312 10 Mar., 1789. The king's recovery announced 314 The Irish parliament and the regency 314 The French revolution begins 315 English opinions on events in France 317 1790. Dispute with Spain relating to Nootka Sound 319 28 Oct. Convention with Spain 321 CHAPTER XVI. Declaration of War by France. 1790. General election 322 1795. Acquittal of Hastings 323 1791-92. Struggle for the abolition of the slave trade 323 1792. Fox's libel bill 324 Pitt's foreign policy 324 1791. The Russian armament 326 Nov., 1790. Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution 328 [Pg xvi] May, 1791. Rupture between Burke and Fox 329 27 Aug. The Declaration of Pilnitz 331 Revolutionary propaganda 331 1792. Dismissal of Thurlow 332 A whig scheme of coalition 333 French proposals 333 21 May. Proclamation against seditious writings 335 Aug. British ambassador recalled from Paris 336 French conquest of Flanders 337 The provocations received by England 338 Dec. Disruption of the whig party 340 21 Jan., 1793. Execution of Louis XVI. 342 1 Feb. France declares war on England 342 War necessary for the safety of Great Britain 342 Conduct of C. J. Fox 343 CHAPTER XVII. The First Coalition. 1793. Change in Pitt's domestic policy 345 Pitt as a war minister 346 Loans raised by Pitt 348 Formation of the coalition 349 April. The conference at Antwerp 349 Success of the allies 350 Their discordant aims 351 Aug. The surrender of Toulon 352 8 Sept. York before Dunkirk: the battle of Hondschoote 353 Dec. Attempted co-operation with the Vendeans 354 Siege and evacuation of Toulon 355 Mar. Traitorous correspondence bill 357 1793-94. Repressive proceedings 357 1794. The opposition in parliament 359 Selfish conduct of Prussia and Austria 360 The British retreat through Holland 362 The coalition in a shattered state 363 Aug. British conquest of Corsica 363 28 May-1 June. Naval victory: the glorious First of June 364 Portland whigs coalesce with government 366 1791. Ireland. Society of United Irishmen founded 367 1793. Catholic relief act 368 1794. Catholic emancipation question 368 Feb., 1795. The recall of Fitzwilliam 370 CHAPTER XVIII. England's Darkest Days. 1795. A desire for negotiation 372 8 April. Marriage of the Prince of Wales 373 Difference between Pitt and Grenville 373 5 April. Treaty of Basle 374 Treaties with Austria and Russia 374 Feeble conduct of war in the Mediterranean 375 June. The expedition to Quiberon 376 War in the West Indies 377 Scarcity, riots, and democratic agitation 378 Nov. Repressive legislation 379 1796. Bonaparte's campaign in Italy 380 [Pg xvii] British fleet evacuates the Mediterranean 381 Overtures and unsuccessful negotiations for peace 382 Financial difficulties: the Loyalty loan 384 Ireland—United Irishmen adopt a military organisation 386 Dec. French attempt an invasion of Ireland 386 27 Feb., 1797. Suspension of cash payments 387 14. Battle of Cape St. Vincent 388 18 April. Preliminaries of peace between France and Austria signed at Leoben 390 The mutinies in the navy 391 Negotiations at Lille 396 17 Oct. Treaty of Campo Formio 397 11. Battle of Camperdown 398 A partial secession of whigs from parliament 399 Nov. The triple assessment 400 CHAPTER XIX. Irish Rebellion and Naval Supremacy. 1798. Threatened invasion of England 401 The Irish peasantry look to France for help 404 1797-98. Rebellion in Ulster averted by severities 405 12 Mar., 1798. Arrest of rebel leaders in Dublin 407 Cruel measures adopted in midland and southern counties 407 23 May. Outbreak of rebellion in Kildare 408 Rebellion in Wexford 409 21 June. Rebels routed on Vinegar hill 411 20 Aug. French under Humbert land in Killala bay 413 27. "The race of Castlebar" 413 Other attempts at invasion 414 1 Aug. The Battle of the Nile 416 Mar.-May, 1799. The defence of Acre 418 4 May. Storming of Seringapatam and death of Tipú 420 1798. Paul of Russia proposes a coalition 421 Dec., 1798. - Jan., 1799. The second coalition formed 423 1798. British troops withdrawn from San Domingo 424 CHAPTER XX. Isolation in Europe and the Irish Union. 1799. Campaign of Suvorov 425 A French fleet in the Mediterranean 426 June. Nelson and the Neapolitan jacobins 427 Aug.-Oct. The expedition to the Helder 429 Paul of Russia deserts the coalition 431 9 Oct. Bonaparte returns to France 432 Jan., 1800. The convention of El Arish 432 25 Dec, 1799. Bonaparte's letter to the king 433 April. Payment of the income tax 434 Scarcity of wheat 435 April, 1800. Investment of Genoa 436 14 June. The battle of Marengo 437 Bonaparte proposes a naval armistice 438 Unprofitable expeditions 439 9 Feb., 1801. The Treaty of Lunéville: isolation of England 440 Paul's anger against England 440 [Pg xviii] Dec., 1800. The armed neutrality 441 Great Britain's maritime supremacy 443 Scarcity and desire for peace 443 Irish independence a source of weakness 445 Oct., 1798. Pitt contemplates union on a protestant basis 446 1799. Hopes of the catholics excited 447 How the government secured a majority 448 1 Aug., 1800. The union enacted 450 Sept. Pitt proposes catholic emancipation 451 Feb., 1801. The king refuses his assent: Pitt will resign 452 20. The king's insanity 453 Mar. Pitt's promise to the king 454 14. Pitt resigns office 455 Appendix I. On Authorities 459 II. Administrations of Great Britain, 1760-1801 470 III. The Grenvilles 476 MAPS. (At the End of the Volume.) 1. Great Britain, showing the parliamentary representation. 2. The United States of America (northern section) } illustrating the War of Rebellion and the Treaty of Sept. 3, 1783. 3. The United States of America (southern section) ERRATA. [Transcribers' Note: These corrections to errata have been applied to the e-book] Page 4, line 25, for "George" read "William". " 10, note, for "From about 1760" read "From the Revolution". " 49, line 23, for "of state in Egremont's place" read "and took the northern department". " 55 " 4, for "1657" read "1660". " " " 9, for "cotton" read "grain". " 71, lines 8, 9, omit comma after "matters," and for "including taxation. The court party" read "whatsoever. Some of the king's household". " 115, line 23, for "northern" read "southern". " " " 24, for "southern" read "northern". " 121 " 3, for "cousin" read "aunt". " 130, lines 11, 12, for "French laws and customs were swept away" read "The administration of the law was confused". " 135, line 7, for "astride on iron rails" read "to ride upon a rail". " 144 " 29, for "up" read "down". " 220 " 29, for "stony" read "strong". " 245 " 36, for "1788" read "1778". " 259 " 33, for "1774" read "1770". " 263 " 5, for "steel" read "copper". " 282 " 12, for "than" read "to". " 351 " 31, for "1,500 (Austrians)," read "11,000". " 394 " 27, for "Commander" read "captain". " 467 " 40, for "Karl von Martens" read "F. de Martens". " 468 " 41, for "Clerque" read "Clergue". " 470. Newcastle's administration, secs. of state, E. of Egremont, for "succ. March, 1761," read "succ. Oct., 1761"; for E. of Bute, "succ. Oct., 1761", read "succ. March, 1761". Ld. privy seal, after "E. Temple" read "D. of Bedford succ. Nov., 1761". " 471. Grenville's administration, secs. of state, s. dept. for "E. of Sandwich" read "E. of Halifax, succ. Sept., 1763"; n. dept. for "E. of Halifax" read "E. of Sandwich, succ. Sept., 1763". Rockingham's administration, secs. of state, s. dept. after Conway read "D. of Richmond, succ. May, 1766"; n. dept. for "D. of Richmond" read "H. S. Conway, succ. May, 1766". " 473. North's administration, secs. of state, s. dept. for "E. of Sandwich, E. of Halifax, E. of Suffolk, Visct. Stormont" read "E. of Rochford, succ. Dec, 1770, Viscount Weymouth, succ. Nov., 1775, E. of Hillsborough, succ. Nov., 1779"; n. dept. for "Viscount Weymouth, E. of Hillsborough," read "E. of Sandwich, succ. Dec, 1770, E. of Halifax succ. Jan., 1771, E. of Suffolk succ. June, 1771, Viscount Stormont succ. Oct., 1779". " 475. Pitt's administration, admiralty, for "Hood" read "Howe". " 478, col. 1, line 32, for "afterwards" read "previously". " " " 2 " 50, Bridgewater, for "Earl of" read "Duke of". " 481 " 1 " 27, Cumberland, for "George" read "William". " 482 " 1 " 26, Emmet, for "Robert" read "Thomas". " 487 " 1 " 51, Lincoln, for "Earl of (Clinton), 195, 197, 198" read "American general, 195, 198". " 491 " 2 " 25, Queensberry, for "Earl of" read "Duke of". CHAPTER I. THE KING AND BUTE. George III. was in his twenty-third year when he succeeded his grandfather, George II., on October 25, 1760. His accession caused general satisfaction. The jacobite schism had come to an end; no one imagined that a restoration of the exiled house was possible, or seriously wished that it might take place. The remembrance of the rising of '45 strengthened the general feeling of loyalty to the reigning house; the Old Pretender had lost all interest in public affairs, and his son, Charles Edward, was a confirmed drunkard, and had alienated his friends by his disreputable life. Englishmen were determined not to have another Roman catholic king, and they were too proud of their country willingly to accept as their king a prince who was virtually a foreigner as well as a papist, and whose cause had in past years been maintained by the enemies of England. It is true that their last two kings had been foreigners, but this was so no longer; their new king had been born and brought up among them and was an Englishman to the backbone. He succeeded an old king of coarse manners and conversation and of openly immoral life, and his youth and the respectability of his morals added to the pleasure with which his people greeted him as a sovereign of their own nation. National feeling was growing in strength; it had been kindled by Pitt, and fanned into a flame by a series of victories which were largely due to the inspiration of his lofty spirit. He had raised Great Britain from a low estate to a height such as it had never reached before. The French power had been overthrown in North America and the dominion of Canada had been added to the British territories. In India the victories of Clive and his generals were soon to be crowned by the fall of Pondicherry, and French and Dutch alike had already lost all chance of successfully opposing the advance of British rule by force of arms. Great Britain had become mistress of the sea. Her naval power secured her the possession of Canada, for her ships cut off the garrison of Montreal from help by sea; it sealed the fate of the French operations in India, for D'Aché was forced to withdraw his ships from the Coromandel coast and leave Lally without support. In the West Indies Guadeloupe had fallen, and in Africa Goree. In every quarter the power of France was destroyed, her colonies were conquered, her ships captured or driven from the sea. The naval supremacy of England is attested, strange as it seems at first sight, by her losses in merchant shipping, which were far heavier than those of France, more than 300 in 1760, more than 800 in 1761, for many English merchantmen were at sea while the French dared not send out their merchant ships for fear of capture. Nor was this all, for the ruin of the commerce of France led the shipowners of St. Malo to fit out many of their ships as privateers and corsairs, and the ruin of her navy sent many a fine seaman aboard them. Skippers of English traders who straggled from their convoy, or sailed ahead of it in order to be first in the market, were often punished for their obstinacy or greediness by these fast- [Pg 1] [Pg 2] THE YOUNG KING. THE EARL OF BUTE. sailing privateers.[1] In spite of these losses, England's supremacy at sea caused a rapid increase in her wealth and commerce, and she took full advantage of her power, seizing French merchandise carried in neutral vessels. The wealth acquired through her naval supremacy enabled her to uphold the cause of her allies on the continent. England's purse alone afforded Frederick of Prussia the means of keeping the field, and the continuance of the war depended on her subsidies. The continental war, in which our troops played a secondary part, was by no means so popular as the naval war, yet under Pitt's administration it had helped to rouse the spirit of the nation. A new militia had been created and the old jealousy of a standing army was weakened. It was, then, at a time when national feeling was strong that Englishmen were called upon to welcome a king of their own nationality, and they answered to the call with enthusiasm. George was in many respects worthy of their welcome. Moral in his conduct and domestic in his tastes, he set an example of sobriety and general decency of behaviour. He was kind- hearted and had the gift of pleasing. On public occasions his demeanour and words were dignified. In private he talked in a homely way, his words following one another too quickly and sometimes showing a confusion of thought and excitability of brain. To the poor he would speak with familiar kindness, chatting with them like a good-natured squire. Yet simple as he was in his habits and private talk, he always spoke and acted as a gentleman; the coarseness of the old court was a thing of the past. He was deeply and unaffectedly pious, and was strongly attached to the Church of England; his religion was of a sober kind and was carried into his daily life. He was constantly guided by the dictates of his conscience. His will was strong; and as his conscience was by no means always so well- informed as he believed it to be, his firmness often deserved the name of obstinacy. Nor, in common with the best of men, did he always clearly distinguish between his personal feelings and conscientious convictions. He had great self- control, and was both morally and physically courageous. Though as a youth he had been idle, he was never addicted to pleasure; his accession brought him work which was congenial to him, he overcame his natural tendency to sloth and, so long as his health allowed, discharged his kingly duties with diligence. His intellectual powers were small and uncultivated, but he had plenty of shrewdness and common sense; he showed a decided ability for kingcraft, not of the highest kind, and gained many successes over powerful opponents. The welfare of his people was dear to him; he was jealous for the honour of England, rejoiced in her prosperity, and strove with all his strength to save her from humiliation. In religion, tastes, and prejudices he was in sympathy with the great mass of his people; and in matters in which his policy and conduct seem most open to censure, he had the majority of the nation with him. He had, however, some serious failings which brought trouble both on his people and himself. They were largely the results of his training. His father, Frederick, Prince of Wales, a fool, a fribble and worse, died when George was twelve years old. His mother, the Princess Augusta, was a woman of strong will, ambitious of power, unamiable in temper, thoroughly insincere, narrow-minded, and full of petty feelings. She was strict in all religious matters, had a high sense of duty, and was a careful mother. When her son became king, she acted as though she had a right to direct him in his political work. Her interference was mischievous: she was unpopular and incapable of understanding the politics of a great country; for she had the prejudices of a little German court, and regarded politics merely in a personal light. George grew up completely under her influence. Jealous of her authority and influence over her sons, she was quick to suspect their governors and preceptors of trying to act independently of her, and thwarted them continually. They had no chance of gaining George's confidence or of giving him the benefits which a lad may derive from the society of men experienced in the ways of the world. Do what they would, the princess was always too strong for them, and Lord Waldegrave, one of the prince's governors, records as his own experience that "the mother and the nursery always prevailed". Nor had George the opportunity of learning anything from companions of his own age; his mother was afraid that his morals would be corrupted by association with young people, and kept him in the strictest seclusion. He had no friend except his brother Edward. Her jealousy extended to her children's nearest relations. They had little intercourse with the court, and William, Duke of Cumberland, whose upright character and soldierly qualities might well have endeared him to his nephews, complained that as children they were taught to regard him with the most unworthy suspicion. Brought up among bed-chamber women and pages, in an unwholesome atmosphere of petty intrigue, and carefully kept from contact with the world, George had the failings which such a system might be expected to produce. His mother certainly succeeded in implanting in his heart religious principles which he preserved through life, and she turned him out a pure-minded and well-bred young man; but the faults in his character were confirmed. He was uncharitable in his judgments of others and harsh in his condemnation of conduct which he did not approve. His prejudices were strengthened; he put too high a value on his own opinions and was extremely stubborn. In dealing with men, he thought too much of what was due to himself and too little of what was due to others. As a lad he lacked frankness, and in later life was disingenuous and intriguing. When he was displeased his temper was sullen and resentful. He was always overcareful about money, and in old age this tendency developed into parsimony. His education was deficient; it had not been carried on steadily, and he had been allowed to indulge a constitutional inertness. Though he overcame this habit, the time which he had lost could not be made up for, and ideas which might have been corrected or enlarged by a more thorough education, remained firmly fixed in his mind. Among these ideas were an exaggerated conception of the royal prerogative and the belief that it was his duty as king to govern as well as to reign. His mother's constant exhortation to him, "George, be a king," fell upon willing ears, and appears to have been enforced by his tutors. A more powerful influence on the mind of the young prince than that of any of his tutors was exercised by John Stuart, Earl of Bute, his mother's chief friend and adviser. He was a fine showy man, vain of his handsome person, [Pg 3] [Pg 4] [Pg 5] THE KING INTENDS TO RULE. THE CABINET. theatrical in his manners, pompous, slow and sententious in his speech. His private life was respectable; he had literary and scientific tastes, and a good deal of superficial knowledge. His abilities were small; he would, George's father used to say, "make an excellent ambassador in any court where there was nothing to do".[2] He lacked the steadfast self- reliance necessary to the part which he undertook to play, and had none of the dogged resolution of his royal pupil. His enemies freely accused him of falsehood; he was certainly addicted to intrigue, but he was probably too proud a man to utter direct lies. The friendship between him and the princess was close and lasting. It was generally believed that he was her paramour, but for this there is no real evidence. It would have been contrary to the character of the princess, and the assertion seems to have been a malicious scandal. George liked him, and when he was provided with a household of his own in 1756, he persuaded the king to put the earl at the head of it as his groom of the stole. Though utterly incompetent for the task, Bute instructed the prince in the duties of kingship; he encouraged him in the idea that a king should exercise a direct control over public affairs, and is said to have borrowed for him a portion of Blackstone's then unpublished Commentaries on the Laws of England in which the royal authority is magnified. George's political system was, it is evident, largely based on Bolingbroke's essay On the Idea of a Patriot King. In this essay Bolingbroke lays down that a king who desires the welfare of his people should "begin to govern as soon as he begins to reign," that he must choose as his ministers men who "will serve on the same principles on which he intends to govern," and that he must avoid governing by a party. Such a king will unite his people, and put himself at their head, "in order to govern, or more properly subdue, all parties". This doctrine seemed specially appropriate to the state of affairs at George's accession. During the last two reigns the power of the crown had dwindled. Neither George I. nor George II. had cared for, or indeed understood, domestic politics, and the government had fallen into the hands of the whig party which became dominant at the Revolution. The whigs posed as defenders of the Hanoverian house and of the principles of 1688. Those principles limited the exercise of the prerogative, but they did not involve depriving the crown of all participation in the government. The whig party exaggerated them, and while the fortunes of Hanover and continental affairs absorbed the attention of the king, they completely usurped the government of the country. They were strong in the house of lords, and secured their position in the commons by employing the patronage of the crown, the money of the nation, and their own wealth and influence to control the borough elections. For nearly fifty years a small number of whig lords shared the government of the country among themselves. During Walpole's administration the whigs became split into sections. Several of the more powerful lords of the party had each his own following or "connexion" in parliament, composed of men bound to him by family ties, interest, or the gift of a seat. These sections, while they agreed in keeping the crown out of all part in the government, and the tories out of all share in the good things which the crown had to bestow, struggled with one another for office. Meanwhile the tories were left out in the cold. So long as jacobitism was a danger to the state, this was not a fair cause of complaint, for many tories had corresponded with the exiled princes. By 1760, however, tories had become as loyal as whigs. George was fully determined to put an end to this state of things: he would be master in his own kingdom; he and not the whigs should govern England. He naturally rejoiced to see the tories, a large and important body of his subjects, reconciled to the throne; and as he had been brought up in tory principles, he welcomed with peculiar pleasure the support of the party of prerogative. The tories were no longer to be neglected by the crown; the whig monopoly was to be brought to an end. He did not contemplate taking political power from one party in order to vest it in another. He designed to rule independently of party; no political section was necessarily to be excluded from office, but no body of men, whether united by common principles or common interest, was henceforth to dictate to the crown. To be willing and able to carry on the government in accordance with his will was to be the sole qualification for a share in the administration. Ministers might or might not be agreed on matters of the first importance; all the agreement between them which was necessary was that each in his own sphere should act as an agent of the king's policy. The system was not so impossible as it would be at present. The idea of the cabinet as a homogeneous body, collectively responsible to parliament, was not yet established. Government was largely carried on by ministers working more or less independently of one another. In 1760 the cabinet, an informal committee of the privy council, was an institution of a different character from that of to-day. During the last two reigns it had included, along with the ministers holding the chief political offices, whether of business or dignity, certain great court officials, and some other personages of conspicuous position whose assistance might be useful to the government. Nominally the "lords of the cabinet" were fairly numerous. They did not all take an equal share in government. The king's "most serious affairs" were directed by not more than five or six of them, who formed a kind of inner cabinet, the first lord of the treasury, the two secretaries of state, one or more of the principal supporters of the administration, and generally the lord chancellor. They discussed matters privately, sometimes settling what should be laid before a cabinet meeting, and sometimes communicating their decisions to the king as the advice of his ministers, without submitting them to the cabinet at large.[3] Outside this small inner circle the lords of the cabinet held a position rather of dignity than of power, and some of them rarely attended a cabinet meeting.[4] This arrangement was mainly due to the long predominance of Sir Robert Walpole and to the overwhelming political influence of a few great whig houses. The strife among the whigs which followed Walpole's retirement and the critical character of foreign affairs tended to increase the number of councillors who commonly took part in cabinet business. The first cabinet of George III. as settled with reference to a meeting held on November 17, consisted of the keeper of the great seal (Lord Henley), the president of the council (Lord Granville), the two secretaries of state (Pitt and Holdernesse), the Duke of [Pg 6] [Pg 7] [Pg 8] THE KING'S SCHEME. Newcastle (first lord of the treasury), Lord Hardwicke (ex-chancellor), Lord Anson (first lord of the admiralty), Lord Ligonier (master-general of the ordnance), Lord Mansfield (lord chief-justice), the Duke of Bedford (lord-lieutenant of Ireland) and the Duke of Devonshire (lord chamberlain). If Lord Halifax (president of the board of trade) pleased, he might attend to give information on American affairs; and Newcastle suggested that Legge (the chancellor of the exchequer, whose office, as finance was then largely managed by the first lord of the treasury, was of less importance than it soon became) and the "solicitor" (Charles Yorke, solicitor-general) should also be summoned.[5] Soon afterwards Bute was appointed groom of the stole to the king and entered the cabinet.[6] After 1760 the cabinet began to assume its later form; questions of the highest importance were debated and decided on in meetings of eleven or twelve councillors, and in 1761 Hardwicke complained that the king's "most serious affairs" were discussed by as many as would in earlier days have formed a whole cabinet.[7] From 1765 the existence of an inner circle becomes less distinct, though at all times a prime minister naturally takes counsel privately with the most prominent or most trusted members of his government. Non-efficient members of a cabinet appear more rarely until, in 1783, they disappear altogether. The old inner cabinet becomes expanded into a council consisting generally of high political officers, and the members, ten or twelve in number, discuss and settle the weightiest affairs of state. With the critical negotiations with France in 1796 came a new development; the prime minister, the younger Pitt, and Lord Grenville, the foreign secretary, arranged that the British ambassador should write private despatches for their information, and others of a less confidential character which might be read by the cabinet at large.[8] Here a new inner cabinet is foreshadowed. It differed from the old one: that arose from the small number who were entrusted with an actual share in the government; this, from the fact that the number of the king's confidential servants was so large that it was advisable that certain matters of special secrecy should only be made known to and discussed by two or three. The subsequent increase of the council promoted the development of an inner cabinet, and such a body is understood to have existed for many years during which cabinets have been of a size undreamt of by ministers of George III. The solidarity of the cabinet is now secured by the peculiar functions and powers of a prime minister.[9] It was not so at the accession of George III. That there should be an avowed prime minister possessing the chief weight in the council and the principal place in the confidence of the king is a doctrine which was not established until the first administration of the younger Pitt; and though the title of prime minister had come into use by 1760, it was still regarded as invidious by constitutional purists. According to George's system he was himself to be the only element of coherence in a ministry; it was to be formed by the prime minister in accordance with his instructions, and each member of it was to be guided by his will. The factious spirit of the whigs, the extent to which they monopolised power, and the humiliating position to which they had reduced the crown, afford a measure of defence for his scheme of government. Yet it was in itself unconstitutional, for it would have made the ministers who were responsible to parliament mere agents of the king who was not personally responsible for his public acts. And it was not, nor indeed could it be, carried out except by adopting means which were unconstitutional and disastrous. It necessarily made the king the head of a party. He needed votes in parliament, and he obtained them, as the whig leaders had done, by discreditable means. If his ministers did not please him he sought support from the members of his party, "the king's friends," as they were called; and so there arose an influence behind the throne distinct from and often opposed to that of his responsible advisers. Since 1757 the strife of the whig factions had been stilled by coalition. At the king's accession the administration was strong. It owed its strength to the co-operation of the Duke of Newcastle, the first lord of the treasury, and Pitt, secretary of state.[10] Newcastle, the most prominent figure among the great whig nobles, derived his power from influence; he had an unrivalled experience in party management and as a dispenser of patronage, and though personally above accepting a bribe of any kind, he was an adept at corrupt practices. He would have been incapable of conducting the war, for he was ignorant, timid, and vacillating, but he knew how to gain the support of parliament and how to find the supplies which the war demanded. Pitt was strong in the popular favour which he had gained by his management of the war; he was supremely fitted to guide the country in time of war, but he was too haughty and imperious to be successful in the management of a party. He did not care to concern himself about applications for bishoprics, excisorships, titles, and pensions, or the purchase of seats in parliament. All such work was done by Newcastle. For his attack on the whig party George needed a scheme and a man—some one to act for him in matters in which as king he could not appear personally to interfere. The man was ready to his hand, his friend and teacher, Bute. His scheme of attack was to create a division between Newcastle and Pitt, to make peace with France, and force Pitt to leave the ministry, Pitt's resignation would weaken the whigs, and the king would be in a position to give office to Bute and any other ministers he might choose. Newcastle and Pitt were not really in accord, for not only was Newcastle jealous of Pitt, but he was anxious to bring the war to an end while Pitt wished to continue it. George therefore started on his work of sowing dissension between them with something in his favour. He disliked Pitt's war policy. He and Bute desired peace, no doubt for its own sake, as well as because it would forward their plan, for when the war ended the great war minister would no longer be necessary to the whigs. On the day of his accession George privately offered to make Bute a secretary of state.[11] He refused the offer, for to have stepped into the place of Holdernesse while the whig party was still united would have been premature. The council was immediately summoned to Carlton house, a residence of the princess-dowager. George at once showed that he would take a line of his own. After...