The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Poetical Works of Skelton, Volume 1 (of 2), by Alexander Dyce This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. Title: The Poetical Works of Skelton, Volume 1 (of 2) Author: Alexander Dyce Release Date: July 28, 2019 [EBook #59997] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK POETICAL WORKS OF SKELTON, VOL 1 *** Produced by Jonathan Ingram and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net Transcriber’s Note: Volume II is available as PG ebook #59998. THE POETICAL WORKS OF SKELTON. LONDON: PRINTED BY LEVEY, ROBSON, AND FRANKLYN, Great New Street, Fetter Lane. THE POETICAL WORKS OF JOHN SKELTON: WITH NOTES, AND SOME ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR AND HIS WRITINGS, BY THE REV. ALEXANDER DYCE. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON: [i] [ii] [iii] THOMAS RODD, GREAT NEWPORT STREET. MDCCCXLIII. PREFACE. The very incomplete and inaccurate volume of 1736, and the reprint of it in Chalmers’s English Poets,[1] 1810, have hitherto been the only editions of Skelton accessible to the general reader. In 1814, the Quarterly Reviewer,—after censuring Chalmers for having merely reprinted the volume of 1736, with all its errors, and without the addition of those other pieces by Skelton which were known to be extant,—observed, that “an editor who should be competent to the task could not more worthily employ himself than by giving a good and complete edition of his works.”[2] Prompted by this remark, I commenced the present edition,—perhaps with too much self-confidence, and certainly without having duly estimated the difficulties which awaited me. After all the attention which I have given to the writings of Skelton, they still contain corruptions which defy my power of emendation, and passages which I am unable to illustrate; nor is it, therefore, without a feeling of reluctance that I now offer these volumes to the very limited class of readers for whom they are intended. In revising my Notes for press, I struck out a considerable portion of conjectures and explanations which I had originally hazarded, being unwilling to receive from any one that equivocal commendation which Joseph Scaliger bestowed on a literary labourer of old; “Laudo tamen studium tuum; quia in rebus obscuris ut errare necesse est, ita fortuitum non errare.”[3] Having heard that Ritson had made some collections for an edition of our author, I requested the use of those papers from his nephew, the late Joseph Frank, Esq., who most obligingly put them into my hands: they proved, however, to be only a transcript of Vox Populi, vox Dei (from the Harleian MS.), and a few memoranda concerning Skelton from very obvious sources. The individual to whom I have been the most indebted for assistance and encouragement in this undertaking has not survived to receive my acknowledgments; I mean the late Mr. Heber, who not only lent me his whole collection of Skelton’s works, but also took a pleasure in communicating to me from time to time whatever information he supposed might be serviceable. Indeed, without such liberality on the part of Mr. Heber, a complete edition of the poet’s extant writings could not have been produced; for his incomparable library (now unfortunately dispersed) contained some pieces by Skelton, of which copies were not elsewhere to be found. To Miss Richardson Currer; the Right Hon. Thomas Grenville; the Hon. and Rev. G. N. Grenville, Master of Magdalene College, Cambridge; Sir Harris Nicolas; Sir Francis Palgrave; Rev. Dr. Bandinel; Rev. Dr. Bliss; Rev. John Mitford; Rev. J. J. Smith of Caius College, Cambridge; Rev. Joseph Hunter; Rev. Joseph Stevenson; W. H. Black, Esq.; Thomas Amyot, Esq.; J. P. Collier, Esq.; Thomas Wright, Esq.; J. O. Halliwell, Esq.; Albert Way, Esq.; and David Laing, Esq.;—I have to return my grateful thanks for the important aid of various kinds which they so readily and courteously afforded me. ALEXANDER DYCE. London, Gray’s Inn, Nov. 1st, 1843. “Mr. A. Chalmers,” says Haslewood, “has since given place [sic] to Skelton’s name among the English poets [vol. ii. p. 227]: and having had an opportunity to compare the original edition [that of Marshe, 1568] with Mr. Chalmers’s volume, I can pronounce the text verbally accurate, although taken from the reprint of 1736.” Brit. Bibliogr. iv. 389. As Haslewood was generally a careful collator, I am greatly surprised at the above assertion: the truth is, that the reprint of 1736 (every word of which I have compared with Marshe’s edition—itself replete with errors) is in not a few places grossly inaccurate.—The said reprint is without the editor’s name; but I have seen a copy of it in which Gifford had written with a pencil, “Edited by J. Bowle, the stupidest of all two-legged animals.” Q. Rev. xi. 485. The critique in question was written by Mr. Southey,—who, let me add, took a kind interest in the progress of the present edition. Joanni Isacio Pontano—Epist. p. 490. ed. 1627. The preceding Preface was already in type, when Mr. W. H. Black discovered, among the Public Records, an undoubted poem by Skelton (hitherto unprinted), which I now subjoin. A LAWDE AND PRAYSE MADE FOR OUR SOUEREIGNE LORD [iv] [v] [vi] [vii] [viii] [1] [2] [3] [ix] THE KYNG.[4] Candida, punica, &c. Nobilis Henricus, &c. Sedibus ætheriis, &c. Arcebit vulpes, &c. Ne tanti regis, &c. Ecce Platonis secla, &c. Rediit jam pulcher Adonis, &c. Anglorum radians, &c. The Rose both White and Rede In one Rose now dothe grow; Thus thorow every stede[5] Thereof the fame dothe blow: Grace the sede did sow: England, now gaddir flowris, Exclude now all dolowrs. Noble Henry the eight, Thy loving souereine lorde, Of kingis line moost streight, His titille dothe recorde: In whome dothe wele acorde Alexis yonge of age, Adrastus wise and sage. Astrea, Justice hight, That from the starry sky Shall now com and do right, This hunderd yere scantly A man kowd not aspy That Right dwelt vs among, And that was the more wrong: Right shall the foxis chare,[6] The wolvis, the beris also, That wrowght have moche care, And browght Englond in wo: They shall wirry no mo,[7] Nor wrote[8] the Rosary[9] By extort trechery: Of this our noble king The law they shall not breke; They shall com to rekening; No man for them wil speke: The pepil durst not creke Theire grevis to complaine, They browght them in soche paine: Therfor no more they shall The commouns ouerbace, That wont wer ouer all Both lorde and knight to face;[10] For now the yeris of grace And welthe ar com agayne, That maketh England faine.[11] Adonis of freshe colour, Of yowthe the godely flour, Our prince of high honour, Our paves,[12] our succour, Our king, our emperour, Our Priamus of Troy, Our welth, our worldly joy; Vpon vs he doth reigne, That makith our hartis glad, As king moost soueraine That ever Englond had; Demure, sober, and sad,[13] And Martis lusty knight; God save him in his right! [x] [xi] God save him in his right! Amen. Bien men souient.[14] Per me laurigerum Britonum Skeltonida vatem. A lawde and prayse made for our souereigne lord the kyng] Such (in a different handwriting from that of the poem) is the endorsement of the MS., which consists of two leaves, bound up in the volume marked B. 2. 8 (pp. 67-69), among the Records of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, now at the Rolls House.—Qy. is this poem the piece which, in the catalogue of his own writings, Skelton calls “The Boke of the Rosiar,” Garlande of Laurell, v. 1178, vol. i. 408? stede] i. e. place. chare] i. e. chase, drive away (see Prompt. Parv. i. 70. Camden Soc. ed.). mo] i. e. more. wrote] i. e. root. Rosary] i. e. Rose-bush. face] See Notes, vol. ii. 216. faine] i. e. glad. paves] i. e. shield (properly, a large shield covering the body). sad] i. e. grave—discreet. Bien men souient] These words are followed in the MS. by a sort of flourished device, which might perhaps be read—“Deo (21ͦ) gratias.” CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. PAGE Some Account of Skelton and his Writings v Appendix I. Merie Tales of Skelton, and Notices of Skelton from various sources liii Appendix II. List of Editions, &c. lxxxix Appendix III. Extracts from pieces which are written in, or which contain examples of, the metre called Skeltonical cv Of the death of the noble prince, Kynge Edwarde the Forth 1 Poeta Skelton laureatus libellum suum metrice alloquitur 6 Vpon the doulourus dethe and muche lamentable chaunce of the most honorable Erle of Northumberlande 6 Tetrastichon ad Magistrum Rukshaw 14 Agaynste a comely coystrowne, that curyowsly chawntyd, and curryshly cowntred, &c. 15 Contra alium cantitantem et organisantem asinum, &c. 17 Vppon a deedmans hed, that was sent to hym from an honorable jentyllwoman for a token, &c. 18 “Womanhod, wanton, ye want,” &c. 20 Dyuers Balettys and Dyties solacyous:— “My darlyng dere, my daysy floure,” &c. 22 “The auncient acquaintance, madam, betwen vs twayn,” &c. 23 “Knolege, aquayntance, resort, fauour with grace,” &c. 25 “Cuncta licet cecidisse putas discrimina rerum,” &c. 26 “Though ye suppose all jeperdys ar paste,” &c. 26 “Go, pytyous hart, rasyd with dedly wo,” &c. 27 Manerly Margery Mylk and Ale 28 The Bowge of Courte 30 Phyllyp Sparowe 51 The tunnyng of Elynour Rummyng 95 Poems against Garnesche 116 Against venemous tongues, &c. 132 How euery thing must haue a tyme 137 Prayer to the Father of Heauen 139 To the Seconde Parson 139 [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [i] [ii] To the Holy Gooste 140 “Woffully araid,” &c. 141 “Now synge we, as we were wont,” &c. 144 “I, liber, et propera, regem tu pronus adora,” &c. 147 The maner of the world now a dayes 148 Ware the Hauke 155 Epithaphe. A Deuoute Trentale for old John Clarke, &c. 168 “Diligo rustincum cum portant,” &c. 174 Lamentatio urbis Norvicen 174 In Bedel, &c. 175 “Hanc volo transcribas,” &c. 175 “Igitur quia sunt qui mala cuncta fremunt,” &c. 176 “Salve plus decies quam sunt momenta dierum,” &c. 177 Henrici Septimi Epitaphium 178 Eulogium pro suorum temporum conditione, tantis principibus non indignum 179 Tetrastichon veritatis 181 Against the Scottes 182 Vnto diuers people that remord this rymynge, &c. 188 Chorus de Dis contra Scottos, &c. 190 Chorus de Dis, &c. super triumphali victoria contra Gallos, &c. 191 Vilitissimus Scotus Dundas allegat caudas contra Angligenas 192 Elegia in Margaretæ nuper comitissæ de Derby funebre ministerium 195 Why were ye Calliope embrawdred with letters of golde? 197 Cur tibi contexta est aurea Calliope? 198 The Boke of Three Fooles 199 A replycacion agaynst certayne yong scolers abiured of late, &c. 206 Magnyfycence, a goodly interlude and a mery 225 Colyn Cloute 311 A ryght delectable tratyse vpon a goodly Garlande or Chapelet of Laurell, &c. 361 Admonet Skeltonis omnes arbores dare locum viridi lauro juxta genus suum 425 En Parlament a Paris 426 Out of Frenshe into Latyn 426 Owt of Latyne into Englysshe 426 CONTENTS OF VOLUME II. PAGE Speke, Parrot 1 Why come ye nat to Courte 26 Howe the douty Duke of Albany, lyke a cowarde knyght, ran awaye shamfully, &c. 68 Notes to Volume I. 85 Notes to Volume II. 338 POEMS ATTRIBUTED TO SKELTON. Verses presented to King Henry the Seventh at the feast of St. George, &c. 387 The Epitaffe of the moste noble and valyaunt Jaspar late Duke of Beddeforde 388 Elegy on King Henry the Seventh 399 Vox populi, vox Dei 400 The Image of Ipocrysy 413 Corrigenda and Addenda 449 Index to the Notes 457 SOME ACCOUNT [iii] [iv] [v] OF SKELTON AND HIS WRITINGS. John Skelton[15] is generally said to have been descended from the Skeltons of Cumberland;[16] but there is some reason to believe that Norfolk was his native county. The time of his birth, which is left to conjecture, cannot well be carried back to an earlier year than 1460. The statement of his biographers, that he was educated at Oxford,[17] I am not prepared to contradict: but if he studied there, it was at least after he had gone through an academical course at the sister university; for he has himself expressly declared, “Alma parens O Cantabrigensis, ... ...tibi quondam carus alumnus eram;” adding in a marginal note, “Cantabrigia Skeltonidi laureato primam mammam eruditionis pientissime propinavit.”[18] Hence it is probable that the poet was the “one Scheklton,” who, according to Cole, became M.A. at Cambridge in 1484.[19] Of almost all Skelton’s writings which have descended to our times, the first editions[20] have perished; and it is impossible to determine either at what period he commenced his career as a poet, or at what dates his various pieces were originally printed. That he was the author of many compositions which are no longer extant, we learn from the pompous enumeration of their titles in the Garlande of Laurell[21]. The lines Of the death of the noble prince, ynge Edwarde the forth[22], who deceased in 1483, were probably among his earliest attempts in verse. In 1489 Skelton produced an elegy Vpon the doulourus dethe and muche lamentable chaunce of the most honorable Erle of Northumberlande,[23] who was slain during a popular insurrection in Yorkshire. His son Henry Algernon Percy, the fifth earl, who is there mentioned as the “yonge lyon, but tender yet of age,”[24] appears to have afterwards extended his patronage to the poet:[25] at a time when persons of the highest rank were in general grossly illiterate, this nobleman was both a lover and a liberal encourager of letters. Skelton had acquired great reputation as a scholar, and had recently been laureated at Oxford,[26] when Caxton, in 1490, published The boke of Eneydos compyled by Vyrgyle,[27] in the Preface to which is the following passage: “But I praye mayster John Skelton, late created poete laureate in the vnyuersite of oxenforde, to ouersee and correcte this sayd booke, And taddresse and expowne where as shalle be founde faulte to theym that shall requyre it. For hym I knowe for suffycyent to expowne and englysshe euery dyffyculte that is therin. For he hath late translated the epystlys of Tulle,[28] and the boke of dyodorus syculus,[29] and diuerse other werkes oute of latyn in to englysshe, not in rude and olde langage, but in polysshed and ornate termes craftely, as he that hath redde vyrgyle, ouyde, tullye, and all the other noble poetes and oratours, to me vnknowen: And also he hath redde the ix. muses and vnderstande theyr musicalle scyences, and to whom of theym eche scyence is appropred. I suppose he hath dronken of Elycons well. Then I praye hym & suche other to correcte adde or mynysshe where as he or they shall fynde faulte,”[30] &c. The laureatship in question, however, was not the office of poet laureat according to the modern acceptation of the term: it was a degree in grammar, including rhetoric and versification, taken at the university, on which occasion the graduate was presented with a wreath of laurel.[31] To this academical honour Skelton proudly alludes in his fourth poem Against Garnesche; “A kyng to me myn habyte gaue: At Oxforth, the vniversyte, Auaunsid I was to that degre; By hole consent of theyr senate, I was made poete lawreate.”[32] Our laureat, a few years after, was admitted ad eundem at Cambridge: “An. Dom. 1493, et Hen. 7 nono. Conceditur Johī Skelton Poete in partibus transmarinis atque Oxon. Laurea ornato, ut apud nos eadem decoraretur;” again, “An. 1504-5, Conceditur Johi Skelton, Poetæ Laureat. quod possit stare eodem gradu hic, quo stetit Oxoniis, et quod possit uti habitu sibi concesso a Principe.” Warton, who cites both these entries,[33] remarks, “the latter clause, I believe, relates to some distinction of habit, perhaps of fur or velvet, granted him by the king.” There can be no doubt that Skelton speaks of this peculiar apparel in the lines just quoted, as also in his third poem Against Garnesche, where he says, [vi] [vii] [viii] [ix] [x] [xi] [xii] [xiii] “Your sworde ye swere, I wene, So tranchaunt and so kene, Xall kyt both wyght and grene: Your foly ys to grett The kynges colours to threte;”[34] from which we may infer that he wore, as laureat, a dress of white and green, or, perhaps, a white dress with a wreath of laurel. It was most probably on some part of the same habit that the word Calliope was embroidered in letters of silk and gold: “Calliope, As ye may se, Regent is she Of poetes al, Whiche gaue to me The high degre Laureat to be Of fame royall; Whose name enrolde With silke and golde I dare be bolde Thus for to were,”[35] &c. In the following passage Barclay perhaps glances at Skelton, with whom (as will afterwards be shewn) he was on unfriendly terms; “But of their writing though I ensue the rate, No name I chalenge of Poete laureate: That name vnto them is mete and doth agree Which writeth matters with curiositee. Mine habite blacke accordeth not with grene, Blacke betokeneth death as it is dayly sene; The grene is pleasour, freshe lust and iolite; These two in nature hath great diuersitie. Then who would ascribe, except he were a foole, The pleasaunt laurer vnto the mourning cowle?”[36] Warton has remarked, that some of Skelton’s Latin verses, which are subscribed—“Hæc laureatus Skeltonis, regius orator”—“Per Skeltonida laureatum, oratorem regium,”—seem to have been written in the character of royal laureate;[37] and perhaps the expression “of fame royall” in Skelton’s lines on Calliope already cited, may be considered as strengthening this supposition. There would, indeed, be no doubt that Skelton was not only a poet laureated at the universities, but also poet laureat or court poet to Henry the Eighth, if the authenticity of the following statement were established; “la patente qui declare Skelton poète laureat d’Henry viii. est datée de la cinquième année de son règne, ce qui tombe en 1512 ou 1513:” so (after giving correctly the second entry concerning Skelton’s laureation at Cambridge) writes the Abbé du Resnel in an essay already mentioned; having received, it would seem, both these statements concerning Skelton from Carte the historian,[38] who, while he communicated to Du Resnel one real document, was not likely to have forged another for the purpose of misleading the learned Frenchman. On this subject I can only add, that no proof has been discovered of Skelton’s having enjoyed an annual salary from the crown in consequence of such an office. The reader will have observed that in the first entry given above from the Cambridge Univ. Regist., Skelton is described as having been laureated not only at Oxford but also “transmarinis partibus.” That the foreign seat of learning at which he received this honour was the university of Louvaine,[39] may be inferred from the title of a poem which I subjoin entire, not only because it occurs in a volume of the greatest rarity, but because it evinces the celebrity which Skelton had attained. “IN CLARISSIMI SCHELTONIS LOUANIENSIS POETÆ LAUDES EPIGRAMMA. Quum terra omnifero lætissima risit amictu, Plena novo fœtu quælibet arbor erat; Vertice purpurei vultus incepit honores Extensis valvis pandere pulchra rosa; Et segetum tenero sub cortice grana tumescunt, Flavescens curvat pendula spica caput. [xiv] [xv] [xvi] Flavescens curvat pendula spica caput. Vix Cancri tropicos æstus lustravit anhelans Pythius, et Nemeæ vertit ad ora feræ, Vesper solis equos oriens dum clausit Olympo, Agmina stellarum surgere cuncta jubet: Hic primo aspiceres ut Cynthia vecta sereno Extulerat surgens cornua clara polo; Inde Hydram cernas, stravit quam clava trinodis Alcidæ, nitidis emicuisse comis; Tum[40] Procyon subiit, præpes Lepus, hinc Jovis ales, Arctos, et Engonasus, sidus et Eridani; Ignivomis retinet radiis quæ stellifer orbis (Quid multis remorer?) sidera cuncta micant. Nutat Atlanteum convexum pondus, ocellis Dum lustro hæc ægris, vergit et oceano. Tum furtim alma quies repens mihi membra soporat, Curaque Lethæo flumine mersa jacet: O mihi quam placidis Icelos tulit aurea somnis Somnia, musiphilis non caritura fide! Nuncia percelebris Polyhymnia blanda salutans Me Clarii ut visam numina sacra citat. Ut sequar hanc lætus, mihi visus amœna vireta Et nemorum umbrosos præteriisse sinus: Scilicet hæc montes monstraverat inter eundum Et fontes Musæ quos coluere sacros; Castalios latices, Aganippidos atque Medusei Vidimus alipedis flumina rupta pede; Antra hinc Libethri monstrat Pimpleidos undas, Post vada Cephisi, Phocidos atque lacus; Nubifer assurgit mons Pierus atque Cithæron, Gryneumque nemus dehinc Heliconque sacer; Inde et Parnasi bifidi secreta subimus, Tota ubi Mnemosynes sancta propago manet. Turba pudica novem dulce hic cecinere sororum; Delius in medio plectra chelynque sonat: Aurifluis laudat modulis monumenta suorum Vatum, quos dignos censet honore poli: De quo certarunt Salamin, Cumæ, vel Athenæ, Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, primus Homerus erat; Laudat et Orpheum, domuit qui voce leones, Eurydicen Stygiis qui rapuitque rogis; Antiquum meminit Musæum Eumolpide natum, Te nec Aristophanes Euripidesque tacet; Vel canit illustrem genuit quem Teia tellus, Quemque fovit dulci Coa camena sinu; Deinde cothurnatum celebrem dat laude Sophoclem, Et quam Lesbides pavit amore Phaon; Æschylus, Amphion, Thespis nec honore carebant, Pindarus, Alcæus, quem tuleratque Paros; Sunt alii plures genuit quos terra Pelasga, Daphnæum cecinit quos meruisse decus: Tersa Latinorum dehinc multa poemata texit, Laude nec Argivis inferiora probat; Insignem tollit ter vatem, cui dedit Andes Cunas urbs, clarum Parthenopæa taphum; Blanda Corinna, tui Ponto religatus amore, Sulmoni natus Naso secundus erat; Inde nitore fluens lyricus genere Appulus ille Qui Latiis primus mordica metra tulit; Statius Æacidem sequitur Thebaida pingens, Emathio hinc scribens prælia gesta solo; Cui Verona parens hinc mollis scriptor amorum, Tu nec in obscuro, culte Tibulle, lates; Haud reticendus erat cui patria Bilbilis, atque Persius hinc mordax crimina spurca notans; Eximius pollet vel Seneca luce tragœdus, [xvii] Comicus et Latii bellica præda ducis; Laudat et hinc alios quos sæcula prisca fovebant; Hos omnes longum jam meminisse foret. Tum[41] Smintheus, paulo spirans, ait, ecce, sorores, Quæ clausa oceano terra Britanna nitet! Oxoniam claram Pataræa ut regna videtis, Aut Tenedos, Delos, qua mea fama viret: Nonne fluunt istic nitidæ ut Permessidos undæ, Istic et Aoniæ sunt juga visa mihi? Alma fovet vates nobis hæc terra ministros, Inter quos Schelton jure canendus adest: Numina nostra colit; canit hic vel carmina cedro Digna, Palatinis et socianda sacris; Grande decus nobis addunt sua scripta, linenda Auratis, digna ut posteritate, notis; Laudiflua excurrit serie sua culta poesis, Certatim palmam lectaque verba petunt; Ora lepore fluunt, sicuti dives fagus auro, Aut pressa Hyblæis dulcia mella favis; Rhetoricus sermo riguo fecundior horto, Pulchrior est multo puniceisque rosis, Unda limpidior, Parioque politior albo, Splendidior vitro, candidiorque nive, Mitior Alcinois pomis, fragrantior ipso Thureque Pantheo, gratior et violis; Vincit te, suavi Demosthene, vincit Ulyxim Eloquio, atque senem quem tulit ipse Pylos; Ad fera bella trahat verbis, nequiit quod Atrides Aut Brisis, rigidum te licet, Æacides; Tantum ejus verbis tribuit Suadela Venusque Et Charites, animos quolibet ille ut agat, Vel Lacedæmonios quo Tyrtæus pede claudo Pieriis vincens martia tela modis, Magnus Alexander quo belliger actus ab illa Mæonii vatis grandisonante tuba; Gratia tanta suis virtusque est diva camenis, Ut revocet manes ex Acheronte citos; Leniat hic plectro vel pectora sæva leonum, Hic strepitu condat mœnia vasta lyræ; Omnimodos animi possit depellere morbos, Vel Niobes luctus Heliadumque truces; Reprimat his rabidi Saulis sedetque furores, Inter delphinas alter Arion erit; Ire Cupidineos quovis hic cogat amores, Atque diu assuetos hic abolere queat; Auspice me tripodas sentit, me inflante calores Concipit æthereos, mystica diva canit; Stellarum cursus, naturam vasti et Olympi, Aeris et vires hic aperire potest, Vel quid cunctiparens gremio tellus fovet almo, Gurgite quid teneat velivolumque mare; Monstratur digito phœnice ut rarior uno, Ecce virum de quo splendida fama volat! Ergo decus nostrum quo fulget honorque, sorores, Heroas laudes accumulate viro; Laudes accumulent Satyri, juga densa Lycæi, Pindi, vel Rhodopes, Mænala quique colunt; Ingeminent plausus Dryades facilesque Napææ, Oreadum celebris turba et Hamadryadum; Blandisonum vatem, vos Oceanitidesque atque Naiades, innumeris tollite præconiis; Æterno vireat quo vos celebravit honore, Illius ac astris fama perennis eat: Nunc maduere satis vestro, nunc prata liquore Flumina, Pierides, sistite, Phœbus ait. Sat cecinisse tuum sit, mi Schelton, tibi laudi [xviii] [xix] Sat cecinisse tuum sit, mi Schelton, tibi laudi Hæc Whitintonum: culte poeta, vale. Ex capitalibus hexametrorum litteris solerter compositis emergit hoc distichon; Quæ Whitintonus canit ad laudes tibi, Schelton, Anglorum vatum gloria, sume libens.”[42] Another laudatory notice of Skelton by a contemporary writer will not here be out of place; “To all auncient poetes, litell boke, submytte the, Whilom flouryng in eloquence facundious, And to all other whiche present nowe be; Fyrst to maister Chaucer and Ludgate sentencious, Also to preignaunt Barkley nowe beying religious, To inuentiue Skelton and poet laureate; Praye them all of pardon both erly and late.”[43] Skelton frequently styles himself “orator regius;”[44] but the nature of the office from which he derived the title is not, I believe, understood. The lines in which, as we have just seen, Whittington so lavishly praises his “rhetoricus sermo,” allude most probably to his performances in the capacity of royal orator. In 1498 Skelton took holy orders. The days on which, during that year, he was ordained successively subdeacon, deacon, and priest, are ascertained by the following entries: “[In ecclesia conuentuali domus siue hospitalis sancti Thome martiris de Acon ciuitatis London. per Thomam Rothlucensem episcopum vltimo die mensis Marcii] M. Johannes Skelton London, dioc. ad titulum Mon. beate Marie de Graciis iuxta Turrim London.” “[In cathedra sancti Pauli London. apud summum altare eiusdem per Thomam permissione diuina London, episcopum in sabbato sancto viz. xiiii die mensis Aprilis] Johannes Skelton poete [sic] laureatus Lond. dioc. ad titulum Mon. de Graciis juxta turrim London.” “[In ecclesia conuentuali hospitalis beate Marie de Elsyng per Thomam Rothlucensem episcopum ix die mensis Iunii] M. Johannes Skelton poeta lureatus [sic] London. dioc. ad titulum Mon. de Graciis iuxta turrim London.”[45] When Arthur, the eldest son of Henry the Seventh, was created Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester, in 1489,[46] Skelton celebrated the event in a composition (probably poetical) called Prince Arturis Creacyoun,[47] of which the title alone remains; and when Prince Henry, afterwards Henry the Eighth, was created Duke of York, in 1494,[48] he was hailed by our author in some Latin verses—Carmen ad principem, quando insignitus erat ducis Ebor. titulo,— a copy of which (not to be found at present) was once among the MSS. in the Library of Lincoln Cathedral, having been seen by Tanner, who cites the initial words,—“Si quid habes, mea Musa.”[49] As at the last-mentioned date Prince Henry was a mere infant, there can be no doubt that the care of his education had not yet been entrusted to our poet. It must have been several years after 1494 that Skelton was appointed tutor to that prince,—an appointment which affords a striking proof of the high opinion entertained of his talents and learning, as well as of the respectability of his character. He has himself recorded that he held this important situation: “The honor of Englond I lernyd to spelle, In dygnyte roialle that doth excelle: Note and marke wyl[50] thys parcele; I yaue hym drynke of the sugryd welle Of Eliconys waters crystallyne, Aqueintyng hym with the Musys nyne. Yt commyth thé wele me to remorde, That creaunser[51] was to thy sofre[yne] lorde: It plesyth that noble prince roialle Me as hys master for to calle In hys lernyng primordialle.”[52] [xx] [xxi] [xxii] And in another poem he informs us that he composed a treatise for the edification of his royal pupil: “The Duke of Yorkis creauncer whan Skelton was, Now Henry the viii. Kyng of Englonde, A tratyse he deuysid and browght it to pas, Callid Speculum Principis, to here in his honde, Therin to rede, and to vnderstande All the demenour of princely astate, To be our Kyng, of God preordinate.”[53] The Speculum Principis has perished: we are unable to determine whether it was the same work as that entitled Methodos Skeltonidis laureati, sc. Præcepta quædam moralia Henrico principi, postea Henr. viii, missa. Dat. apud Eltham A.D. MDI., which in Tanner’s days[54] was extant (mutilated at the beginning) among the MSS. in the Lincoln-Cathedral Library, but which (like the Latin verses mentioned in a preceding page) has since been allowed to wander away from that ill-guarded collection. When Prince Henry was a boy of nine years old, Erasmus dedicated to him an ode De Laudibus Britanniæ, Regisque Henrici Septimi ac Regiorum Liberorum. The Dedication contains the following memorable encomium on Skelton; “Et hæc quidem interea tamquam ludicra munuscula tuæ pueritiæ dicavimus, uberiora largituri ubi tua virtus una cum ætate accrescens uberiorem carminum materiam suppeditabit. Ad quod equidem te adhortarer, nisi et ipse jamdudum sponte tua velis remisque (ut aiunt) eo tenderes, et domi haberes Skeltonum, unum Britannicarum literarum lumen ac decus, qui tua studia possit, non solum accendere, sed etiam consummare;” and in the Ode are these lines; “Jam puer Henricus, genitoris nomine lætus, Monstrante fonteis vate Skeltono sacros, Palladias teneris meditatur ab unguibus arteis.”[55] The circumstances which led to the production of this Ode are related by Erasmus in the following curious passage: “Is erat labor tridui, et tamen labor, quod jam annos aliquot nec legeram nec scripseram ullum carmen. Id partim pudor a nobis extorsit, partim dolor. Pertraxerat me Thomas Morus,[56] qui tum me in prædio Montjoii[57] agentem inviserat, ut animi causa in proximum vicum[58] expatiaremur. Nam illic educabantur omnes liberi regii, uno Arcturo excepto, qui tum erat natu maximus. Ubi ventum est in aulam, convenit tota pompa, non solum domus illius, verum etiam Montjoiicæ. Stabat in medio Henricus annos natus novem, jam tum indolem quandam regiam præ se ferens, h. e. animi celsitudinem cum singulari quadam humanitate conjunctam. A dextris erat Margareta, undecim ferme annos nata, quæ post nupsit Jacobo Scotorum Regi. A sinistris, Maria lusitans, annos nata quatuor. Nam Edmondus adhuc infans, in ulnis gestabatur. Morus cum Arnoldo sodali salutato puero Henrico, quo rege nunc floret Britannia, nescio quid scriptorum obtulit. Ego, quoniam hujusmodi nihil expectabam, nihil habens quod exhiberem, pollicitus sum aliquo pacto meum erga ipsum studium aliquando declaraturum. Interim subirascebar Moro, quod non præmonuisset; et eo magis, quod puer Epistolio inter prandendum ad me misso, meum calamum provocaret. Abii domum, ac vel invitis Musis, cum quibus jam longum fuerat divortium, Carmen intra triduum absolvi. Sic et ultus sum dolorem meum, et pudorem sarsi.”[59] The mother of Henry the Seventh, the Countess of Richmond and Derby, is well known to have used her utmost exertions for the advancement of literature: she herself translated some pieces from the French; and, under her patronage, several works (chiefly works of piety) were rendered into English by the most competent scholars of the time. It is to her, I apprehend, that Skelton alludes in the following passage of the Garlande of Laurell, where he mentions one of his lost performances; “Of my ladys grace at the contemplacyoun, Owt of Frenshe into Englysshe prose, Of Mannes Lyfe the Peregrynacioun, He did translate, enterprete, and disclose.”[60] According to Churchyard, Skelton was “seldom out of princis grace:”[61] yet among the Actes, Orders, and Decrees made by the King and his Counsell, remaining amongst the Records of the Court, now commonly called the Court of Requests, we find, under anno 17. Henry vii.; “10 Junii apud Westminster Jo. Skelton commissus carceribus Janitoris Domini Regis.”[62] What could have occasioned this restraint, I cannot even conjecture: but in those days of extra-judicial imprisonments he might have been incarcerated for a very slight offence. It is, however, by no means certain that the “Jo. Skelton” of the above entry was the individual who forms the subject of the present essay;[63] and it is equally doubtful whether or not the following entry, dated the same year, relates to the mother of the poet; (Easter term, 17. Henry vii.) “Johanne Skelton vidue de regard. Domini Regis[64] iij. li. vj. s. viij. d.” [xxiii] [xxiv] [xxv] [xxvi] It has been already shewn that Skelton took holy orders in 1498.[65] How soon after that period he became rector of Diss in Norfolk, or what portion of his life was spent there in the exercise of his duties, cannot be ascertained. He certainly resided there in 1504 and 1511,[66] and, as it would seem from some of his compositions,[67] in 1506, 1507, and 1513; in the year of his decease he was, at least nominally, the rector of Diss.[68] We are told[69] that for keeping, under the title of a concubine, a woman whom he had secretly married, Skelton was called to account, and suspended from his ministerial functions by his diocesan, the bloody-minded and impure Richard Nykke (or Nix),[70] at the instigation of the friars, chiefly the Dominicans, whom the poet had severely handled in his writings. It is said, too, that by this woman he had several children, and that on his death-bed he declared that he conscientiously regarded her as his wife, but that such had been his cowardliness, that he chose rather to confess adultery (concubinage) than what was then reckoned more criminal in an ecclesiastic,—marriage. It has been supposed that Skelton was curate of Trumpington near Cambridge[71] (celebrated as the scene of Chaucer’s Milleres Tale), because at the end of one of his smaller poems are the following words: “Auctore Skelton, rectore de Dis. Finis, &c. Apud Trumpinton scriptum[72] per Curatum ejusdem, quinto die Januarii Anno Domini, secundum computat. Angliæ, mdvii.”[73] But the meaning evidently is, that the curate of Trumpington had written out the verses composed by the rector of Diss; and that the former had borrowed them from the latter for the purpose of transcription, is rendered probable by two lines which occur soon after among some minor pieces of our author; “Hanc volo transcribas, transcriptam moxque remittas Pagellam; quia sunt qui mea scripta sciunt.”[74] Anthony Wood affirms that “at Disse and in the diocese” Skelton “was esteemed more fit for the stage than the pew or pulpit.”[75] It is at least certain that anecdotes of the irregularity of his life, of his buffoonery as a preacher, &c. &c. were current long after his decease, and gave rise to that tissue of extravagant figments which was put together for the amusement of the vulgar, and entitled the Merie Tales of Skelton.[76] Churchyard informs us that Skelton’s “talke was as he wraet [wrote];”[77] and in this propensity to satire, as well in conversation as in writing, originated perhaps those quarrels with Garnesche, Barclay, Gaguin, and Lily, which I have now to notice. As the four poems Against Garnesche were composed “by the kynges most noble commaundement,” we may conclude that the monarch found amusement in the angry rhymes with which Skelton overwhelmed his opponent. Garnesche, it appears, was the challenger in this contest;[78] and it is to be regretted that his verses have perished, because in all probability they would have thrown some light on the private history of Skelton. The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedy[79] bears a considerable resemblance to the verses against Garnesche; but the two Scottish poets are supposed to have carried on a sportive warfare of rude raillery, while a real animosity seems to have existed between our author and his adversary.[80] At the time of this quarrel (the exact date of which cannot be determined) Christopher Garnesche was gentleman-usher to Henry the Eighth, and dignified with knighthood;[81] and (if Skelton may be credited) had risen from the performance of very menial offices to the station which he then occupied. As he had no claims on the remembrance of posterity, little is known concerning him; but since we have evidence that his services were called for on more than one occasion of importance, he must have been a person of considerable note. He is twice incidentally mentioned in connexion with the royal sisters of Henry the Eighth. In 1514, when the Princess Mary embarked for France, in order to join her decrepit bridegroom Louis the Twelfth, Garnesche formed one of the numerous retinue selected to attend her, and had an opportunity of particularly distinguishing himself during that perilous voyage: “The ii. daye of October at the hower of foure of the clocke in the morenynge thys fayre ladye tooke her ship with all her noble compaignie: and when they had sayled a quarter of the see, the wynde rose and seuered some of the shyppes to Caleys, and some in Flaunders, and her shippe with greate difficultie was brought to Bulleyn, and with great ieopardy at the entryng of the hauen, for the master ran the ship hard on shore, but the botes were redy and receyued this noble lady, and at the landyng Sir Christopher Garnyshe stode in the water, and toke her in his armes, and so caryed her to land, where the Duke of Vandosme and a Cardynall with many estates receyued her and her ladyes,”[82] &c. Again, in a letter, dated Harbottle 18th Oct. 1515, from Lord Dacre of Gillesland and T. Magnus to Henry the Eighth, concerning the confinement in childbed of Margaret widow of James the Fourth, &c. we find; “Sir Christofer Garneis came to Morpeth immediatly vpon the queneis delyueraunce, and by our aduice hath contynued there with suche stuff as your grace hath sent to the said quene your suster till Sondaye laste paste, whiche daye he delyuered your letter and disclosed your credence, gretely to the quenes comforte. And for somiche as the quene lieth as yet in childe bedde, and shall kepe her chambre these thre wookes at the leiste, we haue aduised the said sir Christofer Garneis to remaigne at Morpeth till the queneis comyng thidder, and then her grace may order and prepare euery parte of the said stuf after her pleasure and as her grace semeth moste conuenient,” &c.[83] A few particulars concerning Garnesche may [xxvii] [xxviii] [xxix] [xxx] [xxxi] [xxxii] [xxxiii] be gleaned from the Books in the Public Record Office: (Easter Term, 18 Hen. vii.) “Cristofero Garneys de regardo de denariis per Johannem Crawford et al. per manuc. for.[84] xl. li.” (i. e. in reward out of moneys forfeited by John Crawford and another upon bail-bond.) (1st Henry viii.) “Item to Christofer Garnisshe for the kinges offring at S. Edwardes shiryne the next day after the Coronacion[85] vj. s. viij. d.” (Easter Term, 1-2 Henry viii.) “Cristofero Garneys vni generosorum hostiariorum regis [one of the king’s gentlemen-ushers] de annuitate sua durante regis beneplacito per annum x. li. Eidem Cristofero de feodo suo ad xx. li. per annum pro termino vite sue[86] xx. li.” and we find that afterwards by letters patent dated 21st May, 7th Henry viii., in consideration of his services the king granted him an annuity of thirty pounds for life, payable half-yearly at the Exchequer.[87] (11th Henry viii.) “Item to Sir Christofer Garnisshe knight opon a warraunt for the hyre of his howse at Grenewyche[88] at x. li. by the yere for one half a yere due at Ester last and so after half yerely during x yeres[89] c. s.” (20th Henry viii.) “Cristofero Garnyshe militi de annuitate sua ad xxx l. per annum per breve currens Rec. den. pro festo Michīs ult. pret. viz. pro vno anno integro per manus Ricardi Alen[90] xxx. li.” see above: this entry is several times repeated, and occurs for the last time in 26th Henry viii.[91] Bale mentions among the writings of Alexander Barclay a piece “against Skelton.”[92] It has not come down to us; but the extant works of Barclay bear testimony to the hearty dislike with which he regarded our author. At the conclusion of The Ship of Fooles is this contemptuous notice of one of Skelton’s most celebrated poems; “Holde me excused, for why my will is good, Men to induce vnto vertue and goodnes; I write no ieste ne tale of Robin Hood, Nor sowe no sparkles ne sede of viciousnes; Wise men loue vertue, wilde people wantonnes; It longeth not to my science nor cunning, For Philip the Sparow the Dirige to singe:”[93] a sneer to which Skelton most probably alludes, when, enumerating his own productions in the Garlande of Laurell, he mentions, “Of Phillip Sparow the lamentable fate, The dolefull desteny, and the carefull chaunce, Dyuysed by Skelton after the funerall rate; Yet sum there be therewith that take greuaunce, And grudge therat with frownyng countenaunce; But what of that? hard it is to please all men; Who list amende it, let hym set to his penne.”[94] That a portion of the following passage in Barclay’s Fourth Egloge was levelled at Skelton, appears highly probable; [xxxiv] [xxxv] [xxxvi] “Another thing yet is greatly more damnable: Of rascolde poetes yet is a shamfull rable, Which voyde of wisedome presumeth to indite, Though they haue scantly the cunning of a snite;[95] And to what vices that princes moste intende, Those dare these fooles solemnize and commende. Then is he decked as Poete laureate, When stinking Thais made him her graduate: When Muses rested, she did her season note, And she with Bacchus her camous[96] did promote. Such rascolde drames, promoted by Thais, Bacchus, Licoris, or yet by Testalis, Or by suche other newe forged Muses nine, Thinke in their mindes for to haue wit diuine; They laude their verses, they boast, they vaunt and iet, Though all their cunning be scantly worth a pet: If they haue smelled the artes triuiall, They count them Poetes hye and heroicall. Such is their foly, so foolishly they dote, Thinking that none can their playne errour note: Yet be they foolishe, auoyde of honestie, Nothing seasoned with spice of grauitie, Auoyde of pleasure, auoyde of eloquence, With many wordes, and fruitlesse of sentence; Unapt to learne, disdayning to be taught, Their priuate pleasure in snare hath them so caught; And worst yet of all, they count them excellent, Though they be fruitlesse, rashe and improuident. To such ambages who doth their minde incline, They count all other as priuate[97] of doctrine, And that the faultes which be in them alone, Also be common in other men eche one.”[98] In the Garlande of Laurell we are told by Skelton, that among the famous writers of all ages and nations, whom he beheld in his vision, was “a frere of Fraunce men call sir Gagwyne, That frownyd on me full angerly and pale;”[99] and in the catalogue of his own writings which is subsequently given in the same poem, he mentions a piece which he had composed against this personage, “The Recule ageinst Gaguyne of the Frenshe nacyoun.”[100] Robert Gaguin was minister-general of the Maturines, and enjoyed great reputation for abilities and learning.[101] He wrote various works; the most important of which is his Compendium supra Francorum gestis from the time of Pharamond to the author’s age. In 1490 he was sent by Charles the Eighth as ambassador to England, where he probably became personally acquainted with Skelton. That Skelton composed certain Latin verses against the celebrated grammarian William Lily, we are informed by Bale,[102] who has preserved the initial words, viz. “Urgeor impulsus tibi, Lilli, retundere:” and that Lily repaid our poet in kind, we have the following proof; [xxxvii] [xxxviii] “Lilii Hendecasyllabi in Scheltonum ejus carmina calumniantem.[103] “Quid me, Scheltone, fronte sic aperta Carpis, vipereo potens veneno? Quid versus trutina meos iniqua Libras? dicere vera num licebit? Doctrinæ tibi dum parare famam Et doctus fieri studes poeta, Doctrinam nec habes, nec es poeta.” It would seem that Skelton occasionally repented of the severity of his compositions, and longed to recall them; for in the Garlande of Laurell, after many of them have been enumerated, we meet with the following curious passage; “Item Apollo that whirllid up his chare, That made sum to snurre and snuf in the wynde; It made them to skip, to stampe, and to stare, Whiche, if they be happy, haue cause to beware In ryming and raylyng with hym for to mell, For drede that he lerne them there A, B, C, to spell. With that I stode vp, halfe sodenly afrayd; Suppleyng to Fame, I besought her grace, And that it wolde please her, full tenderly I prayd, Owt of her bokis Apollo to rase. Nay, sir, she sayd, what so in this place Of our noble courte is ones spoken owte, It must nedes after rin all the worlde aboute. God wote, theis wordes made me full sad; And when that I sawe it wolde no better be, But that my peticyon wolde not be had, What shulde I do but take it in gre? For, by Juppiter and his high mageste, I did what I cowde to scrape out the scrollis, Apollo to rase out of her ragman rollis.”[104] The piece which commenced with the words “Apollo that whirllid vp his chare,” and which gave such high displeasure to some of Skelton’s contemporaries, has long ago perished,—in spite of Fame’s refusal to erase it from her books! The title-page of the Garlande of Laurell,[105] ed. 1523, sets forth that it was “studyously dyuysed at Sheryfhotton Castell,” in Yorkshire; and there seems no reason to doubt that it was written by Skelton during a residence at that mansion. The date of its composition is unknown; but it was certainly produced at an advanced period of his life;[106] and the Countess of Surrey, who figures in it so conspicuously as his patroness, must have been Elizabeth Stafford, daughter of Edward Duke of Buckingham, second wife of Thomas Howard Earl of Surrey, and mother of that illustrious Surrey “whose fame for aye endures.” Sheriff-Hutton Castle was then in the possession of her father-in-law, the Duke of Norfolk,[107] the victor of Flodden Field; and she was probably there as his guest, having brought Skelton in her train. Of this poem, unparalleled for its egotism, the greater part is allegorical; but the incident from which it derives its name,—the weaving of a garland for the author by a party of ladies, at the desire of the Countess, seems to have had some foundation in fact. From a passage in the poem just mentioned, we may presume that Skelton used sometimes to reside at the ancient college of the Bonhommes at Ashridge; “Of the Bonehoms of Ashrige besyde Barkamstede, That goodly place to Skelton moost kynde, Where the sank royall is, Crystes blode so rede, Whervpon he metrefyde after his mynde; A pleasaunter place than Ashrige is, harde were to fynde,” &c.[108] That Skelton once enjoyed the patronage of Wolsey, at whose desire he occasionally exercised his pen, and from whose powerful influence he expected preferment in the church, we learn from the following passages in his works: “Honorificatissimo, amplissimo, longeque reverendissimo in Christo patri, ac domino, domino [xxxix] [xl]