THE CURRENCY OF LOVE: THE MERGING OF MONETARY AND AMOROUS CONCERNS IN THE MERCHANT OF VENICE AND TIMON OF ATHENS by PAMELA KAY ROLLINS Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Arlington in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN ENGLISH THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT ARLINGTON MAY 2010 Copyright © by Pamela Rollins 2010 All Rights Reserved ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The thesis writing process has been not only a great learning experience for me but an adventure in perseverance, patience, and confidence. I am grateful to a number of professors at The University of Texas at Arlington who have devoted their time and knowledge to my betterment as a writer and a thinker. In particular, I would like to thank Dr. Amy Tigner for her continued guidance throughout my graduate career. Without her poignant feedback and encouragement I would not have had the perseverance to complete this project. I am also thankful to Dr. Tim Morris, whose clever wit and continued encouragement kept me engaged and interested throughout my undergraduate and graduate pursuits. I am also grateful to Dr. Wendy Faris, whose brilliance has often inspired me to think outside of traditional notions and to look at things in new and unimagined ways. I am also thankful to my husband, Neil. Without his constant support, both financially and emotionally, I would not have been able to complete my graduate work. His kind words of encouragement provided me the strength to believe in myself and my abilities. I am appreciative of his continued support, love, and devotion. I am also grateful to my daughter, Hadley, for her beautiful smile and her infectious laugh that gave me much needed relief after sometimes long and stressful days. I am also indebted to the many colleagues I have met during my graduate work who kept me grounded and entertained. I’m especially thankful to Christi Cook for her constant words of encouragement and Dana Brewer for her continued guidance and advice. April 19, 2010 iii ABSTRACT THE CURRENCY OF LOVE: THE MERGING OF MONETARY AND AMOROUS CONCERNS IN THE MERCHANT OF VENICE AND TIMON OF ATHENS Pamela Rollins, M.A. The University of Texas at Arlington, 2010 Supervising Professor: Amy L. Tigner I argue that Timon of Athens and The Merchant of Venice illustrate that money and love can exist within the same exchange system, within which each relationship retains a value based upon an expectation of reciprocity. The terms of reciprocity found in the relationships of these plays is often intertwined through the means of gift exchange and bonds. The exchange of gifts, when involved in the evaluation of a relationship, questions the very nature of an altruistic gift and illustrates further the means by which affection influences monetary exchanges. Furthermore, the quantitative and qualitative exchanges in Merchant and Timon depict the complex notion of value in early modern England. These plays illustrate the reality of life and human exchange—a system within which love and money are continually intertwined and exchanged. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................................iii ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................................... iv Chapter Page 1. INTRODUCTION……………………………………..………..….. ..................................... 1 2. TIMON OF ATHENS: THE QUALITATIVE AND QUANTIATIVE VALUE OF RELATIONSHIPS……………………………………..………..….. ...................................... 14 2.1 Timon and the Altruistic Gift ........................................................................... 20 2.2 The Measure of Friendship ............................................................................ 26 2.3 Calculated Gifts .............................................................................................. 38 3. THE MERCHANT OF VENICE: THE SYSTEMATIC EXCHANGE OF RELATIONSHIPS .............................................................................................................. 43 3.1 The Exchange of Friendship .......................................................................... 49 3.2 The Marital System of Exchange ................................................................... 53 3.3 Quantifiable Love/Hate Relationships ............................................................ 63 EPILOGUE ..................................................................................................................................... 71 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................... 74 BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION .................................................................................................. 78 v CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION My purse, my person, my extremest means / Lie all unlocked to your occasions.” —Shakespeare, Merchant of Venice (1.1.136-7) “You mistake my love. / I gave it freely ever, and there’s none / Can truly say he gives if he receives.” —Shakespeare, Timon of Athens (1.2.9-11) This thesis explores the complicated facets of value, including the monetary, familial, marital, figural, and literal considerations that extend value beyond a simple monetary exchange. More extensively, I examine the connection between money and love to demonstrate the quantitative and qualitative value placed on relationships. Investigating the value or worth of a relationship inevitably leads to an extensive discourse involving a multitude of economic terms which often include ideas of capitalism, exchange, currency, bartering, commodification, interest, bonds, and evaluation. To establish the terms of my research, I define the varied terms related to value: “qualitative” denotes the value of a person or a relationship can be equated with the immaterial, the intangible, the figural, or the emotional—essentially all qualities of love; “quantitative” is the value of a person or a relationship that can be understood in terms of material, the tangible, the literal, or the monetary—essentially all qualities of money. Although the qualitative and quantitative values of a relationship (facilitated by the connection between money and love) can be established in many facets of human exchange during any period of time, my research will be centered around two of Shakespeare’s plays that are commonly associated with economic discourse: The Merchant of Venice and The Life of Timon of Athens. The “qualitative” and “quantitative” terms that I’ve defined are readily found throughout these 1 plays, and the quotations above are exemplary representations of these terms. In the first quotation above, Antonio’s “purse,” his quantitative means, and his “person,” his qualitative means, are valued equally as he offers them to his dearest friend, Bassanio. Antonio’s eloquent words demonstrate the connection between love and money that I will address extensively in this thesis. In turn, Timon’s words also serve to demonstrate the way in which the immaterial offerings of “love” are intricately intertwined with material gifts. Supplementary to these texts, I consider the concept of value in terms of money and love during the period and location within which these texts were written, the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century England. Merchant and Timon are not the only texts in early modern England that deal with the concepts of money and love, but they exemplify a comprehensive understanding of the value of many different categories of relationships including friendships, marriages, father/daughter, master/servant, and acquaintances. The evaluation of relationships is often intertwined with the exchange of love, money, gifts, bonds, pardons, and trust—the material and immaterial. These exchanges demonstrate the continued connection between love and money, the ways that love and money interact and the means through which a human relationship can hold a quantitative and qualitative value. As with any human interaction, these exchanges are complicated, at times dysfunctional, but they still constitute a continued connection between love and money. My analysis of these interactions in Shakespeare’s plays will provide additional insight into the historical implications of monetary and emotional exchanges in early modern England. Interestingly, though I refer to money as concrete, tangible, and material, in many ways money is a concept that relies upon a system of trust rather than a physical handling of cash. Money is founded in terms of physical cash and coin and is the means by which financial exchanges occur, but, in reality, the actual exchange of physical money is much less prevalent than the exchange of credit. Credit is merely the illusion of cash, and it represents the tangible means of money, thereby continuing the understanding of money in terms of quantifiable and literal value. Exchange in early modern England was no exception to this conception of money, 2 especially considering the lack of actual silver and gold currency in circulation during the period. The amount of actual money in Elizabethan and Jacobean times was limited, but the demand for coinage was high, thereby ensuring that the intrinsic value of money was maintained (Muldrew 99). Although physical money was in short supply the exchange of goods continued as the means of money was transformed into a concept of credit. As Curtis Perry explains, “The expansion of commodity market in the sixteenth century, coupled with the chronic shortages of coin, meant that a great deal of buying and selling at all levels of society involved informal credit” (40).1 Credit became the common means of exchange for the majority of English society and essentially every household had some degree of participation in the exchange of credit and debt. As Craig Muldrew’s extensive study of money in sixteenth and seventeenth century England reveals, “Although money was the measure of economic transactions, in its actual use it was only the grease which oiled the much larger machinery of credit. What existed was a credit economy in which everything was measured by monetary prices, but where money was not the primary means of exchange” (101).2 Inevitably, the immense number of participants involved in the exchange system of credit and debt created an intricate web of creditors and debtors whose stability depended on the financial success of others. Extending credit to another also involved a great deal of trust—trust that was often founded on the establishment of a relationship. The extension of credit was not limited to the formal exchanges of landlords, merchants, or strangers in a market, such as Shylock’s lending to Antonio; it was quite common to rely on friends, neighbors, and relatives, such as Antonio’s lending to Bassanio, as substantial sources for money lending in early modern England. Inevitably, the intertwining of personal relationships with commercial exchanges created a complicated connection between money and love for many people. 1 Perry, Curtis. "Commerce, Community, and Nostalgia in The Comedy of Errors." Money and the Age of Shakespeare. Ed. Linda Woodbridge. New York: Palgrave, 2003. 2 Muldrew, Craig. The Economy of Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social Relations in Early Modern England. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998. 3 The quantitative and qualitative value of relationships was not an uncommon or unknown concept in early modern England. In fact, the idea that the bond between people held both an emotional and monetary value was a widely accepted concept. Keith Wrightson’s extensive research on English society between 1580-1680 explores the social relations of the local community and includes valuable insight into the various degrees of relationships during the period.3 Although Wrightson is quick to point out that his interpretations of English society by no means provide an unequivocal evaluation of every English citizen in every class system, his generalizations about English society serve to represent the experiences of at least some portion of English people in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Wrightson’s analyses of various relationships in early modern England, including his discussion of the social aspects of the nuclear family, friendships, and kinsmen, support my contention that human bonds hold a quantitative and qualitative value. For example, Wrightson acknowledges that kinship held a “great practical significance,” and links between kinsmen not only existed but were put to use in order to create familial and financial bonds (48). Kinsmen supported each other both emotionally and financially and it was not uncommon for kinswomen to aid each other in childbirth or for merchants and businessmen to rely upon their bond of blood relation to establish trustworthily contacts in the insecure world of commerce and credit (Wrightson 48-49). A network of blood relatives allowed Elizabethan and Jacobean people the security of the intangible value of an emotional support system with kinsmen alongside a network of tangible financial support. Kinsmen, however, were not the only means of quantitative and qualitative associations during the period. The English who either lacked blood relatives who lived in close proximity or simply wished to extend their network of connections could also rely on their neighbors for additional material and immaterial assistance. Wrightson provides multiple characteristics of neighborliness, determining that “it involved a mutual recognition of reciprocal obligations of a 3 Wrightson, Kevin. English Society 1580-1680. 2cd ed. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 2003. 4 practical kind and a degree of normative consensus as to the nature of proper behavior between neighbors” (51). Neighbors had both emotional obligations as well as financial expectations to support the local community. Qualitative aspects of neighborliness required that one “live peaceably and harmoniously, recognizing his obligations and placing no unreasonable burden upon the tolerance of the community” (Wrightson 53). Presumably, among the obligations mentioned, the exchange of money was included in this consideration of neighborliness. It was quite common for neighbors to participate in an extensive exchange of credit, and one often borrowed from another as often as they would lend (Wrightson 52). The extensive amount of lending and borrowing between neighbors created relationships within which the concept of credit was an informal and expected facet of association. Early modern English people could rely on their local community for both emotional and monetary support on a daily basis. Some associations between neighbors extended beyond the casual extension of emotional and financial support to create stronger bonds of friendship. Friendship equated to “an all together unusual degree of emotional compatibility and trust [that] distinguished relationships beyond the obligations owed to either neighbors or the broader kin” (55). Friendships still followed the general principles of neighborliness but the strengthened bond of friendship allowed for a greater degree of financial and emotional support. Neighbors and friends worked to meet both the emotional and financial needs of local communities. It is evident that the social organization created by these associations not only established both the quantitative and qualitative value of human relationships but also demonstrated that there was wide acceptance and acknowledgment of the combination of material and immaterial value of humanity in early modern England. The bond of marriage also constituted a union that was founded on the romantic notions of love and companionship combined with the utilitarian notions of money and social status. The degree of financial influence on the choice of a marriage partner depended greatly 5