The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Naturalist's Library, Vol XXXI. Foreign Butterflies, by James Duncan and others This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. Title: The Naturalist's Library, Vol XXXI. Foreign Butterflies Author: James Duncan and others Editor: William Jardine Release Date: December 30, 2018 [EBook #58571] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NATURALIST'S LIBRARY *** Produced by Chris Curnow, Wayne Hammond and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive) Lizars. sc. LAMARCK Engraved for the Naturalist’s Library 2 3 THE NATURALIST’S LIBRARY. ———— ENTOMOLOGY. ———— LONDON. HENRY G. BOHN. YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 9 THE NATURALIST’S LIBRARY. EDITED BY SIR WILLIAM JARDINE, BART. F.R.S.E., F.L.S., ETC., ETC. VOL. XXXI. ENTOMOLOGY. FOREIGN BUTTERFLIES. BY JAMES DUNCAN, M.W.S., ETC. EDINBURGH: W. H. LIZARS, 3, ST. JAMES’ SQUARE. LONDON: HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 1858. 10 11 CONTENTS. PAGE Memoir of Lamarck 17 Introduction 65 Genus Ornithoptera 87 Ornithoptera Priamus. Plate I. Fig. 1. 89 Ornithoptera Remus. Plate I. Fig. 2. 92 Genus Papilio 93 Papilio Memnon. Plate II. Fig. 1. 97 Papilio Æneas. Plate II. Fig. 2. 99 Papilio Ascanius. Plate III. Fig. 1. 101 Papilio Paris. Plate III. Fig. 2. 102 Papilio Protesilaus. Plate IV. Fig. 1. 104 Papilio Sinon. Plate IV. Fig. 2. 106 Leptocircus Curius. Plate V. Fig. 1. 107 Thais Medesicaste. Plate V. Fig. 2. 108 Genus Pieris 110 Pieris Epicharis. Plate VI. Figs. 1 and 2. 112 Pieris Philyra. Plate VI. Fig. 3. 113 Pieris Belisama. Plate VII. Fig. 1. 114 Genus Anthocharis 115 Anthocharis Danæ. Plate VII. Fig. 2. 116 Genus Iphias 118 Iphias Leucippe. Plate VII. Fig. 3. 119 Genus Callidryas 120 Callidryas Eubule. Plate VIII. Fig. 1. 122 Genus Terias 124 Terias Mexicana. Plate VIII. Fig. 4. 125 Genus Euplœa 126 Euplœa Limniace. Plate IX. Fig. 1. 127 Euplœa Plexippe. Plate IX. Fig. 2. 128 Genus Idea 130 Idea Agelia. Plate X. Fig. 1. 131 Idea Daos. Plate X. Fig. 2. 132 Genus Heliconia 133 Heliconia Erato. Plate XI. Fig. 1. 135 Heliconia Cynisca. Plate XI. Fig. 2. 137 Heliconia Sylvana. Plate XI. Fig. 3. 138 Heliconia Flora. Plate XII. Figs. 1 and 2. 139 Heliconia Diaphana. Plate XII. Fig. 3. 141 Genus Acræa 142 Acræa Pasiphæ. Plate XII. Fig. 4. 143 Genus Cethosia 144 Cethosia Dido. Plate XIII. 145 Cethosia Cyane. Plate XIV. 147 Genus Vanessa 149 Vanessa Juliana. Plate XV. Fig. 1. 150 Vanessa Amathea. Plate XV. Fig. 2. 151 Vanessa Orithya. Plate XV. Fig. 3. 152 Charaxes Jasius. Plate XVI. 154 Nymphalis Etheocles. Plate XVII. Fig. 1. 157 Nymphalis Tiridates. Plate XVII. Figs. 2 and 3. 159 Peridromia Arethusa. Plate XVIII. Fig. 1. 160 12 Peridromia Amphinome. Plate XVIII. Fig. 2. 162 Marius Thetis. Plate XIX. Fig. 1. 164 Fabius Hippona. Plate XIX. Fig. 2. 167 Catagramma Condomanus. Plate XX. Figs. 1 and 2. 169 Catagramma Pyramus. Plate XX. Figs. 3 and 4. 171 Genus Morpho 172 Morpho Helenor. Plate XXI. 174 Morpho Adonis. Plate XXII. Fig. 1. 176 Genus Pavonia 178 Pavonia Teucer. Plate XXII. Fig. 2. 179 Arpidea Chorinæa. Plate XXIII. 180 Helicopis Gnidus. Plate XXIV. Figs. 1 and 2. 183 Erycina Octavius. Plate XXIV. Fig. 3. 185 Erycina Melibæus. Plate XXV. Figs. 1 and 2. 187 Loxura Alcides. Plate XXV. Fig. 3. 188 Polyommatus Marsyas. Plate XXVI. Figs. 1 and 2. 190 Polyommatus Endymion. Plate XXVI. Figs. 3 and 4. 192 Polyommatus Venus. Plate XXVII. Figs. 1 and 2. 193 Polyommatus Achæus. Plate XXVII. Figs 3 and 4. 194 Genus Thaliura 195 Thaliura Rhipheus. Plate XXVIII. 197 Genus Urania 200 Urania Sloanus. Plate XXIX. Fig. 1. 202 Urania Leilus. Plate XXIX. Fig. 2. 203 Rhipheus Dasycephalus. Plate XXX. 205 Portrait of Lamarck 2 Vignette, Title Page 3 In all, Thirty-two Plates in this Volume. With one Plate double, making the number equal to THIRTY-THREE. 13 14 15 16 17 MEMOIR OF LAMARCK. MEMOIR OF LAMARCK. Among the many eminent French naturalists, whose loss to science we have so often had occasion to lament during the few past years, the above individual occupied a conspicuous place. He was long known in Paris by his public prelections, and his numerous writings have procured for him a high degree of reputation throughout Europe. In this country he is best known by his admirable works on invertebrate animals, which may be said to have formed a new era in the history of that extensive department of the animal kingdom. But his studies had a very extensive range; many of the most interesting inquiries which for ages have fixed the attention of mankind, were the subjects of his meditation, and on most of them he formed a number of definite ideas which he promulgated under the form of theories. Although these speculations are of a highly fanciful description, and some of them greatly to be deprecated on account of their hurtful tendency, yet they merit attention as the productions of a mind remarkable for originality and penetration, as well as for extensive and varied knowledge. Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet, generally called the Chevalier de Lamarck, was descended from an ancient family of some distinction, possessed of considerable property in the province of Bearn. He was born at Bezantin, a small village in Picardy, on the 1st August, 1744. His fathers pecuniary resources having become considerably impaired, among other things by the maintenance of a numerous family, Jean Baptiste being his eleventh child, he found it necessary to educate his sons for some useful profession. Several of them entered the army, and the subject of the present notice was destined for the church, which at that period offered many lucrative and influential appointments to the members of noble families. To qualify him for this office, he was sent to study under the Jesuits at Amiens, with whom he remained for a considerable time. From the first, however, he appears to have had some aversion to the profession selected for him by his father, and this was increased to positive dislike by the mode of life which he was obliged to lead at college. His active and excursive mind submitted with impatience to the punctilious restraints of college discipline, and the mechanical routine of studies prescribed indiscriminately to all, without reference to natural bias or acquired predilection. Most of his companions were actively engaged in the field or in other public services, for France was now occupied with the eventful struggle which commenced in 1756. His eldest brother had fallen in the siege of Bergen-op-Zoom; others of them were still in the army; and all his most cherished associations were connected with the profession of arms. With so much to inspire an aversion to seclusion and comparative inactivity, nothing could have induced him to remain at college but the authority of his father, who still enforced compliance with his wishes. That salutary restraint, however, having been removed by death, in 1760, no time was lost by young Lamarck in following his own inclinations. With nothing but a letter of recommendation from a lady residing in the neighbourhood of his father, addressed to the colonel of a French regiment, he set out for the army, which was then in Germany. Lamarck’s somewhat diminutive stature and boyish appearance, which made him look younger than he really was, were ill fitted to make amends for the want of influential patronage. His reception was by no means flattering, but nothing could daunt the zeal of the young volunteer. He joined a company of grenadiers, and determined to trust to fortune and his own exertions for obtaining that rank which individuals of his birth and education commonly acquire by other means. Zeal like this seldom fails sooner or later in attaining its object, and in the present instance it was speedily rewarded. Lamarck had joined the army on the day preceding the battle of Fissingshausen, in which a vigorous but unsuccessful attack was made by the combined troops of the marshal de Broglie and the prince of Soubise, on the army commanded by Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. Cuvier relates1, that in the vicissitudes of the contest, the company to which M. Lamarck was attached happened to be thrown into such a position as completely exposed it to the fire of the enemy’s artillery, and that, owing to the confusion which took place in the French army, it was entirely forgotten and left in that perilous situation. All the officers were soon killed, as well as the greater number of privates, when an old grenadier, perceiving that there were no longer any of the French within sight, proposed to the young volunteer, who by the death of the officers had unexpectedly acquired the temporary command, that the little troop should be withdrawn. This, however, he resolutely refused to do until he received regular orders to that effect, which at last were dispatched, when the troop were discovered to be missing, and reached him with the utmost difficulty, owing to the rapid advance of the enemy. This instance of intrepidity and vigorous adherence to orders gave so much satisfaction to the commander-in-chief, that he instantly issued an order for Lamarck’s promotion. Some time afterwards, he was nominated to a lieutenancy, and his warmest anticipations of success, in a profession which he had made so many sacrifices to embrace, promised in time to be realized. But these prospects were speedily overclouded by an accident which completely put a stop to his military career, and gave a different complexion to the whole tenor of his life and habits. Some one of his companions, in sport, had lifted him by the head, and thereby strained so severely the glands of his neck, that he was for some time placed in the greatest danger. After many remedies had been tried to no purpose, a cure was at last effected by the celebrated M. Tenon, by means of a complicated operation. But his health had by this time become so much impaired, that after residing for a length of time in Paris in the hope of its amendment, he found it necessary to abandon all intention of rejoining the army. In these circumstances it became necessary for him to think of some new occupation, and he seems not to have been long in forming a resolution to study medicine. His pecuniary circumstances, however, were so very limited, consisting 18 19 20 21 of a pension of only 400 francs, that he was obliged in the mean time to employ himself as a clerk in the office of a banker in order to obtain the means of daily subsistence. The intervals he spent in study; and such were the buoyancy and activity of his mind, that even when his prospects were most discouraging, he never seems to have lost the expectation of rising to usefulness and distinction. He reverted with eagerness to the physical studies which he had commenced at college, and soon showed a preference for certain departments of natural history. He delighted to engage in controversial discussions on these subjects with his companions, and to indulge in speculations respecting the most abstruse points in physics and the phenomena of the natural world. It is not improbable that it was about this time, when the wide and varied fields of science were just beginning to open to his view, that he conceived some of those crude and fanciful notions which characterise so many of his theoretical views. It is less a matter of surprise that such ideas should suggest themselves, at the outset of his career, to one of his ardent temperament and lively imagination, than that he should have persisted in maintaining them when his knowledge was more extended and his judgment matured, although in the opinion of almost every other person their fallacy appeared demonstrable. Botany and meteorology were the branches on which he first bestowed the greatest degree of attention. Even before he left the army, he had become attached to the former; and during his stay at Monaco, had examined the singular vegetation of that rocky country. During his illness, he was lodged, for the sake of economy, in an apartment at the top of a high house, from which the clouds formed almost the only spectacle; and to relieve the tedium of his long solitude, he was accustomed to watch their varying forms and aspects, and carefully to observe all the other atmospheric phenomena, indulging his fancy in forming conjectures about their nature and origin. This circumstance, he himself states, first inspired him with a desire to study meteorology; and we can perceive in these solitary meditations, one of the causes which tended to give their fanciful complexion to many of his subsequent speculations. After continuing his physical studies with much ardour for several years, he at length appeared in the character of an author. His “French Flora, or a brief Description of all the Plants which grow naturally in France,” was published in 1778. The immediate occasion of this work was a desire to furnish his fellow-students with a system of arrangement which should lead with greater ease and certainty to the determination of plants than any then in use. For this purpose he adopted a modification of the binary or dichotomous method, the principle of which consists in arranging natural objects by their positive and negative characters, dividing and subdividing always by two, and allowing a choice only between two opposite characters. Although this plan is, of course, highly artificial, and ill calculated to throw light on the affinities and analogies of objects, yet it is much recommended by its extreme simplicity, which adapts it to the comprehension of those who have but little acquaintance with the technical and descriptive language of natural history. If judiciously applied, it affords an easy index to particular genera and species, and renders the subject at once accessible without any preparatory labour. Indeed, the principle on which it rests must to a certain extent be implied in every artificial system of arrangement. This work soon acquired a considerable degree of popularity, not only by its intrinsic value, but from the seasonable time of its appearance. The study of botany, which had hitherto been confined almost exclusively to the members of the medical profession, was now becoming a popular and even fashionable pursuit; a distinction which it owed chiefly to the writings and example of J. J. Rousseau. Every work, therefore, calculated to facilitate the study, was likely to meet with a favourable reception among those who would probably have been repelled by dry technical details and rigorous scientific precision. Its publication had an important influence on Lamarck’s fortune and prospects. It secured for him the friendship and patronage of M. de Buffon, who was then in the height of his popularity, and possessed of much influence, not only from his rank, character, and celebrity, but also from his authority with the government. Even its want of a very philosophical and precise system was probably one of the circumstances that recommended it to Buffon’s attention, as it was thereby assimilated to his own writings, from which every thing of that nature was expressly excluded. Through his influence, an edition of the work was printed at the royal press, and its author introduced to the favourable notice of many of the leading savans of the day. He had soon an opportunity of turning his popularity to some profitable account, for a place happening to become vacant in the botanical department of the Academy of Sciences, Lamarck was presented with the appointment, in preference to others of older standing and much higher pretensions. He thus acquired a certain status among men of science, which encouraged him to prosecute the studies which he had so successfully begun, and at the same time afforded him the means of doing so in a more efficient manner. Another important advantage was derived by Lamarck from the friendship of M. de Buffon. When the son of the latter had completed his studies, and was about to make a tour through various parts of Europe, Lamarck was invited to accompany him as tutor; and in order that he might enjoy greater privileges by appearing in a kind of official character, Buffon procured for him a commission as botanist to the king, for the purpose of visiting foreign gardens and cabinets, and opening a correspondence between them and similar establishments in Paris. In this double capacity he travelled through various countries in the year 1781 and 1782; visited Gleditsch at Berlin, Jacquin at Vienna, Murray at Gottingen, and many other celebrated naturalists; greatly extending his acquaintance, not only with botany, but with many other branches of natural history. The extent and accuracy of his botanical knowledge was evinced by the important works in which he engaged shortly after his return, which have conferred on him a high reputation in this department. These consisted of voluminous contributions to the Encyclopédie Methodique, forming a Dictionary of Botany, and an extensive series of Illustrations of Genera. Of that portion of the Encyclopædia known by the former name, Lamarck wrote the whole 22 23 24 25 26 of the two first volumes, and a part of the third, fourth, and fifth. The object of the work is to give a detailed history of plants, accompanied with descriptions, remarks on their synonymy, an account of their uses, and peculiarities of their structure. The Illustrations profess to afford “an exposition of the characters of all the plants established by botanists, arranged according to the sexual system of Linnæus, with figures displaying the characters of these genera, and a table of all the known species referable thereto, the description of which is found in the Botanical Dictionary of the Encyclopædia.” This laborious work contains no fewer than two thousand genera, illustrated by half that number of quarto plates, executed with great care, and generally representing one or two of the typical species, with a view to afford a knowledge of their general appearance and habit. The flower and parts of fructification are carefully delineated, and the precision and accuracy of the whole work, renders it one of the most valuable that can be named for conveying a speedy knowledge of the extensive and interesting subject of which it treats. The zeal with which Lamarck laboured to produce works of such research and interest, is characteristic of the temperament of his mind. He seems for a time to have allowed the subject wholly to engross his thoughts; to have occupied himself with nothing but plants, and to have associated almost exclusively with botanists. He was a frequent visitor at the house of M. de Jussieu, whose celebrity drew around him all who devoted themselves to this branch of science. Whenever a new collection of plants arrived in Paris, Lamarck was the first to inspect it; and when the celebrated Sonnerat returned from India in 1781, he was so much pleased with Lamarck’s enthusiasm, as contrasted with the comparative indifference of most other naturalists, that he presented him with the magnificent herbarium which he had made in the east. It is to zeal like this that we are entitled to look for the achievement of the highest results in science. Notwithstanding the patronage of Buffon, and others having the greatest influence with the government, it was long before Lamarck succeeded in obtaining any permanent and lucrative appointment. His chief dependence was on the casual and precarious engagements which he formed with booksellers, according to whose direction he was obliged to labour; a painful restraint to a man of genius, impatient to develope his own conceptions in whatever way he judged best fitted to render them effective. He was at length nominated by M. de la Billardiere, a relation of his own, to a place which seems to have been created expressly for him, by which the duty was assigned him of keeping the herbaria in the king’s cabinet. Although the emolument arising from this office was inconsiderable, and the tenure of it uncertain and invidious, for the National Assembly were called upon to suppress it as unnecessary, he continued to hold it for several years, till a change occurred which opened new prospects and entailed new duties. This happened in 1793, when the establishment known by the name of the king’s garden and cabinet were remodelled and distinguished by the title of Museum of Natural History. The professors of the suppressed institution were appointed to superintend such departments taught in the new, as most nearly corresponded to their previous occupations; and as Lamarck was the last appointed, he was obliged to take charge of that branch unappropriated by the others, which happened to be the two extensive classes of the animal kingdom, named Insecta and Vermes by Linnæus. A new direction was thus given to his studies, for zoology as a science had hitherto occupied but little of his regard. Indeed, the only knowledge of this subject which he possessed, directly available in his new station, seems to have been limited to Testaceous Mollusca, which attracted his attention at a pretty early period. But the occasion was just such a one as was best calculated to excite the natural ardour and energy of his character. He entered upon this new field of inquiry with the utmost eagerness, and cultivated it with so much skill and facility, that he was soon in a condition to instruct others, and ultimately to produce works which will form a lasting monument to his fame. Before engaging in the study of practical zoology, Lamarck had rendered himself conspicuous by the boldness and originality of his speculations regarding a variety of physical phenomena. The general laws of chemistry, the origin of the globe and its inhabitants, the condition of the atmosphere and of living bodies, and most other great questions fitted to attract an active fancy, had by turns been the subjects of his contemplation; and on many of them he had elaborated a theory which he conceived calculated to elucidate the most abstruse phenomena they presented. To these views he attached the highest importance, considering them destined to place almost every branch of knowledge on a new and secure foundation. He therefore took advantage of every opportunity to enforce and illustrate them, and they will be found to pervade most of his published works, even such as afford no obvious plea for their introduction. Although most of them are exploded as fanciful and untenable, these theories display much ingenuity and extensive knowledge, and a pretty full account of them is necessary to show the character of Lamarck’s mind, and the wide range of his studies. As early as 1780, he had presented his Theory of Chemistry to the Academy of Sciences; but it was not published for several years afterwards, when it appeared under the title of “Researches on the Causes of the most important physical Facts, and particularly on those of Combustion; of the raising of Water in the State of Vapour; of the Heat produced by the Friction of solid Bodies against each other,” &c. &c. A condensed view of the opinions promulgated in that work, and some others on the same subject, is thus given by Cuvier. According to our author, “Matter is not homogeneous; it consists of simple principles, essentially different among themselves. The connexion of these principles in compounds varies in intensity; they mutually conceal each other, more or less, according as each of them is more or less predominant. The principle of no compound is ever in a natural state, but always more or less modified: as, however, it is not agreeable to reason that a substance should have a tendency to depart from its natural condition, it must be concluded, that combinations are not produced by Nature, but that, on the contrary, she tends unceasingly to destroy the combinations which exist, and each principle of a compound body tries to disengage itself according to the degree of its energy. From this tendency, favoured by the presence of water, dissolutions result: affinities have no influence; and all experiments by which it is attempted to be proved that water decomposes, and consists of many 27 28 29 30 kinds of air, are mere illusions, and that it is fire which produces them. The element of fire2 is subject, like the others, to modification when combined. In its natural state, everywhere diffused and penetrating every substance, it is absolutely imperceptible: only, when it is put in vibration, it becomes the essence of sound; for air is not the vehicle of sound as natural philosophers believe3. But fire is fixed in a great number of bodies, where it accumulates, and becomes, in its highest degree of condensation, carbonic fire, the basis of all combustible substances, and the cause of all colours. When less condensed, and more liable to escape, it is acidific fire (feu acidifique), the cause of causticity when in great abundance, and of tastes and smells when less so. At the moment when it disengages itself, and in its transitory state of expansive motion, it is caloric fire. It is in this form that it dilates, warms, liquifies, and volatilizes bodies by surrounding their molecules; that it burns them by destroying their aggregation; and that it calcines or acidifies them by again becoming fixed in them. In the greatest force of its expansion, it possesses the power of emitting light, which is of a white, red, or violet-blue colour, according to the force with which it acts; and it is, therefore, the origin of the prismatic colours, as also of the tints seen in the flame of candles. Light, in its turn, has likewise the power of acting upon fire, and it is thus that the sun continually produces new sources of heat. Besides, all the compound substances observed on the globe are owing to the organic powers of beings endowed with life, of which, consequently it may be said, that they are not conformable to nature, and are even opposed to it, because they unceasingly reproduce what nature continually tends to destroy. Vegetables form direct combinations of the elements; animals produce more complicated compounds by combining those formed by vegetables; but there is in every living body a power which tends to destroy it; all therefore die, each in his appointed season, and all mineral substances, and all organic bodies whatsoever, are nothing but the remains of bodies which once had life, and from which the more volatile principles have been successfully disengaged. The products of the most complex animals are calcareous substances, those of vegetables are argils or earths. Both of these pass into a siliceous state, by freeing themselves more and more from their less fixed principles, and at last are reduced to rock-crystal, which is earth in its greatest purity. Salts, pyrites, metals, differ from other minerals, only because certain circumstances have had the effect of accumulating in them, in different proportions, a greater quantity of carbonic or acidific fire.” Lamarck’s opinion regarding the origin of living beings, and the manner in which they acquired the various organs and forms which they now possess, are well known. They were first given to the public in 1802, in a work entitled “Researches on the Organization of living Bodies, on the Cause of its Developements, and the Progress of its Composition, and on that Principle, which, by continually tending to destroy it in every Individual necessarily brings on Death.” He conceives that the egg, for example, contains nothing prepared for life before being fecundated, and that the embryo of the chick becomes susceptible of vital motion only by the action of the seminal vapour; but if we admit that there exists in the universe a fluid analogous to this vapour, and capable of acting upon matter placed in favourable circumstances, as in the case of embryos, we will then be able to form an idea of spontaneous generations. The more simple bodies, such as a monad or a polypus, are easily formed; and this being the case, it is easy to conceive how, in the lapse of time, animals of more complex structure should be produced, for it must be admitted as a fundamental law, that the production of a new organ in an animal body results from any new want or desire which it may experience. The first effort of a being just beginning to develope itself, must be to procure the means of subsistence, and hence in time there came to be produced a stomach or alimentary cavity. Other wants, occasioned by circumstances, will lead to other efforts, which in their turn will produce new organs. One of the gasteropode molluscæ, for example, may be conceived to have felt the necessity, as it moved along, of exploring by touch the bodies in its path and to have made efforts to do so with some of the anterior points of its head, which would continually direct to that point masses of the nervous fluid, as well as other liquids: from these reiterated affluences to the point in question, there would follow a gradual expansion of the nerves which terminate there; and as the nutritious and other juices likewise flow to the same point, it must necessarily happen that two or four tentacula would insensibly be produced. This is no doubt what happens in regard to all the gasteropode tribes, whose wants occasion the habit of feeling bodies by touching them with the parts of their head; and when such wants are not felt, the head remains destitute of tentacula, as may be seen in other instances, &c.4 In like manner it is the desire and the attempt to swim, that had, in time, the effect of extending the skin that unites the toes of many aquatic birds, and thus the web-foot of the gull and duck were at last produced. The necessity of wading in search of food, accompanied with the desire to keep their bodies from coming in contact with the water, has lengthened to these present dimensions, the legs of the grallæ or wading-birds; while the desire of flying has converted the arms of all birds into wings, and their hairs and scales into feathers. Changes of this nature may appear to us contrary to what falls under our observation, which leads us to suppose that the specific forms of animals are constant; but this error is entirely owing to the difficulty we experience in embracing a considerable portion of time within the scope of our observations. It is from this cause that we cannot be ourselves witnesses of these changes, and neither history nor written observations extend to sufficiently remote a date to convince us of our mistake. If we observe that the forms of the parts of animals are always perfect when viewed in relation to their use, as is really the case, it is not to be inferred that it is the form of the parts which has led them to be employed in a certain way, as zoologists assert, but that it is, on the contrary, the need of action which has produced the peculiar parts, and it is the employment of these parts which has developed them, and established a proper relation between them and their functions. To affirm that the form of the parts induced their functions, would be to leave Nature without power, incapable of producing any act, or any change in bodies; and the different parts of animals, as well as the animals themselves, as all created at first, would from that moment present as many forms as are required by the diversity of circumstances in which animals live; and it would be necessary that these circumstances should never vary, and that such should likewise be the case with the parts of each animal. Nothing, however, of this kind takes place, and nothing can be more opposite to the means which observation shows us that Nature employs to 31 32 33 34 35 call into existence her manifold productions. It must hence appear, that what are called species do not exist in nature; that the constancy of races to which that name has been given, can only be temporary and not absolute, although they would no doubt continue the same as long as the circumstances which effect them undergo no change, and they are not forced to alter their habitudes. It is susceptible of demonstration, that if species had an absolute constancy, there would be no varieties, but naturalists cannot help acknowledging that such exist5. Whatever changes circumstances may have produced in individuals, are all preserved by generation, and transmitted to new individuals emanating from those which have undergone these changes. Unless this were the case, Nature could never have introduced the diversity among animals which we now witness, nor a progression in the composition of their organs and faculties6. Such is Lamarck’s theory of life, and manner of accounting for the innumerable variety of forms in which living nature now appears. If his principles were once admitted, they would not only produce the effects he ascribes to them, but it would be a matter of surprise that natural productions are not infinitely more diversified than they really are, for nothing more is necessary than time and circumstances for any one animal form to be transformed into any other,—for a monad or a polypus to become indifferently a frog, an eagle, an elephant, or a man. But the two suppositions on which they rest, viz. that it is the seminal vapour which organizes the embryo, and that efforts and desires engender organs, are both so entirely arbitrary, and the latter so obviously fallacious, that very few have ever thought it worth while to attempt a formal refutation of them. It is difficult, indeed, to conceive how Lamarck could advance a theory so utterly opposed to observation and probability, and at the same time succeed so effectually in convincing himself of its truth. He must have perceived many of the inadmissible and absurd conclusions to which it led; yet he persists in maintaining it by a kind of sophistry which could impose on none but himself. He admits the value of observation and experience in the discovery of truth; but finding that they bore no testimony to the wonderful transformations he was desirous to prove, he gets rid of their evidence altogether, by alleging that they do not extend over a sufficiently lengthened period to take cognizance of these changes. The argument, therefore, on this point, virtually amounts to this, that observation gives no notice of these operations, but that instead of thence inferring that they do not take place, the proper conclusion is, that they are actually going on, and have been in progress since the creation! How indispensable unlimited time is to give an air of plausibility to Lamarck’s theory, is strikingly evinced by the fact, of which he was perfectly aware, that we have the means of comparing animals that lived upwards of two or three thousand years ago, with the same species as they exist at present, and the conformity between them is found to be complete. Numerous quadrupeds, birds, reptiles, and insects, have been found embalmed in the Egyptian cemeteries, with all the parts in such a state of preservation as to be perfectly recognizable. “It would seem,” says the professors of the museum at Paris, in their report on these valuable remains7, “as if the superstition of the ancient Egyptians had been inspired by Nature, in order to transmit to future times a monument of her history. By embalming with so much care the brutes which were the objects of their foolish adoration, that extraordinary and capricious people have left us, in their sacred grottoes, almost complete cabinets of zoology. The climate has conspired with the art of embalming to preserve bodies from corruption, and we can now satisfy ourselves, by our own eyes, what was the condition of many species three thousand years ago. It is difficult to restrain the transports of our imagination, when we behold thus preserved, with their minutest bones, the smallest portions of their skin, and in every respect most perfectly recognizable, many animals, which at Thebes or Memphis, two or three thousand years ago, had their own priests and altars.” In regard to these curious relicts, Lamarck was forced to admit that they were identical with their living descendants in the same country, and accounted for it by saying that this happened because the climate and other physical conditions of the latter had long continued unaltered. But he makes no attempt to account for the fact which is so fatal to his theory, that these remains entirely correspond to individuals of the same species in many different quarters of the globe, where the physical conditions are so dissimilar that they ought to have produced important changes8. It will likewise be observed as an important defect in Lamarck’s argument, that he can cite no positive fact to exemplify the substitution of some entirely new sense, faculty, or organ, in the room of some other suppressed as useless. “All the instances adduced,” says Mr. Lyell, “go only to prove that the dimensions and strength of members, and the perfection of certain attributes may, in a long succession of generations, be lessened and enfeebled by disuse; or, on the contrary, be matured and augmented by active exertion, just as we know that the power of scent is feeble in the greyhound, while its swiftness of pace and its acuteness of sight are remarkable; that the harrier and staghound, on the contrary, are comparatively slow in their movements, but excel in their sense of smelling. We point out to the reader this important chasm in the chain of the evidence, because he might otherwise imagine that we had merely omitted the illustrations for the sake of brevity; but the plain truth is, that there were no examples to be found, and when Lamarck talks of ‘the efforts of internal sentiment,’ ‘the influence of subtile fluids,’ and the ‘acts of organization,’ as causes whereby animals and plants may acquire new organs, he gives us names for things, and with a disregard of the strict rules of induction, resorts to fictions, as ideal as the ‘plastic virtue,’ and other phantoms of the middle ages. “It is evident, that if some well authenticated facts could have been adduced to establish one complete step in the process of transformation, such as the appearance in individuals descending from a common stock, of a sense or organ entirely new, and a complete disappearance of some other enjoyed by their progenitors, that time alone might then be supposed sufficient to bring about any amount of metamorphosis. The gratuitous assumption, therefore, of a point so vital to the theory of transmutation, was unpardonable on the part of its advocate9.” The transmutability of species is a point which has been maintained by many naturalists besides Lamarck, and the 36 37 38 39 40 reasons they have adduced in support of their opinions are so various, that the full consideration of them would be inconsistent with our present purpose. It may be assumed as capable of most satisfactory proof, that the mutations which species undergo in accommodating themselves to a change of external circumstances, have a definite limit, and are regulated by constant laws; and that the capability of so varying, forms part of the specific character. Indefinite divergence from the original type is guarded against, in the case of intermixture of distinct species, by the sterility of the mule offspring; circumstances which show that species were designed to retain the individuality of character with which they were endowed at the time of their creation, and that they have a real existence in nature10. The intellectual faculties of animals, Lamarck regards as entirely the result of organization. Even in the case of the most perfect of them, the human species, there is no distinct recognition of a spiritual substance derived from heaven; and all intellectual phenomena whatever, are ascribed to some physical cause. Nature, he conceives, offers nothing cognizable by us but body; the movements, changes, and properties of bodies, form the only field open to our observation, and the only source of real knowledge and useful truths11. The place of the soul seems to be usurped by a certain interior sentiment, to which he continually refers, as exercising a most powerful influence over all the faculties, and giving rise to all the passions and affections12. Thus the noblest faculties of the mind, “the capability and godlike reason,” by which we are distinguished from other animals, ——and this spirit, This all-pervading, this all-conscious soul, This particle of energy divine, Which travels nature, flies from star to star, And visits gods, and emulates their powers; are made to emanate from a certain relation of parts and organs,—a particular conformation of material substances, just as a desired result is obtained by arranging in a certain order the parts of a piece of mechanism. “But who can believe that such a faculty, so divine, so godlike and spiritual, can be the mere result of organization? That any juxta-position of material molecules, of whatsoever nature, from whatever source derived, in whatever order and forms arranged, and wherever placed, could generate thought, and reflection, and reasoning powers, could acquire and store up ideas and notions, as well concerning metaphysical as physical essences, may as safely be pronounced impossible, as that matter and spirit should be homogeneous. Though the intellectual part acts by the brain and nerves, yet the brain and nerves, however ample, however developed, are not the intellect, nor an intellectual substance, but only its instrument, fitted for the passage of the prime messenger of the soul, its nervous fluid or power to every motive organ. It is a substance calculated to convey instantaneously that subtile agent, by which spirit can act upon body, wherever the soul bids it to go and enables it to act. When death separates the intellectual and the spiritual from the material part, the introduction of a fluid, homogeneous with the nervous, or related to it by a galvanic battery, can put the nerves in action, lift the eyelids, move the limbs; but though the action of the intellectual part may thus be imitated, in newly deceased persons, still there are no signs of returning intelligence, there is no life, no voluntary action, not a trace of the spiritual agent that has been summoned from its dwelling. Whence it follows, that though the organization is that by which the intellectual and governing power manifests its presence and habitation, still it is evidently something distinct from and independent of it13.” With opinions having such a decided tendency to materialism, it is not surprising that Lamarck seldom makes allusion to a Deity, and when he does so, he nearly confines himself to the bare acknowledgment of his existence. In his earlier works, there is no mention made of a Supreme Being whatever; and even when his existence is admitted, He is divested of the attributes which belong to him. The glory of forming the works of creation, in which His beneficence and power are so signally manifested, is ascribed to nature, or a certain order of things. This power to which the Deity has delegated his prerogatives, and which he has appointed his vicegerent, Lamarck defines as “An order of things composed of objects independent of matter, which are determined by the observation of bodies, and the whole amount of which constitutes a power, unalterable in its essence, governed in all its acts, and constantly acting upon all the parts of the physical universe14.” This blind power, which acts necessarily, has not, indeed, called matter into existence, but it has formed all bodies of which matter is essentially the base; and as it exercises no power except on the latter, which it modifies and changes in every possible manner, producing all its various aggregates and combinations, we may be assured that it is it which has made all bodies such as we now behold them, and that it is Nature which confers on some their properties, and on others the faculties which they exercise15. All this power Lamarck distinctly admits has been delegated to Nature by the Deity, and among other errors which he conceives to have attached to the ideas which have been entertained regarding Nature, he refutes the notion that Nature is the Deity himself. “Strange occurrence! that the watch should have been confounded with its maker, the work with its author. Assuredly this idea is illogical and unfit to be maintained. The power which has created Nature, has, without doubt, no limits, cannot be restricted in its will or made subject to others, and is independent of all law. It alone can change Nature and her laws, and even annihilate them; and although we have no positive knowledge of this great object, the idea which we thus form of the Almighty Power, is at least the most suitable for man to entertain of the Divinity, when he can raise his thoughts to the contemplation of him. If Nature were an intelligence, it could exercise volition, and change its laws, or rather there could be no law. Finally, if Nature were God, its will would be independent, its acts unconstrained; but this is not the case; it is, on the contrary, continually subject to constant laws, over which it has no power: it hence follows, that although its means are infinitely diversified and inexhaustible, it acts always in the same 41 42 43 44 45 manner in the same circumstances, without the power of acting otherwise16.” While thus admitting the existence of the Deity, any direct interference in the affairs of the universe is wholly denied to him. His sovereignty is reduced to a mere nominal supremacy, as he is supposed to take no care or thought for the worlds which he authorized or permitted to be created, and can have no sympathy for the creatures which inhabit them. As with La Place, and so many other philosophers of the French school, every thing is ascribed to secondary causes, which are made to usurp the place and attributes of the Divinity. Lamarck’s deity, therefore, is the exact counterpart of the god of Epicurus, whose being is allowed seemingly more for the purpose of giving consistency to a theory, or a compliance with generally received opinions, than from any urgent conviction of his reality; and we may justly apply to him what was said of the Grecian philosopher; Re tollit, oratione relinquit Deum. It has been already mentioned, that Lamarck’s attention was early directed to meteorology, and it seems long to have continued to form one of his most favourite studies. So comparatively limited is our positive knowledge of atmospheric phenomena, that a careful investigation of them afforded the prospect of new and important discoveries; while the endless variety of appearances which they present, and the complicated influences which operate in producing them, offered a wide and interesting field for the exercise of that speculative kind of inquiry which Lamarck loved to indulge. With his usual facility in such matters, he was not long in advancing a theory, according to which the atmosphere is regarded as resembling the sea, having a surface, waves, and storms; it ought, likewise, to have a flux and reflux, for the moon ought to exercise the same influence upon it that it does on the ocean. In the temperate and frigid zones, therefore, the wind, which is only the tide of the atmosphere, must depend greatly on the declination of the moon; it ought to blow towards the pole that is nearest to it, and advancing in that direction only, in order to reach every place, traversing dry countries or extensive seas, it ought then to render the sky serene or stormy. If the influence of the moon on the weather is denied, it is only that it may be referred to its phases; but its position in the ecliptic is regarded as affording probabilities much nearer the truth17. So convinced was Lamarck of the accuracy and value of his theory, that he resolved on reducing it to practice, and thus at the same time establish its truth, and attract the attention of the public towards it. For this purpose he drew up a series of almanacks, which he had the perseverance to publish for ten consecutive years, the nature of which will be best understood from the title of that which first appeared. “Annual Meteorology for the Year VIII of the Republic (1800, A. D.), containing an Exposition of the Probabilities acquired by a long Series of Observations on the State of the Weather, and Variations of the Atmosphere, in different Seasons of the Year; an Indication of the Times when it may be expected to be fine Weather, or Rain, Storms and Tempests, Frosts, &c.: finally, an Enumeration, according to Probabilities, of the Times favourable for Fêtes, Journeys, Voyages, Harvest, and other Undertakings, in which it is of Importance not to be interrupted by the Weather; with simple and concise Directions regarding these new Measures.” His predictions, as might have been expected, proved more frequently erroneous than otherwise, but this circumstance was far from inducing him to discontinue his exertions. Every year he had recourse to some new consideration,—such as the phases, the apogee and perigee of the moon, and the relative position of the sun, to account for his previous failure, and affor...