The Light Verb Construction in Korean by Jaehee Bak A dissertation submitted in conformity with the requirement for the degree of Ph.D. Graduate Department of Linguistics University of Toronto © copyright by Jaehee Bak (2011) Abstract The Light Verb Construction in Korean Doctor of Philosophy, 2011 Jaehee Bak Department of Linguistics, University of Toronto Light verb constructions have been treated as a relevant linguistic topic because they show unique characteristics that are not found in other verb constructions in Korean. Thus, previous studies are mainly focused on specific characteristics: (i) the relationship between light verbs and v and (ii) the affixation of accusative case particles. However, in this thesis, I examine more important issues related to light verb constructions in Korean: (i) how light verb constructions can works as predicates in clauses, (ii) the nature of the relationship between the complement and the light verb in light verb constructions, and (iii) where the complement and the light verb are present in the surface structure in Korean. Operating under the assumption that the light verb construction is a way of presenting a predicative type similar to lexical verbs or adjectives in Korean, I claim that (i) the lexical-semantic and syntactic information of all predicates, including light verb constructions, is determined in the “lexical conceptual structure” (e.g., Levin & Rappaport 1998), (ii) the conceptual categories in the lexical conceptual structure become the lexical items in the lexicon differently in light verb constructions than in lexical verb constructions, and (iii) the light verb construction is built by incorporation which is similar to semantic noun incorporation (e.g., Dayal 2010). In addition, in this thesis I will present new characteristics of light verb constructions in Korean: (i) the function of each component in the light verb construction such as the modifier and the modified item, (ii) the relationship between ii components in the light verb construction (i.e., s-selection), (iii) the existence of a functional projection between two components (i.e., Event Phrase), and (iv) the generation of the negation particle an „not‟ under the head of vP. iii Acknowledgements I believe that my goal inspired me to become a researcher and complete my dissertation. However, above everything else, I know that my graduate studies‟ journey has indebted me to my teachers, my friends, my family and my wife. If it were not for their support and dedication, I could not have completed my dissertation. Special acknowledgement goes to my supervisor Prof. Diane Massam. Even though I say „thanks‟ a million times to her, it is not enough. I really appreciate her dedication and commitment. She is an excellent teacher, researcher and mentor for me. Not only has she had a profound influence on my intellectual growth, but she has also supported me in many ways. In particular, whenever I experienced difficult times, she always cheered me up and helped me to complete my graduate work. It is a particular pleasure to acknowledge my debts to her. I wish to extend my appreciation to my dissertation committee. Prof. Ana T. Pérez-Leroux gave me insightful comments and suggestions that proved to be decisive to the success of this dissertation. Prof. M. Cristina Cuervo provided me with much valuable feedback and her informative assistance directed me to the best ways to improve my dissertation. I deeply thank them. I owe a particular debt of gratitude to Prof. Elaine Gold for her constructive comments and to Prof. Chung-hye Han for her patience and valuable comments on this dissertation. I would also like to thank Prof. Alana Johns for her contribution and for making time to join my dissertation committee. I would also like to express my deep gratitude to Prof. Elizabeth A. Cowper, Prof. B. Elan Dresher, Prof. Keren D. Rice and Prof. Yoonjung Kang in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Toronto. The strong training in academic areas prepared me to concentrate on my studies and complete my dissertation. In addition, I thank Prof. Kevin Russell, Prof. Jila Ghomeshi, Prof. H.C. Wolfart, Prof. Terry Janzen, and Prof. Lorna MacDonald in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Manitoba. I will not forget how much they supported me when I started graduate studies. I want to say thanks to Prof. Yang-Gyu Park, Prof. Si-Up Kim, and Prof. DungRyong Yi in Korea. I also want to express my thanks to Prof. Mihyen Jeon who provided me with a great teaching opportunity at York University. From the bottom of my heart, I appreciate my friend LeAnn Brown, who helped me to complete my dissertation. I wish to show my deep appreciation to my friend Insung Hwang, who shared my happiness and sadness for last 6 years. In addition, I want to say special thanks to Namkook Kim and his wife Kyengsun Cho. When I was blue, they always tried to refresh me so I could focus on my studies. I also thank my friends Sky Onosson, Mark Hubert, Catherine Macdonald, Sunghoon Kim, Heesun Im, Taehoo Kim, Eugenia Suh, Kyumin Kim, Julia Yu-Ying Su, Maria Kyriakaki, Kenji Oda, Cathleen Waters, Paul Arsenault, and Monica Irimia. All of them made studying in Toronto a great experience. In addition, although I have not meet with them for the last 4 years, I want to share my happiness with my soul mates Yumi Se, Sangkun Lee and Kyunam Lee. My family always trusted in me and supported me. Their love motivated me to focus on iv completing my dissertation. In addition, the memory of my father, Sangchel Bak, and the love of my mother, Suntae Kim, was the source of my energy during these last 6 years in Toronto. I am also indebted to my father-in-law and mother-in-law. Finally, I want to say thanks to one person, Dr. Moonyoung Chun. If you were not with me, I could not have finished my graduate work. Thank you and I love you. I dedicate my dissertation to Dr. Moonyoung Chun. v Table of Contents ABSTRACT …………………………………………………………………………………… ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………. iv TBABLE OF CONTENTS ………………………………………………………………………. vi LIST of ABBREVIATION ………………………………………………………………………. viii 1. INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………………… 1 1.1 An Overview of Light Verb Constructions …………………………………………. 1 1.1.1 Global Characteristics of LVCs ……………………………………………. 6 1.1.2 Local Characteristics of LVCs ……………………………………………... 13 1.2 An Overview of LVCs in Korean …………………………………………………… 15 1.3 Outline of Thesis ……………………………………………………………………. 21 1.4 Closing Comment …………………………………………………………………… 22 2. THE COMPOSITION OF KOREAN LVCs ........................................................................ 24 2.1 The Scope of this Chapter …………………………………………………………… 24 2.2 Lexical Approach ……………………………………………………………………. 26 2.2.1 Outline of Lexical Integrity ………………………………………………… 27 2.2.2 Lexical Integrity Test ……………………………………………………….. 32 2.2.3 Diagnostic Tests of Korean LVCs ………………………………………….. 33 2.3 Argument Transfer Hypothesis ……………………………………………………… 39 2.3.1 Outline of the Argument Transfer Hypothesis ……………………………… 40 2.3.2 Argument Transfer Hypothesis in Korean LVCs …………………………… 48 2.3.3 Against Argument Transfer Hypothesis in Korean LVCs …………………… 50 2.3.3.1 Derived Nouns and Event Nouns in Korean ……………………….. 51 2.3.3.2 Counterargument …………………………………………………… 55 2.3.3.3 Evidence ……………………………………………………………. 57 2.4 Incorporation …………………………………………………………………………. 59 2.4.1 Review the Compositional Approach ……………………………………….. 59 2.4.2 Incorporation in Previous Studies …………………………………………… 64 2.4.3 Noun Incorporation …………………………………………………………. 66 2.4.4 Incorporation in Korean LVCs ……………………………………………… 73 2.5 Closing Comment ……………………………………………………………………. 82 3. THE INTERPRETATION OF KOREAN LVCS …………………………………………… 84 3.1 The Scope of this Chapter …………………………………………………………… 84 3.2 Various Functions of the Verb ha in Korean ………………………………………… 88 3.2.1 The LV ha „do/be‟ in Korean ……………………………………………….. 89 3.2.2 Other Functions of the Verb ha in Korean ………………………………….. 91 3.3 Predicate Decomposition Hypothesis ……………………………………………….. 95 3.4 Korean LVCs in LCS ………………………………………………………………... 101 3.4.1 Warming Up ………………………………………………………………… 101 3.4.2 Six Different Types of Korean LVCs ……………………………………….. 103 3.4.3 Predicate Decomposition of Korean LVCs …………………………………. 108 3.4.3.1 Predicate Decomposition of Type 1 LVC in Korean ………………. 109 3.4.3.2 Predicate Decomposition of Type 2 LVC in Korean ………………. 109 3.4.3.3 Predicate Decomposition of Type 3 LVC in Korean ………………. 110 3.4.3.4 Predicate Decomposition of Type 4 LVC in Korean ………………. 111 3.4.3.5 Predicate Decomposition of Type 5 LVC in Korean ………………. 115 3.4.3.6 Predicate Decomposition of Type 6 LVC in Korean ………………. 120 vi 3.5 From LCS to Structure ………………………………………………………………. 125 3.5.1 Syntactic Approach …………………………………………………………. 127 3.5.2 Lexicalization ………………………………………………………………. 132 3.5.3 Lexicalization in Korean LVCs …………………………………………….. 134 3.6 Closing Comment ……………………………………………………………………. 139 4. THE STRUCTURE OF KOREAN LVCS ………………………………………………… 141 4.1 The Scope of this Chapter …………………………………………………………… 141 4.2 Little v and LVs ……………………………………………………………………… 143 4.2.1 LVs in Minimalist Program .………………………………………………… 144 4.2.2 On Little v …………………………………………………………………… 146 4.2.3 The Properties of Little v in Korean LVs …………………………………… 149 4.2.4 New Proposal ……………………………………………………………….. 156 4.3 Split vP Construction ………………………………………………………………… 158 4.3.1 Two Functional Projections in vP …………………………………………… 158 4.3.2 Base-Positions of LVs in Split vP Construction …………………………….. 164 4.3.3 Base-Positions of Korean LVs: Tr0 or V0 ………………………………….... 169 4.3.3.1 Base-Positions of LV ha „do/be‟ in Korean ………………………… 170 4.3.3.2 Base-Position of LV toy „become‟ in Korean ………………………. 175 4.3.4 Revised Structure of LVCs in Korean ………………………………………. 177 4.4 Complements in Korean LVCs ………………………………………………………. 179 4.4.1 Two Types of Complements of the LVs in Korean ………………………….. 179 4.4.1.1 Proposal …………………………………………………………….. 179 4.4.1.2 The Relationship between the Lexicon and LCS …………………… 181 4.4.2 On EventP ……………………………………………………………………. 186 4.4.2.1 Proposal ……………………………………………………………... 186 4.4.2.2 First Point of Evidence in Favor of EventP …………………………. 187 4.4.2.3 Second Point of Evidence in Favor of EventP ………………………. 195 4.4.3 Particles on Complements ……………………………………………………. 198 4.4.3.1 Affixation of the Particles in Korean LVCs …………………………. 199 4.4.3.2 Focus Phrase …………………………………………………………. 203 4.5 Short-form Negation and Korean LVCs ………………………………………………. 208 4.5.1 Review of Previous Studies ..…………………………………………………. 209 4.5.2 Negative Particle an „not‟ in Korean LVCs …………………………………… 214 4.6 Closing Comment ……………………………………………………………………… 220 5. CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………………………….. 222 BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………………………. 227 vii List of Abbreviation * ungrammatical < > constant (i.e., LCS) base-position (i.e., SR) ACC accusative case particle [ACC] case feature Aff affix CAUSE causative suffix COMP complementizer DAT dative case particle DEC declarative sentence ending e empty EP event phrase ERG ergative Ev event argument GEN genitive case particle INF infinite LCS lexical conceptual structure KP case phrase LV light verb LVC light verb construction N feature nominal/noun N0 nominal root/the head of NP NEG negative particle NOM nominative case particle OBJ object PAST past tense suffix PRES present tense suffix PrP predicate phrase Q interrogative sentence ending SBJ subject sc small clause SR surface representation TC topic-contrast particle TrP transitive phrase V feature verbal/verb V0 verbal root/the head of VP VN verbal noun X0 root expression/word expression XP phrase expression  zero-morpheme viii 1. Introduction 1.1 An Overview of Light Verb Constructions This thesis examines the lexical-semantic, morphological, and syntactic properties of the light verb construction (hence after LVC) in Korean (i.e., the verb phrase containing light verbs (hence after LV)). In this thesis, I claim that Korean LVCs are composed by “incorporation” of the nominal expression and the LV, and the various characteristics of Korean LVCs that are regarded as unusual can be accounted for under a unified perspective. Examples of Korean LVCs are shown in (1.1). The LVC in Korean consists of two components; a nominal expression and a LV in this order as in (1.2). (1.1) a. cekkwun-i tali-lul [ pakoy-(lul) ha/*toy]-ess-ta. LVC enemy-NOM bridge-ACC destruction-(ACC) do/*become-PAST-DEC „The enemy destroyed the bridge.‟ b. mwul-i [ cenghwa *ha/toy]-ess-ta. LVC water-NOM purification *do.be/become-PAST-DEC „The water purified itself.‟ c. pang-i maywu [ kkaykkus ha/*toy]-ess-ta. LVC room-NOM very cleanliness be/*become-PAST-DEC „The room is very clean.‟ (1.2) Korean LVCs: [ complement + LV]  a verb or an adjective LVC | | <nominal expression> <ha „do/be‟ or toy „become‟> As can be seen in (1.1), it is noticeable that the surface form of the LVC resembles the VP 1 which is built by a transitive verb because, as with transitive verbs, the LV obligatorily takes a nominal complement but it presents somewhat different properties from those found in other normal verb constructions. First, it is clear that the LV does not belong to the class of transitive verbs in Korean because (i) unlike a normal transitive verb, the LV does not have the ability to assign a θ-role to its complement and (ii) the nominal complement of the LV works as an essential part of the LVC (i.e., the semantic component)1. According to the constituent test (e.g., Replacement test), the LV in (1.1) cannot be replaced by a transitive verb in Korean. Consider (1.3). (1.3) a. cekkwun-i tali-lul [ pakoy-(lul) ha/*mantul]-ess-ta. LVC enemy-NOM bridge-ACC destruction-(ACC) do/*make-PAST-DEC „The enemy destroyed the bridge.‟ b. pang-i maywu [ kkaykkus ha/*mantul]-ess-ta. LVC room-NOM very cleanliness be/*make-PAST-DEC „The room is very clean.‟ Second, the LVC in Korean looks like a VP because it consists of two separate lexical items as in (1.2). However, the LVC always acts like a verb or an adjective (i.e., an X0 expression) rather than a VP (i.e., an XP expression) in a clause. For instance, consider the following gap test in (1.4), where it is easy to observe that the LVC in Korean is not equivalent to a VP. 1 For instance, in the transitive verb construction such as [ ate the rice], when the DP complement the rice VP is replaced with other DPs such as bread, apples, etc., the meaning of the verb eat does not change because the DP complement the rice does not involve in the semantic part of the verb eat. However, if the complement is changed in the LVC, the meaning of the LVC also changes. 2