Journal of Latin American Lore 3:1 (1977), 19-49 . 19 Printed in U.SA. The Ontogenesis of Metaphor: Riddle Games among Quechua Speakers Seen as Cognitive Discovery Procedures BILLIE JEAN ISBELL Cornell University FREDY AMILCAR RONCALLA FERNANDEZ Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peril "Knowing about metaphor means knowing how to organize the universe within our mindv ..." Sol Worth, "Seeing Metaphor as Caricature." 1. Introduction As an introduction let us begin with a few comments about metaphors. Abrams (1961:36) defines 'figurative* language as that which departs from 'ordinary' language in order to achieve special meaning or effect. "Figurative* The research for this paper was conducted in the Department of Ayacucho during 1975 and 1976 under the sponsorship of The National institute of Mental Health grant number MH26118- 02 and a grant from the Social Science Research Council. Billic Jean Isbell is rcspoiisible for the theoretical formulations in the paper, which she wrote in Bnglish. Fredy Amilcar Roncalla Fernandez, the coauthor, collected nearly all of the data. He is a" native speaker of Quechua i/nd without his native intuitions and careful translations, this paper would not have been written. Roncalla is presently a research assistant to Ivbell in the department of anthropology, Cornell University. 20 BILLIE JEAN ISBELL AND FREDY AMILCAR RONCALLA FERNANDEZ language departs from 'ordinary' language by changing the order and signi- ficance of words. One of the most common means of constructing figurative language is metaphor. "Metaphor has always been defined as the trope of resemblance; not simply between signilier and signified, but between what are already two signs, the one designating the other" (Derrida 1974:13). Ana- logical extensions are constructed by attributing a characteristic of the signi- fied that is not the 'ordinary' or usual meaning of the word. For the purpose of analysis of the data on Quechua riddles presented here, three levels of com- plexity are examined. (1) Riddles based upon rhythm and rhyme (4.2), figures of sound. (2) Simple riddles (4.3) which are analogical statements based upon the construction of a simile or a simple comparison involving oppositions or negation. (3) Complex riddles (4.5) which involve the comparison of multiple terms which construct metaphorical statements through propositional state- ments of the form A is to B as C is to D. In the conclusions (7) a hypothetical model of metaphor ontogenesis is discussed whereby the three levels of complexity arc correlated with cognitive and semantic development. Metaphor, it is argued, plays an important function in cognitive and semantic development of Quechua-speaking chil- dren who engage in riddle games. It appears that riddling among the Quechua functions as a discovery procedure as children expand their cognitive opera- tive structures and semantic domains. Riddle games are verbal play which involve puzzling about * what is like what.' The metaphors are comparisons of sound, form, texture, motion, and function of phenomena. Ope of the aims of the activity is to see how far one can extend meanings of words. The other function of metaphors in riddling, it is argued, is to challenge further cognitive development as riddle poser and listener interact in a competitive game of intellectual skills. For purposes of discussion of the data presented, a distinction is made between metaphorical statements which are well known and within the domain of common knowledge and those metaphors which are innovative. The former are referred to as * dead metaphors.' A good example in English is, 'the mouth of the river/ which at one time had 'figurative' value but has become so well used that the statement is now a part of 'ordinary' language. For a child the statement might well provide a new discovery, however, as he or she reflects upon the meaning of the word 'mouth V within the context of the statement. The social dynamics of metaphorical statements are discussed in section 3 where it is shown that riddle content changes rapidly over time owmt' to the fact that riddle games are a part of juvenile sexual socialization. Common rules and structures are followed, however, for the creation of new riddles (sec 4.4). The Quechua themselves state that persons expert in riddle posing- arc QUECHUA RIDDLE GAMES 21 more intelligent and, moreover, they are believed to be expert sexual partners. The latter is due to the social context of riddling described in section 2. The social context is one of sexual 'play* between adolescents whereby competi- tion between the sexes includes demonstrating one's intellectual skills in the creation of riddles, songs, and insults combined with sexual skills. Ricoeur (1974:99) has asserted that "A word receives a metaphorical meaning in specific contexts with which they are opposed to other words taken literally; this shift in meaning results mainly from a clash between literal meanings, which excludes a literal use of the word in question and gives clues for the finding of a new meaning which is able to fit in the context of the sentence and make sense of this context." This statement is an appropr ate description of the dynamic process of riddling. The riddle listener must examine the clash of meanings offered by the riddle poser and consider new possibilities. The clues in the riddle might be enlightening or they migh be false clues designed to fool the listener. Constraints delimit the possibil; ies for the construction of innovative metaphors and in section 4.4 an interactive dialogue is described in which both success and failure of innovaive metaphors are analyzed. The Quechua language demands the inclusion of a series of markers thai tell the listener whether the speaker is reporting something from personal experi- ence (topic and comment markers). These markers are obligatory in normal discourse. In the riddle games, statements are not so marked. Therefore, riddles are relegated linguistically to the realm of ambiguity. The riddle listener must discover the possible and hypothetical in semantic domains. The activity is an investigation of the limits of ambiguity. Derrida (1974), U ew- enberg (1975), and many others have debated the truth value of metaphors. It is apparent that for participants in Quechua riddling, it is not the truth of the statements that is important, but rather new conceptualizations through analogy that are important. An expert riddle poser surprises his or her listener with an innovative view of the world. Nevertheless, as Edmonson (1971) and Wilbeit (1975) have noted, metaphorical statements are units of closed-circuit communication systems specific to individual cultures. The analogies presented by the riddle poser must remain within that closed system in order to be undent-jod. Riddles are a part of the folklore of a culture. The word lore comes from the Saxon word lar and means * 'teaching" (Edmonson 1971:1). Metaphorical puzzles in Quechua riddling are powerful tools of instruction. The data on riddles were collected in several communities in the department of Ayacucho, in the south-central highlands of Peru. A total corpus of-109 riddles was recorded, fifteen of which are presented here. Half of the riddles collected contain iftytbm and rhyme constructions. Ten were variations of other riddles recorded. Seven were created spontaneously, four of which are discussed in section 4.4, The Creation of.Riddles. The onset of riddling begins 22 BrujE JEAN ISBELL AND FREDY AMHCAR RONCAL.LA FJKRNANDEZ at about eleven or twelve years of age and continues until one marries. We were unsuccessful in our attempts to elicit riddles from younger children. We did not, however, record the free play activities of younger children, which is the situation where one is apt to find such activities. 2/ The Social Context of Riddles Judging from the data we have collected from the south-central highlands of Peru, riddling among Qucchua speakers occurs within two related contexts associated with amorous *play%: (1) during individual encounters while adole- scents are pasturing herds away from their villages in the high grasslands, and (2) during a group activity that is literally called "to pasture life'—Viria Michiy/An invitation 4to play' connotes the combination of posing riddles, clever insults, music, and sexual activities. We might say that within these two contexts adolescents are discovering new cognitive relationships coupled with new sexual relationships. If a young man encounters a girl alone pasturing her family's herds, he usually initiates interaction with a clever compliment or insult, or by playing a song for her on his thinlili, a small guitarlike instrument. He might even draw the girl's attention by throwing small stones at her to which she responds with insults or riddles. One male informant told us that girls are much better at posing riddles because they spend so much time alone herding. Someone who is innovative with riddles/insults, and songs is also believed to be a good sexual partner. Vida Michiy (4to pasture life*) activities take place generally during com- munity fiestas, though they can occur spontaneously at other times as well. Groups of young boys may decide to get a Vida Michiy together just as a group of North American youths might decide spontaneously "to hang out" one evening at their favorite place in the hope of meeting girls. Quechua-speaking youths rely less on chance. They band together, armed with their chinlilis, and parade through the streets of their villages playing and singing as an invitation for girls to join them. Once the group is gathered together, they ideally leave the village boundaries and ascend to the high pasture lands *to play Vida Michiy.' In the region of the River Pampas in the department of Ayacucho, where most of the data were collected, the village is considered die 'civilized' place as opposed to the high grasslands, called t\\tsallqa meaning savage, or puna % (grasslands). Adult informants told us that in years past young people were accustomed to holding their Vida Michiy celebrations at the gates of ceme- teries, another Uncivilized' place. The careful vigilance of the civil-religious authorities, however, has put a stop to such sexual play at the resting place of the dead. QUECHUA RIDDLE GAMES 23 The group of boys might range in age from ten to over twenty: girls do not participate until after puberty. If one is recognized as a leader by virtue of his musical abilities, metaphorical cleverness, and his sexual expertise, he might be called the captain of the group. The younger boys are jokingly called his soldiers whom he commands to fetch more alcohol when it is needed, carry lanterns, hold hats, and generally be the attendants to the older boys.' While this loose organization does not mirror exactly that of the adult organizations of the civil-religious hierarchies of traditional communities, it reflects many of the adults' organizational principles. While the adults' civil- religious hierarchies function to maintain sociological and cosmologica! order/however, the juvenile groups attempwo escape that order and search tor their own sexual and social identity. Fernandez (1974:120) .defines metaphor as the predication of a sign-image upon an inchoate subject. He argues that the first mission of metaphor is to provide identity for such subjects. Within the context of sexual fcplayr or exploration among the Quechua speakers from whom we have collected these data on metaphor use in riddles. we can see a direct correlation between the search for one's sexual identitv and the creative manipulation of metaphors in riddles, insults, and songs. Inter- estingly, the Quechua communities where we have conducted fieldwork do not consider a person an adult nor a member of the community until marriage. Therefore, maturity is defined by the completion of sexual identity. Inform- ants explain that persons are not complete until they have been joined to 'their other half/ their spouse in matrimony. Before one is joined in a permanent union it is deemed wise to engage in amorous explorations. These explora- tions in sexuality are combined with explorations into the cognitive bounda- ries of phenomena through the manipulation of metaphor. It is no surprise that a person judged good at one activity (metaphor construction) is also believed to be good at the other (sexual activity). Moreover, the person who is clever with songs, insults, and riddles is judged to be more intelligent than those v\ ho do not display these abilities. In the conclusion of this paper (6). we v ill attempt to demonstrate that their intuitions are probably correct. Such intelli- gence is esteemed and the adolescents who excel at these activities gain prestige in their peer group just as adults gain prestige through service to their community in the civil-religious hierarchies. Vida Michiy combines the modes of riddles and music and heightens them with the emotional charge of sexual explorations. Worth (1974:199) asks: *\ . . is metaphor a metastructure dealing with a code which is transformed upon a variety of modes, visual, musical, verbal, and even mathematical?" Within the context of riddle usage among Quechua speakers, the answer is clearly yes. Visual images are painted with the aid of dance and music to form what Worth refers to as a montage of words, music, and movement. 'Hie boys provide instrumentation and the girls a high-pitched falsetto chorus. 24 BiLLiE JEAN ISBELL AND FREDY AMITXAR RONCALLA FERNANDEZ When the groups of boys ?nd girls gather together, they begin their amorous * games' with competitions between the sexes in posing riddles; creating songs, accompanied by competitive dancing, drinking, and insult exchanges. The escalation of verbal and musical creativity culminates in group sexual activity. The expectation of the boys is that they will be able to have sexual relations with all of the girls present whom they are not related to through the network of kinship and extended compadra/go relationships. Very often a kind of reciprocity is practiced between couples who arc approaching the establishment of permanent unions whereby they exchange partners. Permanent unions often result from Vida Michiy. Nevertheless, until marriage young people continue to participate in the adolescent amorous 'games.' Young men continue to a greater extent than do girls who have stable partners. Moreover, among the indigenous population there is no social stigma attached to such sexual freedom. If, by chance, a girl becomes pregnant, the child is absorbed readily into her extended family. Children are valued as potential members of the labor force and disputes often ensue over who has the rights to the child's labor contributions. A girl who has had a child prior to marriage is not viewed as unmarriageable. On the contrary, a girl who is believed to be a virgin after late teens is often reputed to belong to the mountain deities, which renders her dangerous and unapproachable. Once a person has married, not only is fidelity expected and Vida Michiy unthinkable, but there is also a decline in the oral traditions that accompany this form of group sexual activity. It is not considered appropriate for young married women to sing to the accompaniment of young men in the streets. Even young married men are reluctant to play the chinlili in public places because such musical activity is the outward manifestation of sexual 'games/ Likewise, riddles are associated with one's juvenile sexual development, and adults abandon these oral and musical traditions for more serious and formal ones associated with participation in the communal fabric of ritual life. This articulation of riddle production with adolescent sexual development is evidenced by the fact that adults do not know many of the riddles that are popular with their children. Music, insults, and riddles are constantly under construction and modification by succeeding generations. We will demon- strate this generation gap in the transcription below which took place between a thirty-four-year-old adult male, who held the office of traditional mayor of his moiety, and a girl of twelve. The traditional mayor had been providing myths and stories for us to record when we asked him to tell us some riddles. He explained that one could not just tell riddles: rather the asker had to have an active listener to respond. Therefore, he left fora moment to find a neighbor, an adult woman, to respond. Upon their return, ihey jokingly remarked that riddling was for the young. At that point several schoolgirls stopped in to find out what the strange foreigners were up to. To their delight, we told them that QuECHUA RIDDLE GAMES 25 we were recording riddles and immediately they shouted that they knew lot> of riddles. The twelve-year-old girl challenged the adult man with the following riddle. The conversation took place in Quechua, the dominant language of both the child and the adult. 3. The Social Dynamics of Riddles The girl began the riddle with the standard opening question: GIRL: Imalla hayka asa! Only what, only how many, wh t coulditbe? ADULT: Asa! What could it be? [Asa has no re I translation, but rather is a formu I a to begin riddles. When the listener answers asa, it signifies that the challenge has been accepted.) G: Waq law pampapi huq machucha In that flat place an old man sucked mntunta champayanankama on his egg until fibers [or hairs] suqurun. cameout. A: Runtunta champayanankama? His egg until fibers [hairs) came out? G:Mm. Mm [indicating yes]. A: Ima cosaschamanta chay qatin? What things follow this? [meaning what things, or category, is the answer related to?] G: Llapa frutakuna cosas. With all the fruits. A: Rutumpas champayanankama You say that he sucked on his egi; suqurun ,.. mm.... fruta cosas . until hairs came out... mm ... que cosas ... Imataq chayqa things of fruit... what things? ... kachkanman. Ima cosaschataq What thing could it be? To fruits? chayqa. Frutamanqa, Do I have to look among all Llapallan frutatachu maskasaq?1 fruits? ,. indicates hesitation or pause. 26 BILLIE JEAN ISBELL AND FREDY AMILCAR RONCALLA FERNANDEZ G:Ari. Yes. A: Frutallata? Only among fruits? G: Mm. Mm (indicating yes]. A: Tunata? Is it cactus fruit? GrManam. No. A: Kay, kay llaqtanchicjpi Here, here, does it grow in our winancbu? village? G: Manam. No. At this point several of the schoolgirls began to offer answers. The adult woman asked: "Don't you think that she has beat you?*' He answered no. but he evidently was puzzled. He pondered for a moment and offered several fruits which were incorrect. Then one of the children shouted the answer—a. mango. In order not to lose face, the adult man, one of the most respected ritual specialists and storytellers of the community, attempted but failed to recall riddles. The exchange between the girl and the adult serves .to illustrate that riddles are dynamic and change rapidly over time. The two adults present complained that they had forgotten riddles because such activity was child's play. An obvious sexual metaphor is alluded to with the phrase:•" A man sucked on his [ambiguous pronoun] egg [testicle] until fibers (hairs] came out." The children were aware of this sexual interpretation judging from the laughter and giggles that accompanied the riddle. The girls were too young to participate in the sexual activities described above. Nevertheless, they were well aware of the riddle forms that accompany such sexual activity. Riddles precede sexual activity and appear to be preparatory to the later strategies of sexual explora- tions. In the example above, if someone has not provided an answer, a formal 'giving up' exchange would have followed called *The Fall,' which indicates that someone has lost the competition. According to the rules of riddle games, however, the listener has the right to pose the next riddle. We will begin our discussion of the structures of Quechua riddles with a description of The Fall,' t)ie formula for giving up when one cannot arrive #1 the answer lo ihe riddle, and then we will discuss the levels of complexity in Quechua riddles by using examples of riddles based on sound correspondences, and two other QUECHUA RIDDLE GAMES levels defined by Kongas Maranda (197I£:119) as simple and complex. The former are based upon analogies constructed from one of each component element and the latter contain one or more of the elements of the riddle multiplied. 4. The Structure of Quechua Riddles 4.1 The Fall' The following transcription was recorded between a sixteen- or seventeen- year-old boy (number 1) who had posed the riddle to a younger boy of ah ut fourteen years of age (number 2). Both boys were in the fifth grade. The oh cr one dressed in traditional clothing, was a good musician, and was very act e in Vida Michiy. He had greater facility in Quechua than in Spanish. Vie younger boy, who could not give the appropriate answer to the riddle, did ot participate in Vida Michiy, spoke better Spanish, and wore. Western clothi g. He was just beginning to play the chinlili, evidently in an attempt to beco ie integrated into juvenile activities. 2: Qaqata wichiykusaq. I am going to fall into the abyss. 1: An. Wichiykuy ya! Yes. Fall now! 2: Ya... Bundiin! Ya'sta. Ya ... Boom! It is done. 1: Ya. May qaqataq wichiykunki? Ya. Which abyss did you fall into? 2: Wayimka qaqata. In the abyss Wayunka. [The word wayunka also means something that is suspended.] 1: Mas o menos hayka metrutataq More or less how many meters wichiykuwaq kara? would you have fallen? 2: Yaqachiki kilumetruta. It must have been almost a kilometer. 1: Imayki danakururanki? And what part of you did you hurt? 2: Yawarniy machusuta usura. A lot of my blood gushed forth. I: Y chay yawarniykitaqu? And that blood of yours? 28 BILLIE JEAN ISBELL AND FREDY AMILCAR RONCALLA FERNANDEZ 2: Allqomikurun. A dog ate it. And that dog? 1: Y chay allqoqa? He shit. 2: Akaq pasan. That shit? I: Chay akanqa? 2: Aqchi haytaramun ... Aqchi The dominico scratched it... The tusparamun. dominico finished it. [Aqchi is a white and black bird called a dominico in Spanish. J I: Chay aqchiqa? And that bird? 2: Runtuq pas'an. He laid an egg. 1: Chay runtunqa? And that egg? 2: Padre ustukurun. A priest "stuffed" it. [The verb ustuy has the connotation of an illicit sexual'act on the part of a man.] lrPadreqa? And that priest? 2: Resakuchkan. He is praying. l.Reee... Aaaa... 2: Willawaynaya! Tell me right now! The content of 'The Fair varies somewhat but the formula remains constant. A physical and literal fall is constructed in imagery and iconicity, combined with what Ricoeur (1974:102) has referred to as logical absurdity in which a situation is created whereby the participants have a choice of pre- serving the literal sense, .concluding; that the whole sequence is meaningless, or attributing a new meaning to the utterances, in this case, 'The Fall.* If the 'Fallen One' chooses the latter alternative, he or she must generate a series of clever transformations of phenomena beginning with an image of physical injury. In the example above, the defeated party loses blood over the riddle by falling from a high peak into an abyss. His blood is eaten by a dog who transforms the blood into excrement, and the excrement is eaten by a bird