Copyright © 2019 by Roger Stone All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner without the express written consent of the publisher, except in the case of brief excerpts in critical reviews or articles. All inquiries should be addressed to Skyhorse Publishing, 307 West 36th Street, 11th Floor, New York, NY 10018. Skyhorse Publishing books may be purchased in bulk at special discounts for sales promotion, corporate gifts, fund-raising, or educational purposes. Special editions can also be created to specifications. For details, contact the Special Sales Department, Skyhorse Publishing, 307 West 36th Street, 11th Floor, New York, NY 10018 or [email protected]. ® ® ® Skyhorse and Skyhorse Publishing are registered trademarks of Skyhorse Publishing, Inc. , a Delaware corporation. Visit our website at www.skyhorsepublishing.com. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available on file. Jacket design by Brian Peterson Print ISBN: 978-1-5107-4936-8 Ebook ISBN: 978-1-5107-4937-5 Printed in the United States of America Acknowledgments Dedicated to President Richard M. Nixon, who first recognized Donald Trump’s potential to become leader of the Free World. Also dedicated to Juanita Broaddrick, a brave and courageous woman who told the truth about being sexually assaulted and bitten by Bill Clinton and spoke out despite pressure on her to remain silent. This book is also dedicated to Dr. Jerome S. Corsi, mentor, colleague, and one of the most effective investigative reporters writing today. Thanks also to Dr. Eric Paddon, Christopher Cox, Kevin Ryan, Jacob Engels, Saint John Hunt, Michael Caputo, A. Gore Vidal, Randy Short, John Kakanis, Tyler Nixon, Kate Koptenko, Milo Yiannopoulous, Matthew J. Boyle, Matt Drudge, Alex Jones, Stephen K. Bannon, David Urban, Ed McMullen, Susie Wiles, Matt Labash, Tucker Carlson, and Laury Gay. In addition, the book is dedicated to my mother, who passed away at ninety-five in 2016. If you are familiar with Tony Soprano’s mother Olivia, you completely understand my Sicilian mother. She insisted that Hillary Clinton was “a crook and a liar.” I only regret that she did not live long enough to vote for Donald Trump, whom she danced with at my wedding. Also dedicated to my beloved wife Nydia, a woman of infinite patience and wisdom. Roger J. Stone New York City Table of Contents Introduction 2019 Preface Part 1 How Donald Trump Hijacked the Republican Presidential Nomination Chapter 1 Trump vs. the Elites Chapter 2 Round One: GOP Candidates Debate Chapter 3 Round Two: GOP Primaries Pick Trump Part 2 How Hillary Clinton Stole the Democratic Presidential Nomination Chapter 4 Bernie Sanders, the Old Socialist, Challenges Hillary Clinton, the President Presumed Chapter 5 Round One: Hillary Declares Victory over Sanders Chapter 6 Round Two: Hillary Pivots to Attack Trump Part 3 How Trump Won the White House Chapter 7 The Vice Presidential Picks and the National Nominating Conventions Chapter 8 The Presidential and Vice Presidential Debates Chapter 9 Closing Arguments Conclusion: Trump Wins Appendix A Appendix B Endnotes INTRODUCTION 2019 Iwrote the book you now hold in your hands two years ago. In hardcover it was titled The Making of the President 2016, and it was the first in-depth examination of how Trump’s campaign tapped into the national mood to deliver a stunning victory that almost no one saw coming. As an adviser with intimate insight into the campaign and someone who had urged Donald to run for president more than thirty years ago, I was proud to have been a part of the campaign. Sadly, I considered titling this new edition of the book The Unmaking of the President 2016–2019 because we are in the midst of an unprecedented effort by the permanent political establishment to undo the results of the 2016 election and remove Donald Trump from the White House. I believed three major factors contributed to the most improbable upset victory in the history of American presidential politics: the political establishment of both parties underestimating the level of public dissatisfaction with the two-party ruling elite who had run America into the ground; the advent of a robust and widely accessible Internet which broke the mainstream media monopoly on America’s political narrative; and the dogged persistence of Donald Trump. Even though I had chronicled the track record of the military-industrial complex (commonly known as the Deep State today) in my previous books, The Man Who Killed Kennedy: The Case Against LBJ, The Bush Crime Family, The Clintons’ War on Women, and Nixon’s Secrets, even I underestimated the shock of the two-party duopoly over the loss of “their” White House and their resolve to undo the results of the 2016 election. We now know that the Obama national security apparatus, including the Central Intelligence Agency, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the Obama Justice Department, took the danger that a Trump presidency posed to them far more seriously than I had ever suspected. In fact, the Obama administration would engage in an abuse of power in which FISA warrants were illegally and unconstitutionally used to launch surveillance of Donald Trump’s top advisers. Imagine my shock when I read on page one of the New York Times on January 20, 2017, that I was among three Trump advisers who had been under active surveillance during the presidential campaign. To this day I do not know under what authority I was spied on and what probable cause could have been presented to any court to justify this flagrant violation of my Fourth Amendment constitutional rights. Clearly, I was targeted for strictly political reasons; I have been an adviser to Donald Trump for forty years. Additionally, we now know that the Obama FBI used human assets to infiltrate the Trump campaign. Although the FBI now admits that their investigation into alleged Russian collusion with the Trump campaign began in July 2016, I was approached in May 2016 by a man calling himself “Henry Greenberg,” who attempted to sell me what he said was negative information on Hillary Clinton. Greenberg wanted $2 million for this information, a laughable prospect I quickly rejected. What I did not know at the time was that Greenberg’s real name was Gennady Vasilievich Vostretsov, and that he was a veteran FBI informant whose very presence in the United States was only possible because of an informant’s visa approved by the Miami office of the FBI. In June 2016, WikiLeaks publisher Julian Assange told CNN he had obtained information on Hillary Clinton and would publish it. In late July, Randy Credico, a New York City–based progressive talk-show host with whom I had worked on drug-law reform issues, told me that a source close to WikiLeaks informed him that the information Assange had teased was “political dynamite” and “would end Hillary’s campaign.” Credico said these disclosures would come in October. After receiving this valuable tip, I began avidly following the WikiLeaks Twitter feed as well as setting a Google news alert for Julian Assange and quickly reading the many interviews that the WikiLeaks publisher gave to media outlets big and small. I also began relentlessly hyping the coming October disclosure of the WikiLeaks material. I publicized the coming WikiLeaks disclosures without knowing the actual source or content of the material, not to aggrandize myself or to curry favor with Donald Trump’s campaign (which I had voluntarily departed in August 2015), but in order to draw maximum voter and media attention to what I was told would be politically damaging material about Hillary Clinton and her campaign before the upcoming election. While I was euphoric on election night, Trump’s victory did not shock me. Veteran Republican pollster Tony Fabrizio, who was polling for the Trump campaign, had aggressively pushed the Trump effort to invest heavily of the candidate’s time and resources in Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Florida. Fabrizio recognized that Hillary Clinton had taken the first three states for granted, failing to campaign in them in the closing weeks and cutting back her media expenditures based on an assumption that those states were safely in her column. Fabrizio and I also noted that Trump was running significantly better among blue-collar white union and nonunion voters than had his predecessors, Mitt Romney and John McCain. This allocation of late resources would prove pivotal and would carry the election of the New York billionaire to the greatest upset since Truman vs. Dewey. I spent election night doing election coverage for Infowars.com out of their Austin, Texas, studios. While I was exhausted, I was, of course, pleased with the results. My cohost that night, Alex Jones, was strangely downbeat and seemed to be in a foreboding mood. “This is not the end,” he said, “this is just the beginning.” How right he turned out to be. As a young aide to Governor and then President Ronald Reagan, I had seen firsthand how the political establishment in Washington effectively moves to co- opt an outsider president who threatens the status quo. I had also seen them do it to Jimmy Carter, an outsider and former governor of Georgia who had the effrontery to address the abuses at the Central Intelligence Agency and clean house. These efforts would be child’s play compared to the efforts to co-opt the