Int.J.MiddleEastStud.42(2010),105–122 doi:10.1017/S0020743809990559 Amal N. Ghazal THE OTHER FRONTIERS OF ARAB NATIONALISM: IBADIS, BERBERS, AND THE ARABIST-SALAFI PRESS IN THE INTERWAR PERIOD ThehistoriographyofArabnationalismhastendedtoconcentrateonthesecularpress fromtheMashriq,especiallytheCairo–Beirutaxis,attheexpenseofthereligiousna- tionalistpressandthenon-Mashriqione.Thereisoftenanassumptionthatrelianceon thesecularpressfromtheMashriqalonecanprovideaclearpictureofArabintellectual lifeandthataproperanalysisofthatthoughtcanbeconfinedtoafewintellectualcenters intheeasternArabworld.Althoughtherehasneverbeenanexplicitclaimthatsucha focus is the end of the story, there have not been enough attempts to look beyond the Cairo–Beirutaxisandbeyonditssecularpressorgansinsearchofabroaderstoryofthe depthandbreadthofArabnationalism.Thisarticleaddressesthisimbalancebyexam- ininganArabist-SalafipressnetworkthatoperatedbetweenAlgeria,Tunisia,Zanzibar, and Egypt and involved members of two sectarian communities, Sunnis and Ibadis. This Arabist-Salafi press network created a public sphere of intellectual engagement inwhichSalafismandnationalismwereinterwoven,producinganationalistdiscourse transgressing post World War I borders of identity and linking the three layers of nationalism—theterritorial,thePan-Arab,andthePan-Islamic—together.Theselayers notonlyintersectedbutalsolegitimizedoneanother. Salafism,largelyfueledbyanticolonialism,drewmanyIbadisclosertoSunnis.Be- causeNorthAfricanIbadisareBerbers,SalafismalsoturnedmanyBerbersintoArabist Salafis.ThoseArabistSalafis,whetherSunnisorIbadis,BerbersorArabs,articulated their nationalist thought through the press, making effective use of it and initiating a trendthatbeganinthelate19thcenturyandintensifiedintheinterwarperiod.AsJuan ColenotesinhisstudyofprintcultureinthesouthernMediterraneanbeforeWorldWar I,printandreadershipnetworksformedanimportantcontextforthePan-Islamicmove- mentuntil1920andallowedMuslimreformerstohaveawiderimpactthantheywould have had otherwise.1 In fact, not only did these networks persist during the interwar period and beyond but they also were significantly strengthened and broadened. Like thenationalistthoughttheypropagated,Arabist-Salafinewspapersconnectedthelocal AmalGhazalisanAssistantProfessorintheDepartmentofHistory,DalhousieUniversity,Halifax,Nova Scotia,Canada;e-mail:[email protected] © CambridgeUniversityPress20100020-7438/10$15.00 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743809990559 Published online by Cambridge University Press 106 AmalN.Ghazal withthetranslocalintheircoverage,analysis,anddistribution.Manycommunitieswere pulledtogetherthroughthiswebofterritorial-nationalistyetPan-ArabandPan-Islamic pressorgans. Thus,thisarticlenotonlyexpandsthegeographichorizonsofArabnationalismbut alsocontributestothescholarshipexaminingthecorrelationbetweenIslamandnational identityintheinterwarperiod,acorrelationthatdevelopedintheOttomancontextand continuedinthepost-Ottomanorder.2 SALAFISM AS NATIONALISM:IBADIS WITHIN THE FOLD OF THE UMMA KeyworksonArabthoughtinthelateOttomanperiodhaveconfirmedtheassociation betweenSalafismandArabism,viewingtheformerasaprecursortopostWorldWarI Arabnationalism.3 However,Salafismalsoprovidedthefoundationforadistincttype ofArabnationalismbuiltontheSalafiprinciplesofovercomingsectariandividesforthe sakeofnationalintegration.ThisArabist-Salafiversionofnationalismintheinterwar periodhaditsrootsinlate19th-centuryintellectualandtheologicaldevelopmentsthat wereredefiningtheconceptoftheumma.AsPeterMandavillehasobserved,thisconcept reemergedasakeyoneinMuslimpoliticaldiscourseinthefaceofthechallengeposed toIslambytheWest.4 Arabist Salafis were Muslim reformers who adhered to the Salafi modernism of – Muhammad Abduh and Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and who promoted Islamic unity as theremedyformanyoftheailmentsoftheMuslimumma.InordertorealizeMuslim unity, Salafis downplayed the differences between Muslim sects and called for the abolitionofthemadha¯hib(legalschools),whichtheyregardedasobstaclesintheway of this desired unity. The salaf, the early generation and forerunners of the Muslim umma,representedtheprototypeandexemplarycommunity,freefromblindimitation, divisive sectarianism, and the constraints of the legal schools. The utopian era of the salafthussymbolized,amongotherthings,greaterunitywithinMuslimcommunities, politicalstrength,andintellectualvitality.Toovercomethelegaciesofsectarianismand divisive madha¯hib, Salafi modernists advocated the opening of the doors of ijtiha¯d in » order to delve directly into the original sources of Islam: the Quran and the Sunna. Ijtiha¯d,anabsolutenecessityforSalafimodernists,wouldabolishthebarriersdividing Muslims and reassemble the sectarian fragments of the umma. The redrawn borders of the Muslim nation would be based on new notions of orthodoxy, marked not by theological differences but by the ability to overcome them. If European modernity provided Muslims with the idea of nationalism, Islamic modernity imagined its own nationoutofutopianSalafism. Thehistoriographyof19th-centurySalafism,withitsfocusontheputativeintellectual rift between Islam and the West, and the Salafi attempt to overcome that rift and find commongroundwithWesterncivilizationandmodernity,thuspresentsonlyonesideof thestory.Salafismalsoaimedtobridgegapsofitsownandseekrapprochementwithin aschismaticIslam.Itmaybeworthinquiring,inaseparatestudy,thedegreetowhich the Salafi rejection of sectarianism and construction of a united nation was a reaction toWesternperceptionsoftheMuslimworldasessentiallydividedalongsectarianlines. The Arabist Salafi network examined here, however, recognized sectarianism as an https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743809990559 Published online by Cambridge University Press TheOtherFrontiersofArabNationalism 107 indigenous problem that not only affected the daily experiences of Muslims but also endangeredtheirfuture.Itisthisacknowledgmentoftheexistenceofsectarianismand itsproblemsthatmadeSalafismavigorousmovementofMuslimunity. Intellectual developments within Ibadism and the development of a Salafi Ibadism in the late 19th century point to the success of Salafism in transcending sectarian divides. The definition of Ibadism has become a contentious matter. Many Ibadis in the 20th century, influenced by Salafism, deny any Khariji roots in an attempt to find common ground with other Muslims, especially Sunnis.5 The Kharijis or khawa¯rij – wereasecessionistmovementthatprotestedCaliph Ali’sdecisiontoacceptarbitration – following the battle of Siffin (657 A.D.) against his rival Muawiya. They split from – – his army and formed an opposition to both Ali and Muawiya. That opposition later extended to the Umayyads and the Abbasids. The fact of the matter is that Ibadism was a Khariji group that historically defined its identity in contrast to other Khariji groups, especially those resorting to violence such as the Azariqa khawa¯rij, and in contrasttoUmayyaddespotism.ThepersecutionofIbadisbytheUmayyads(andlater theAbbasids)notonlydispersedthisKharijigroupoutsidetheofficialbordersofSunni politicalestablishmentsbutalsopusheditsmembersoutsidetheconceptualbordersof theummaasdefinedbythoseestablishments.IbadishavesurvivedinOman,Zanzibar, theMzabValleyinAlgeria,theNfusamountainsinLibya,andDjerbaislandinTunisia. ThroughoutIslamichistory,SunnisconsideredIbadisasKharijiswhocausedthedisunity oftheMuslimcommunity.Ibadis,inturn,thoughtofSunnisassubmissivetopolitical corruptionandasdeviantfromthestraightpath.6EachsectconceivedtheMuslimumma withouttheother,claimingexclusiverighttoitsreligiousandhistoricalsanctity.7 Thatstartedtochangeinthelate19thcentury.Anunprecedenteddevelopmentwas taking place, with reformers arguing for the abolition of the sectarian identities of the umma.TheIbadiidentitywasgraduallyintegrating,ifnotoccasionallymelting,withthe Sunnione.AsJohnWilkinsonhasobserved,“theIbadis’experienceofthe[European] imperialpowerswasputtingthemonacommonfootingwiththerestofthe[Muslim] worldandleadingtosomeefforttofindcommongroundbetweenthem.”8Thoseefforts were led by Ibadi scholars from North Africa, Oman, and Zanzibar who confronted EuropeanimperialismandcolonialismbysupportingSalaficallsforMuslimunityand sectarian rapprochement. The result was the emergence of a Salafi Ibadism seeking a reconciliatory position with other Muslim sects, especially with the majority sect of Sunnism. ThebordersofbelongingfortheIbadicommunitieswerenowexpandingtoinclude not only the traditional Ibadi strongholds of Oman, Zanzibar, and North Africa but theentireArabic-speakingworld.Cairo,Damascus,Tunis,andAlgierswerebecoming as significant as Muscat, Zanzibar, and Mzab. Increasingly, Ibadis sustained or were sustainedbythosecities’networksofSalafischolars,intellectuals,andpoliticalactivists, whowereredrawingthemapoftheMuslimummalessalongsectarianlinesandmore around Salafi Islam, Pan-Arabism, and anticolonialism. These were the foci around which many Muslims in the Arab world, including Ibadis, were (re)imagining their nationand(re)definingtheiridentities.9 The conciliatory tone of Salafism thus paved the way for sectarian rapprochement, whichinturnbecamethefoundationofanationalistdiscourseintheinterwarperiodthat consideredunityofMuslimsnecessaryfortherealizationofunitywithintheframeworks https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743809990559 Published online by Cambridge University Press 108 AmalN.Ghazal of both territorial nationalism and Arab nationalism. A solid territorial nationalism, accordingtoArabist-Salafis,wouldreflectastrongArabunityandviceversa.Through their journalistic ventures, Ibadis from peripheral geographies played a role in the articulation of a nationalist thought that accommodated Salafism, Arab nationalism, andterritorialnationalism.ExamplesfromMzabandZanzibarwillcontextualizethese developments. ARABIST SALAFIS OF MZAB TheIbadisofAlgeria,likethoseintherestofNorthAfrica,areBerbers.Theysettled inMzabaftertheRustamiddynastywasdestroyedbytheFatimidsin909A.D.Modern Salafi thought made its way to Mzab in Algeria by the late 19th century, and it was mostly Salafism’s Pan-Islamic aspect that appealed to Mzab’s prominent scholars at thetime,includingMuhammadAtfiyyash(d.1914).AtfiyyashbelievedthatEuropean colonialism was enough of a threat to the Islamic faith that it warranted the unity and solidarity of all Muslims and the transcendence of their sectarian differences.10 However,SalafimodernismonlybecameadominantideologyinMzabandamongthe MzabidiasporawiththenextgenerationofMzabischolarsandactivists,manyofwhom were Atfiyyash’s pupils. These included Ibrahim Atfiyyash, Ibrahim Abu al-Yaqzan, – – Muhammad al-Thamini, Umar al-Anq, and Ibrahim Bayyud, all of whom played a key role in shaping Ibadi intellectual life in Mzab during the first half of the 20th century.TheirendorsementofSalafimodernismwasmostlyduetotheircosmopolitan experience in vibrant cities such as Algiers, Tunis, and Cairo and to their affiliation withthosecities’intellectualandpoliticalnetworks.ThisaffiliationexposedtheMzabis to the full scope and potential of Salafism and integrated them into the complex web of Pan-Arabism, Pan-Islamism, and territorial–national politics in which the Arabist Salafiswereinvolved. AlthoughSalaficurrentshadalreadymadetheirwayintoMzab,itwasinTunisiathat the Mzabis became more involved in religious reform movements and were exposed to the allure of anticolonial nationalist politics. In 1914, believing in the necessity of learning modern sciences, which were not taught in the curricula of Mzabi schools, Mzabi reformers started a student mission to Tunis in order to take advantage of the rich educational environment provided by Tunis’ educational institutions, al-Zaytuna, al-Khalduniyya, and al-Sadiqiyya. One of the main purposes of the mission’s framers was to expose Mzabi students to the secular curriculum offered by al-Khalduniyya, whichcomplementedal-Zaytuna’stheologicaleducation.11Thebeginningofthemission correspondedwithanewphaseinTunisianpoliticallife,markedbythegrowthofthe YoungTunisianmovementandculminatinginthefoundationofHizbal-Dustural-Hurr – (theFreeConstitutionalParty).Thelatter,formedin1920undertheleadershipof Abd – – al-Azizal-Thaalibi,tookituponitselftodefendtheArab-IslamicidentityofTunisia andtocarrythebannerofTunisianoppositiontoFrenchcolonialism. – » ThemissiontoTunisiahadbeenopposedbyMzabianti-reform ulama,whoargued againsttheneedformoderneducationthatincludedforeignlanguagesandnonreligious subjects,asdidtheanti-reformmovementamongSunnis.12 ThedebateamongSunnis hadalreadybeenwagedonthepagesoftheArabicpress,includinginTunisia.Supported – bytheeditorsofTunisiannewspaperssuchasal-Iqdam,al-Ittihad,Lisanal-Shab,and https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743809990559 Published online by Cambridge University Press TheOtherFrontiersofArabNationalism 109 al-Umma,MzabireformersresidinginTunisiawereprovidedwithaplatformtorespond totheirdetractorsandtolaunchanattackontheanti-reformmovementinMzab.Because those newspapers had already made their way into Mzab, they were read by those concerned with the politics of the region. Thus, the battle of Mzabi reformers against theiropponents,thoughwagedfromTunis,stretchedintoMzabthroughthemediumof the press. The vibrant Tunisian press was the Mzabis’ window into the broader world ofpoliticsandkepttheminformedofandengagedincurrentdebates.Italsoprovided themwiththeplatformtoenterthatworld,belinkedtoitsintellectualsandactivists,and voicetheiropinionsandconcerns.TwoofthemostactiveMzabireformerswhowrote – » inthosenewspaperstodefendmodernsciencesandattacktheanti-reform ulama were IbrahimAtfiyyashandIbrahimAbual-Yaqzan. IBRAHIM ATFIYYASH:IBADI SALAFISM IN EXILE IbrahimAtfiyyash,alsoknownasAbuIshaq,wasbornin1886inBeniIsgeninMzab. He received his early education at the hands of his uncle, the renowned Ibadi scholar Muhammad Atfiyyash. Abu Ishaq went to Tunisia in 1917 to study at al-Zaytuna, – where he was tutored by Tunisian reformist scholars such as al-Tahir bin Ashur and Muhammad al-Nakhli.13 He later joined Ibrahim Abu al-Yaqzan and Muhammad al- ThaminiascosupervisorsfortheMzabistudentmissionandwasdrawnintotheactivities ofHizbal-Dustur.Between1917and1923,Atfiyyashfunctionedasaliaisonbetweenal- – » ThaalibiinTunisandAmirKhalidal-JazairiinAlgierswhenthetwowerecoordinating theiranti-Frenchefforts.14Duetothesepoliticalactivities,theFrenchexiledhim,along – with al-Thaalibi, in 1923. He went to Cairo, where he later became an editor at the National Library and Archives and, in the 1950s, was chosen by the imam of Oman, – Ghalibbin Ali,torepresentOmanattheArabLeagueandtheUnitedNations. UponhisarrivalinCairo,AftiyyashreceivedtheimmediateattentionofMuhibbal-Din al-Khatib,whowascentraltotheArabist-Salafinetworkanditspressandwhoproved tobeaverygoodresourceforAtfiyyash.BorninDamascusinJuly1886,al-Khatibwas aproductofthevibrantSyrianintellectualenvironmentdominatedbytoweringfigures » – – such as Tahir al-Jazairi, Muhammad Kurd Ali, and Abd al-Rahman Shahbandar. Their influence on al-Khatib was evident in his advocacy for Arab nationalist causes; – – fromIstanbul,hecofoundedJamiyyatal-Nahdaal-Arabiyya(theAssociationofArab Renaissance)andal-Muntadaal-Adabi(theLiteraryClub)in1909.15Duringthattime, hemetRashidRidaandwasdrawnfurtherintotheSalafiversionofArabismandArab nationalism.In1920,hesettledinCairo,whereheestablishedtheSalafiyyaPressandthe » twomagazinesal-Zahra andal-Fath.Al-FathcarriedthebannerofSalafimodernism after al-Manar of Rashid Rida disappeared in 1936 and had a wide circulation in the Arabworldandbeyond.Itwasaweeklynewspapereditedbyal-Khatib,whoprovedto beahighlyskilledpamphleteerandideologue,usinghisjournalistictalentstopromote the cause of Arabism and Islam and to propagate Arab unity within the framework of Islam.HedenouncedanEgyptiannationalismbasedondetachmentfromtheArabworld andinsteadpromotedanEgyptiannationalismthatassignedEgyptaleadingroleinthe Arabworld.16 Al-Khatib’sSalafiyyaPresspublishedAtfiyyash’srefutationofMzabianti-reformers, – » al-Diaya ila Sabil al-Muminin, which was written in defense of the student mission https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743809990559 Published online by Cambridge University Press 110 AmalN.Ghazal toTunisiaandofSalafimodernism.17 Itisnotclearhowthisquickconnectionwithal- Khatibwasmade.ItcouldhavebeenthroughtheMaghribidiasporainCairoorthrough – al-Thaalibi, who landed in Cairo at the same time Atfiyyash did, or perhaps contacts weremadeearlier,whenthelatterwasstillinTunisia.Al-Khatibalsopublishedarticles » byAtfiyyashinhismagazinesal-Zahra andal-Fathandhelpedhimestablishhisown monthly news magazine, al-Minhaj (1924–27), one of the earliest Maghribi papers to appearintheMashriq.Oneofitsobjectiveswastoeducatereadersaboutcurrentevents in Algeria and to expose and discuss French policies there. It published on a variety of topics in the Muslim world, including Kemalism in Turkey and the issue of the abolition of the caliphate, but focused primarily on developments in the Arab world. It also covered topics of particular concern to Salafi reformers, such as the benefit of modern science to Muslims. In addition to Egypt, it circulated in North Africa and amongArabcommunitiesinEastAfrica,linkingIbadistoSunnisandmembersofthe NorthAfricandiasporaintheMashriqtotheirhomeland.Al-Minhaj’sconstantcriticism of French policies ultimately resulted in a ban that prevented its circulation in French colonies,includingAlgeria,Morocco,andTunisia.ItwasalsobannedinPalestineand Tripolitania.18 This added to its financial difficulties, and Atfiyyash became unable to sustain it. In 1928, al-Khatib assumed the editorial role, but in 1930 al-Minhaj was suspendedbythegovernmentforitsinabilitytoappearregularly.19 ThecollaborationbetweenAtfiyyashandal-KhatibillustratesthesuccessofSalafism in creating a common bond and a common cause between Sunni and Ibadi reformers. The fact that al-Khatib provided Atfiyyash with the platform to articulate his thought pointstothecentralityofSalafismanditspressnetworkinformulatingthismultilayered discourseofnationalismandtotheabilityofSalafistomaterializeunitythroughconcrete cross-sectariancooperation. TheroleofSalafisminfacilitatingthisIbadi–Sunniintegrationiscapturedinanarticle » byAtfiyyash thatwas published inal-Zahra in1924 and has had alastingimpact on modernIbadithought.Inthatarticle,AtfiyyashdeniesanyrelationshipbetweenIbadis and Kharijis and portrays Ibadis as similar to Sunnis.20 He reconstructs the history of IbadisminordertofindcommongroundwithSunnisandeliminatedifferencesbetween thetwosects.However,thisSalafidiscourseismoresignificantintheAlgeriancontext than the Egyptian one. The idea of Algeria as a nation, as a wa.tan, was only possible if the two communities could unite. Atfiyyash was not writing in a vacuum; he was taking part in a discourse developing in Algeria that was reconstructing the Berber image to fit into an emerging national image of Algeria as a wa.tan. For that purpose, Atfiyyash sought reconciliation not only between Ibadis and Sunnis but also between Berbers and Arabs. Thus, in another series published in al-Fath, Atfiyyash recounts a history of Berbers before and during the Islamic era. Atfiyyash comments that of all thenationswhohadconqueredNorthAfrica,ArabsweretheoneswithwhomBerbers hadthemostharmoniousrelationship.Themergerbetweenthetwocreatedonenation » bondedbyonereligion,oneethicalsystem,oneQuran,oneqibla,andoneprophet.21 Frenchcolonialism,missionaries,andterrorism,headds,willneversucceedindividing ArabsandBerbers.Onthecontrary,suchattackswillmakethebondstronger.22There- fore,Atfiyyash’sSalafismcreatesaunitedMuslimnationoutoftwosectariangroups, Ibadis and Sunnis, and a united Algerian nation out of two ethnic groups, Arabs and Berbers. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743809990559 Published online by Cambridge University Press TheOtherFrontiersofArabNationalism 111 Arabunity,accordingtoAtfiyyash,constitutesthecoreofMuslimunity.Reflecting on the miserable conditions of Muslims as a result of their divisions and colonization by Europe, Atfiyyash believes that there is no hope except in a collective awakening that will rattle all colonial policies and conspiracies against Muslims. The future of Muslims,hewrites,dependsontheircooperationandunity.23However,theheartofthis awakeningshouldbetheArabianpeninsula.Onceunited,thepeninsulawillbetherole modelfortheunityofallMuslims.24 Atfiyyashdoesnotelaborateonwhyorhowthe unityoftheArabianpeninsulaisnecessaryforArabandMuslimunitybeyondstating – thatitisthebirthplaceofIslam.Hedoes,however,criticizeKingSaud’salliancewith theBritishasinhibitingsuchunity.25 Al-Minhajreprintedanarticlefromal-Fathonpoetryandnationalismthatembodies the same desire for the formation of a strong Arab nation.26 It appears as an opening piece, an indication of its significance for the editor. Written by al-Khatib, the article elaborates on theresponsibilities of Arab poets toward national projects. Poets should now be at the service of the Arab umma, while previously they were at the service of thetribeandthestate.Byobservingthepastandthepresentoftheumma,Arabpoets shouldhelpempowertheArabumma.27 Astrongterritorialnation,however,wasequallysignificant,asIbrahimAbual-Yaqzan explains in a 1926 article in al-Minhaj entitled “al-Watan wa-l-Wataniyya: Hubb al- Watanminal-Iman”(HomelandandPatriotism:TheLoveofHomelandisanElement of Faith).28 Abu al-Yaqzan provides legitimacy for the idea of a territorial nation by consideringpatriotismapillaroffaith.Patriotism,heexplains,isessentialtotheideaof thehomelandortheterritorialnation.ThevalueofpatriotismforMuslimsisequaltothat – ofprayerandjihad.Itisareligiousdutysanctionedbythesharia.Patriotismrequires the strengthening of bonds among the different members of the territorial nation, in referencetotheunityofSunnisandIbadisinAlgeria.Whatbringsthetwocommunities together are the common language, common traditions, and shared ethical values that shouldbepreservedinorderforthatunitytomaterialize.29 Atfiyyash,inhiscolumnsandeditorials,andalongwiththecontributorstoal-Minhaj, deployedSalafismtocreateaframeworkofunitybetweenSunnisandIbadis.Theirunity wasessentialtotheformulationofAlgeriannationalismandofAlgeriaasawa.tandefined by a shared history of Arabs and Berbers, Sunnis and Ibadis. However, Muslim unity alsodependedonArabunity.Thus,eachlayerofnationalismintersectedwiththeothers andcontributedtotherealizationofunity:unityofAlgerians,ofArabs,andofMuslims. ABU AL-YAQZAN:IBADI SALAFISM AT HOME In 1926, one year after Atfiyyash established al-Minhaj in Egypt as the voice of the SalafiIbadidiasporaintheMashriq,hisfriendAbual-Yaqzan,withthehelpoffellow IbadiswithstrongtiestothereformistandnationalistmovementsinbothAlgeriaand Tunisia,publishedoneofthefirstreligiousnationalistnewspapersinAlgeria.Abual- Yaqzan(1888–1973)wasborninGuerrarainMzaband,likeAbuIshaq,wastutoredby MuhammadAtfiyyash.HewenttostudyinTunisiain1914,wherehecosupervisedthe studentmissionandin1917becameamemberofHizbal-Dustur,returningtoAlgeria in1925.HisexperienceinTunisiahadaprofoundimpactonhimandprovidedhimwith thepoliticalandintellectualimpetustointroducechanges inAlgeriaandbecomepart https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743809990559 Published online by Cambridge University Press 112 AmalN.Ghazal of its nationalist movement. In addition to his editorial role, he was a founder of the – » AssociationofAlgerianMuslim Ulama. Abu al-Yaqzan mentioned the war in Tripolitania between Italy and the Ottoman Empireasthesparkthatignitedhispassionforthemediaandconvincedhimoftheneed for an Arabic press in Algeria that would be critical of colonialism and protective of Algeria’sArab-Islamicidentity.30 ItwasthroughtheArabicpress—mainlyfromTunis andtheMashriq—circulatinginMzabthathewasinformedaboutthewarinTripolitania andotherdevelopments.HisinvolvementandinterestinpoliticswhileinTunisiafurther openedhiseyestothepotentialroleofthepress,whichwasflourishingthereatthetime.31 Between1926and1938,Abual-Yaqzanfoundedeightnewspapers:WadiMizab,Mizab, al-Maghrib,al-Nur,al-Bustan,al-Nibras,al-Umma,andal-Furqan.Eachemergedafter French colonial authorities closed down its predecessor, and each was closed in turn for its criticism of French policies in Algeria and of colonialism in the Arab world moregenerally.32ThefirsttwonewspaperswereeditedinAlgiers,publishedinTunisia forlackofanappropriateprintingpressinAlgeria,andfinallyreturnedtoAlgeriafor distribution.ThesedifficultlogisticsconvincedAbual-Yaqzanoftheneedtoestablish – – hisownprintingpressinAlgiers,al-Matbaaal-Arabiyya,whichheaccomplishedin 1931 with the help of friends and supporters. One of those was al-Khatib, who had become interested in the journalistic ventures of Abu al-Yaqzan through Atfiyyash in Cairo.Therelationshipbetweenal-KhatibandAbual-Yaqzanwascharacterizedasone ofstrongfriendshipandpartnership.33 Abu al-Yaqzan considered al-Khatib a partner in the mission of Islamic reform and ArabandMuslimunityandcitedal-Fathasbeinguniqueinthecontributionsitmade toward those ends.34 He aligned the objectives of his newspapers with those of al- Khatib’s and frequently reprinted material from al-Fath in addition to celebrating al- Fath anniversaries on the pages of his newspapers.35 In fact, a reprinted article from al-Fath written by al-Khatib contributed to the French decision to censor one of Abu al-Yaqzan’snewspapers,al-Umma,inMarch1938.36ThearticlewarnsMuslimsagainst trustingcolonialpowersinlightofwhattheBritishhaddoneinPalestine.TheFrench seemedtohavebeenalarmedbythiswarninganduseditasoneofseveralpretextsto justifytheirdecisiontoshutdownal-Umma.Abual-Yaqzan’snewspapersalsoadvertised bookspublishedbytheSalafiyyaPressofal-Khatibandinformedreadersthatthebooks wereavailableforpurchasefromthepaper’smanagement.Hisnewspaperswereknown beyond al-Khatib’s own circle and were read or at least received by members of the widerArabist-SalaficirclesinCairoandbeyond.RashidRida,AhmadZakiPasha,and – Muhammad Ali al-Tahir were all familiar with his newspapers and their content.37 ShakibArslanwasaclosefriendwithwhomAbual-Yaqzancorrespondedandwhose opinionshepublishedinhisnewspapers.38 Abual-Yaqzan’sconnectionstotheArabist-Salafinetworkreflecthiscommitmentto theArabunityendorsedbytheSalafireformers.Forhim,Arabismwasanelementof faith,being part and parcel of his Muslim identity, and Arab unity was a fundamental pillarofMuslimunityandthestruggleagainstcolonialism.Abual-Yaqzanelaborated onArabunitymostofallinhisnewspaperal-Umma(1933–38),describedas“theecho of the East and of Islaminthe Arab Maghrib, having the roar of Palestine, the riseof Syria,theawakeningofEgypt,thelifeoftheHijaz,theambitionofIraq,thewailingof Tripoli,thecryofTunisia,andthepleasofMorocco.”39 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743809990559 Published online by Cambridge University Press TheOtherFrontiersofArabNationalism 113 Although Arab unity was essential to Abu al-Yaqzan’s thought, it was mostly the unityofAlgeriansandthedefinitionofAlgeriannationalismthatpreoccupiedhimearly inhisjournalisticcareer.Hisnewspapersshouldbeconsideredaprimarysourceforthe study of Algerian nationalist thought, one that emerged out of a Salafi tradition that pavedthewayforreconciliationamongthedifferentethnicandsectariangroups.They offeranewlayertothestudyofAlgeriannationalism,articulatedbythosewho“have fallenoutoftheframeoffamiliarnarrativesofnationalism.”40 AsanIbadiAlgerian,a founderandeditorofoneoftheearliestanticolonialArabicnewspapersinAlgeria,and amemberofArabist-Salafinetworks,Abual-Yaqzanrepresentsanunfamiliarnarrative inthenationalisthistoriography. Oneofthemaingoalsofhispress,Abual-Yaqzanexplained,wastobringthenorthand thesouthofAlgeriaclosertooneanother,areferencetoMalikisandIbadis,respectively. He believed that his press was able to create harmony and understanding between the twocommunities,whichwerenowovercomingtheirmutualhostilityandunitingunder theumbrellaofanArab-Islamicbrotherhood.41 Herightlyobservedthattheeffortsof – » his newspaper Wadi Mizab preceded those of the Association of Algerian Ulama in bridging the gaps between Algerian Muslims and uniting them within an overarching Arab-Islamic identity of Algeria.42 In the first volume of Wadi Mizab, Abu al-Yaqzan callsonallAlgerianstounite:“IslamisyourfatherandAlgeriaisyourmother.”43 He describestheAlgeriannationas“onehistoricalcity,walledbyIslam.”44 Hecondemns the existence of sectarian, ethnic, and regional identities in Algeria. “Stop saying this is Maliki, this is Hanafi, this is Ibadi, this is Tijani, this is Qadiri, this is Arab, this is Kabyle,”45 hewrites,callingfortheunityofallelementsoftheAlgeriansociety.This, according to him, is possible because Algerians, both Arab and Berber, are united by the wa.tan and by the Arabic language, a language of the Berbers as well, being the languageoftheirreligion,Islam.Thatunityisascompulsoryasprayer.JustasMuslims arerequiredtouniteinprayers,theyarerequiredtouniteunderonewa.tan.46 Abual-Yaqzan’seffortstoseekAlgerianunitywithintheframeworkofArabismand Islam were praised by many of his contemporaries, including prominent Sunni Salafi – reformerssuchas Abdal-HamidibnBadis.OntheoccasionofthepublicationofAbu al-Yaqzan’s Diwan, Ibn Badis said that Abu al-Yaqzan “in addition to being a proud Mzabi,andrightlyso...isanArabfightingforArabism,andapatriotfightingforthe sakeofpatriotism,andasincereMuslimalwaysrankingIslamfirstinallhisworks.”47 ThisdescriptionofAbual-YaqzanbyIbnBadissumsupthenationalistthoughtofIbadi ArabistSalafisinAlgeria:AlgerianpatriotismdefinedbyArabismandIslaminwhich the three layers of nationalism intersected and in which the Berber ethnicity and the Ibadiidentitywerebeingintegrated. James McDougall argues that Algerian Salafis of the Sunni sect fashioned the na- tionalistnarrativealongthelinesofArabismandIslam,assimilatingBerbersintothis imageofanAlgerian“Arab-Islamic”nation.48However,SalafiBerberswerenotpassive elements in this process of reinventing history; they, too, contributed to the narrative. ForIbadireformerslikeAbual-Yaqzan,whoentrenchedSalafisminMzabinthe20th century, the sectarian identity would be protected not by isolating it from nationalist discourses but by inserting it into the heart of those discourses. It was not a matter of obliteratingthehistoricalspecificitiesofMzab’sBerberIbadisortheBerbersingeneral butratherofmakingthemindispensabletoprojectsofnationalism. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743809990559 Published online by Cambridge University Press 114 AmalN.Ghazal – ZANZIBAR:SALAFI MODERNISM UNDER AL-BUSA IDIS ForIbadisinZanzibar,themainpressorganarticulatingnationalistthoughtandanticolo- nialismintheinterwarperiodwastheArabicnewspaperal-Falaq,establishedin1929 asthemouthpieceoftheArabAssociationofZanzibar.Theassociationrepresentedall Arabs on the island but was led and dominated by members of the Omani elite, most – ofwhombelongedtotheIbadisect.TheOmanieliteconsistedoftherulingal-Busaidi familyanditsassociates,wealthyOmanis,andtheOmaniintelligentsia. – Theal-BusaidisconsolidatedtheirpowerinOmaninthelate18thcenturyandthen expandedOmaniruleintoEastAfricaandtheIndianOcean.Inthe1820s,asaresultof – thisexpansion,theseatoftheOmanidynastyheadedbyAhmadal-Busaidiwastrans- – ferredfromOman toZanzibar. The al-Busaidis’ruleon theisland formalized Omani supremacyinEastAfrica.ItinitiatedaneraofinstitutionalizedIslaminZanzibarand theEastAfricancoast,providingopportunitiesforanunprecedentedspreadofIslamic institutions and of a literate Islamic tradition that was Arabic in character.49 Zanzi- bar flourished as a cosmopolitan center that attracted Omanis, Hadramis, Comorians, Indians,andahandfulofArabOttomansatthetime. SalaficurrentsfoundtheirwayintoZanzibarinthelate19thcentury,mainlythrough theArabicpresscirculatinginZanzibar,throughdirectconnectionswiththeMashriq, andthroughmembersoftheEgyptiancommunityresidinginZanzibarwhowereknown – fortheircloseproximitytoMuhammad AbduhandRashidRida.50 TheOmanisultans werenotisolatedfromthoseSalaficurrentsaimingforMuslimunityandweresupportive ofthem.ThispromptedsomepioneersoftheSalafiyyamovement,suchasRashidRida, tocontacttheOmanisultansandaskforfinancialassistancetohelpruntheirjournals.51 ThelifeandthoughtoftheprominentOmanischolarAbuMuslimNasiral-Rawahi (1860–1920),alsoknownasal-Bahlani,aretestimonytotheinfluenceofSalafismonlate 19th-centuryIbadiOmanisinZanzibar.Al-RawahiendorsedPan-Islamismaspromoted by the Salafis. This was evident in his letter to the Omani imam, Salim bin Rashid al-Kharusi,inwhichheadvisesthelattertomakecontactwithvariousassociationsin theMuslimworldinorderto“showourinfidelenemiesthatthefollowersofIslamhave – come together and are united under the umbrella of al-ja¯mia al-islamiyya [Muslim unity]...”52In1910,al-Rawahiestablishedthenewspaperal-Najah,whichhadaclear Pan-Islamictoneandwasmodeledafteral-Manar.53 However, Zanzibar’s links to the Salafi modernist movement go beyond al-Rawahi andinvolvedmanyoftheOmaniIbadielite,thankstotheplaceZanzibaroccupiedatthe time as a vibrant Arab-Islamic cultural and intellectual center. Zanzibar was glorified as a source of pride by many Arab writers and intellectuals, including Jirji Zaydan.54 Forhimandothers,ZanzibarexemplifiedArabgloryandArabexpansiontotheAfrican continent. Zanzibar had its first printing press in the 1870s, second only to Cairo in the African continent. A large number of Arabic newspapers and publications were circulating on the island from the late 19th century and the editors of many of those – newspapers,includingal-Urwaal-Wuthqaandal-Manar,soughtthefinancialsupport oftheOmanisultansofZanzibar.55ThereputationofZanzibarattractedtheattentionof – theprominentArabist-Salafi Abdal-Rahmanal-Kawakibi,whopaidtheislandavisit in 1901.56 Zanzibar might have been geographically peripheral to the Arabist-Salafi network,butitwasnotsointellectually. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743809990559 Published online by Cambridge University Press