THE PAST LIVES OF BETTY EISNER: EXAMINING THE SPIRITUAL PSYCHE OF EARLY PSYCHEDELIC THERAPY THROUGH THE STORY OF AN OUTSIDER, A PIONEER, AND A VILLAIN TAL DAVIDSON A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS GRADUATE PROGRAM IN PSYCHOLOGY YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO SEPTEMBER 2017 © Tal Davidson, 2017 ii Abstract In this thesis, I argue that early LSD research was imbued with a sense of mysticism that was constructed to be commensurable with concurrent scientific epistemology. I demonstrate how mysticism entered psychedelic research and therapy through the history of a pioneer LSD psychotherapist named Betty Eisner. Since the late 1940s, Eisner was a key member of a bible study group that emphasized the psychological foundation of mystical experiences. When she entered psychology in the 1950s, she imported this influence into her research and therapy. As an active member of the small international LSD research community of the ‘50s and ‘60s, she participated in ongoing discussions about the place of mysticism in LSD psychotherapy. However, following malpractice accusations in the 1970s, Eisner lost her clinical license. Using records from her license revocation hearings, I will contextualize her work within the larger psychology profession’s attitudes toward mystically inspired therapy. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract………………………………………………………………………………….ii Table of Contents……………………………………………………………………….iii Introduction………………………………………………………………………………1 Chapter One: Modern Mysticism for the Working Scientist……………………….......27 Chapter Two: The Association and Dissociation of Psycholytic Therapy...…………...55 Chapter Three: Life After Past Life: Mysticism in Therapy After LSD’s Prohibition…82 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………..123 References……………………………………………………………………………..129 1 The Past Lives of Betty Eisner: Examining the Spiritual Psyche of Early Psychedelic Therapy through the Story of an Outsider, a Pioneer, and a Villain The Journal of Psychopharmacology recently dedicated their entire December 2016 issue to psychedelic research and commentary. The novelty of the content notwithstanding, the issue was notable for featuring eminent authors that included past presidents from the American Psychiatric Association (APA) and the European College of Neuropsychopharmacology (ECNP), as well as medical scientists who have acted as national health advisors to various governments (Nutt, 2016). According to David Nutt, a British psychiatrist, past ECNP president, and former advisor to the United Kingdom Department of Health, the issue’s star power represents the consensus that the fields of psychiatry and pharmacology share regarding the clinical safety and therapeutic potential of psychedelic substances (Nutt, 2016). The issue was not at all a dispassionate collection of recent work in a productive but arbitrary field; it was a proclamation, backed by the full weight of the medical science discipline, that the marginalization of psychedelic drugs is not based on scientific evidence. Nutt, who is also editor of the Journal of Psychopharmacology, opened the issue with the assertion that the lineup of authors alone “should reassure any waverers” that psychedelics have a role that is “well within the accepted scope of modern psychiatry,” and that psychiatrists “all agree we are now in an exciting phase of psychedelic psychopharmacology that needs to be encouraged and not impeded” (2016, p. 1163). The issue also demonstrates psychedelic researchers’ particular position as scientists: they are as concerned with changing society to accept the credibility of their discoveries as they are with making empirical discoveries themselves. Their discourses include the tight, operational descriptions of hypotheses, methods, results and rationales that satisfy the conventions of 2 scientific publishing. However, they also include the social, legal, and scientific histories of psychedelic drugs, because scientific rhetoric alone cannot overcome these drugs’ negative public image. Psychedelic scientists’ articles include brief allusions to the historicity of psychedelic fear with remarkable consistency. In his introduction to the Journal of Psychopharmacology’s special issue, David Nutt embedded the issue’s empirical content within LSD’s role in the development of Alcoholics Anonymous, its influence on 1960s’ revolutionary politics, and Reagan-era campaigns to manufacture drug fear (2016). In his review of current clinical evidence for psilocybin’ efficacy in the treatment of anxiety, past APA president Jeffrey Lieberman told a familiar story about a generative therapy drug called LSD whose medical promise was corrupted by frivolous delinquents and political agitators (Lieberman & Shalev, 2016). Reporting his results for the first clinical LSD psychotherapy trial conducted since the 1960s, Swiss psychiatrist Peter Gasser summarized the development of psycholytic and psychedelic streams of LSD psychotherapy in the 1950s (Gasser et al., 2014). In their review of recent psychiatric literature on MDMA (also known as ecstasy), leading MDMA researcher Michael Mithoefer and his colleague Berra Yazar-Klosinksi outlined the questionable circumstances under which 1 MDMA became a Schedule 1 drug: In 1985, the US Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) picked up on MDMA’s trending recreational use and banned the drug for its lack of “accepted medical use, high abuse potential, and lack of accepted safety” (Yazar-Klosinski & Mithoefer, 2017, p.194), despite contrary medical evidence and judicial recommendation. 1 The DEA categorizes controlled substances according to their medical use, abuse potential, likelihood to create dependency. Schedule 1 is the most restrictive of five categories. It states a drug has no accepted medical use, a high abuse potential, and are highly likely to cause dependence. Schedule 1 drugs carry severe legal penalties (United States Drug Enforcement Administration, n.d.; Yeh, 2015). 3 History is clearly very important to contemporary psychedelic scientists, and for good reason. According to their main narrative, their line of research was cut off in a period of ascendance, giving current researchers impetus to pick up where past researchers left off (Nutt, 2017). However, it is crucial to note that only a very particular selection of psychedelic history is being recovered and affirmed in mainstream psychedelic studies. Early empirical research conducted with humility and respect for the scientific process is included in the category of ascendant research (e.g., Hoffer, Osmond & Smythies, 1954; Sandison & Whitelaw, 1957; Chwelos et al., 1959). Early recreational, underground, or flamboyant use of psychedelics is portrayed as threatening, irresponsible, unrepresentative of prevailing scientific opinions, and culpable in the premature demise of psychedelic work (e.g., Leary, Metzner & Alpert, 1964; Leary et al., 1965; Lilly, 1967; Castaneda, 1968; Grinspoon & Bakalar, 1979). Therapeutic work that blurred the boundaries of science, spirituality, and recreation gets washed of its less positivistic qualities or ignored altogether. In this thesis, I will revive the role that the terms “spiritual,” “mystical,” and “religious” played in some of the earliest clinical LSD research to take place in the United States. Contrary to what recent historical accounts of psychedelic science might convey, I will illustrate the ways in which numinous spiritual concepts were an integral part of 1950s LSD research. In doing this, my intent is to demonstrate the deep entanglements of the spiritual with the scientific and to argue that these entanglements are fundamental to understanding the ontology, epistemology, and resulting practices of psychedelic scientists in this period. Several scholars have taken psychedelic science’s recent upswing as a cue to examine the mechanisms by which psychedelics have been constructed as scientific objects. In Psychedelic Psychiatry (2012), historian of medicine Erika Dyck illustrates how the scientific role of LSD 4 was shaped by a confluence of social forces, including the interdisciplinary communities that formed around the drug, and a political climate that transitioned from supportive to hostile. In Neuropsychedelia (2012), the medical anthropologist Nicolas Langlitz traces the historical circumstances that led to the return of psychedelic studies. Langlitz claims that technological advances in neuroscience have allowed scientists to dislocate psychedelics from their sociohistorical context and reconstruct them as interesting but affectless investigative tools. He also examines how contemporary psychedelic researchers eschew overt statements about their spiritual influences, and instead use psychedelics and altered states of consciousness to examine how mystical experiences manifest in the brain. Ben Sessa, the house historian of the psychedelic renaissance, has written some more conservative histories detailing the timeline of scientific projects, conferences and collaborations that took place from the 1800s until the current day (Sessa, 2012; Sessa, 2015). Sessa conveys the many ways that scientists formed psychedelics as serious tools of medicine and biochemical research, and in doing so, underplays the cohesion that spirituality and science enjoyed in the labs and clinics of early LSD researchers (Sessa, 2014). Sessa’s explicit aim is to translate the importance of psychedelic research to a mainstream audience that has otherwise been inundated with messages of psychedelics’ severe potential for harm (Sessa, 2012). His version of psychedelic history demonstrates Langlitz’s claim that if spirituality makes an appearance in current psychedelic science, it is to examine the neurochemical events that precipitate experiences subjectively interpreted as spiritual (Langlitz, 2012). Discourses that construe psychedelics as sacramental are categorized as shamanic if they are used outside the West; but if they are used by Westerners, they are categorized as naive and pseudoscientific (Sessa, 2012; Sessa, 2014). In my research into the psychedelic science of the 1950s and ‘60s, I have come to learn that North American LSD researchers were not so 5 concerned with how the drug lent itself to religious experiences. Individual researchers may have doubted the spiritual valence of psychedelic experiences, but they still explored the clinical applications of chemically-induced spirituality. For example, the Weyburn, Saskatchewan psychiatrists Abram Hoffer and Humphry Osmond were committed biochemical researchers, and were at one point on the global forefront of neuropsychiatric schizophrenia research thanks to the psychotomimetic properties of LSD and mescaline (Dyck, 2012; Grinspoon & Bakalar, 1979; Healy, 2002). When they branched out into clinical work, Hoffer and Osmond hesitated to completely attribute the success of their alcoholism therapy program to the spiritual potency of LSD, but the program’s political, financial, and community supporters believed that LSD cured alcoholism by connecting patients directly to a higher power (Dyck, 2006). As such, Hoffer and Osmond worked with religious organizations like Alcoholics Anonymous and gave them the power to define chemically- potentiated self-awareness in the ways that best suited the alcoholic community’s recovery process (Dyck, 2006). Similarly, Los Angeles psychopharmacologist Sidney Cohen did not himself have a mystical worldview, but his psychotherapist research partner Betty Eisner did (Cohen, 1964; Eisner, 2002). When they began their research program, Cohen understood the therapeutic value of Eisner’s mystical beliefs, trusted her therapeutic authority, and the two built spiritual values into their model of LSD-assisted psychotherapy (Eisner & Cohen, 1957; Eisner & Cohen, 1958). Cohen accepted that LSD could be used to link the epistemic worlds of scientists and mystics, stating “there is much to learn about what we [psychiatrists] call ‘ego dissolution’ and the mystics call ‘self-transcendence’” (Cohen, 1964, p. 242). But what did spirituality, mysticism, and religion really mean to scientists and psychologists who worked with LSD in the drug’s early history? My goal stated above was to 6 address the ways that a spiritual cosmology was commensurable with the scientific methods that many early researchers employed in their LSD studies. But up until now, I have been using spiritual terminology loosely, and as if it were impervious to historical circumstances. To state my goal more precisely, I will use the first chapter to outline the specific form of spirituality that early American psychedelic researchers worked with given their historical location. I will argue that this form of spirituality was largely constructed at an affluent comparative religion studies retreat called the Sequoia Seminar, and made fast inroads into psychology because its leaders deliberately sought an audience of ambitious, academically-inclined professionals. In the second chapter, I will map the transmission of this psychospiritual epistemology across the wider global network of LSD researchers. In particular, I intend to convey the ways that LSD therapists reconstructed spirituality as they collectivized and negotiated the boundaries of a shared methodology that united them under the professional title of “psycholytic therapy.” The third chapter will trace appearances of very similar forms of psychospiritual commitment in therapeutic practices outside of, but contemporaneous to, psychedelic psychology. Like psychedelics, humanistic psychology and the human potential movement lent themselves to forms of therapy that prized spiritual experiences as the prime motivators for psychological healing and personal growth. Psychedelic- and humanistic-based therapies shared significant temporal and geographical overlap; looking at the permeability between the two therapeutic philosophies provides one effective way of exploring LSD’s embeddedness within the ethical and methodological standards of the wider psychology profession. My overarching goal is to demonstrate that there was far weaker a differentiation between rigorous science and esoteric mysticism in the early days of psychedelic research than is currently suggested. I will do this by investigating the career of pioneer LSD psychotherapist, 7 Betty Eisner. Eisner was among the first Americans (and certainly among the first of very few women) to experiment with psycholytic therapy, a form of drug-assisted psychotherapy that relied on administering small doses of LSD, mescaline, and other psychoactive drugs in order to potentiate the psychoanalytic process. She was an original member of both the Sequoia Seminar and of the cohort of psychiatrists that officially established psycholytic therapy. She also kept a meticulous personal collection of therapy records, correspondences with leading scientists, therapists, and cultural figures, and other important documents that capture the cultural milieu within which she worked. I will use documents from this collection to describe how Eisner formed her theoretical commitments as a psycholytic therapist within the spiritual and psychological cultures particular to her time, and explore how psychedelics fit into the fabric of psychotherapy by tracing professional receptivity to her work. By situating Eisner within already explored histories of psychedelic culture, psychopharmacology and psychotherapeutic movements, I will provide another narrative that demonstrates the interactions of these institutions, one that is enriched with new insight about the role that spiritual philosophies played in the creation of psychedelic science. Eisner was a particularly industrious therapist and networker, but aside from the practical consideration of having good source material, I also want to distinguish her work in a sub- discipline that mainly counts (or knows about) the contributions of men. In the preface to their seminal book Untold Lives: The First Generation of Women Psychologists, Elizabeth Scarborough and Laurel Furumoto recall that they “came to recognize that the omission of women from historical accounts of psychology placed a serious limitation on our understanding of the past and on women’s sense of having a legitimate place in our discipline” (1987, p. xi). By rendering the history of psychology through the lives of the earliest women psychologists,