Project Gutenberg's The Life of Jefferson Davis, by Frank H. Alfriend This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: The Life of Jefferson Davis Author: Frank H. Alfriend Release Date: July 27, 2013 [EBook #43329] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS *** Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive.) THE LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS THE LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. By FRANK H. ALFRIEND, Late Editor of The Southern Literary Messenger. CINCINNATI AND CHICAGO: CAXTON PUBLISHING HOUSE. PHILADELPHIA, RICHMOND, ATLANTA AND ST. LOUIS: NATIONAL PUBLISHING CO. BALDWYN, MISS.: P. M. SAVERY & COMPANY. SAN FRANCISCO, CAL.: J. LAWS & CO. 1868. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1867, by FRANK H. ALFRIEND, In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States, for the District of Virginia. PREFACE. In offering this volume to the public, the occasion is embraced to avow, with unfeigned candor, a painful sense of the inadequate manner in which the design has been executed. Emboldened rather by his own earnest convictions, than by confidence in his capacity, the author has undertaken to contribute to American History, an extended narration of the more prominent incidents in the life of Jefferson Davis. Whatever may be the decision of the reader upon the merits of the performance, the author has the satisfaction arising from a conscientious endeavor to subserve the ends of truth. In pursuit of the purpose to write facts only, to the aid of familiar acquaintance with many of the topics discussed, and to information derived from the most accurate sources, has been brought laborious investigation of numerous interesting papers, which his avocation made accessible. It is therefore claimed that no statement is to be found in this volume, which is not generally conceded to be true, or which is not a conclusion amply justified by indisputable evidence. Nor is it to be fairly alleged that the work exhibits undue sectional bias. As a Southern man, who, in common with his countrymen of the South, was taught to believe the principles underlying the movement for Southern independence, the only possible basis of Republicanism, the author has regarded, as a worthy incentive, the desire to vindicate, as best he might, the motives and conduct of the South and its late leader. Disclaiming the purpose of promoting sectional bitterness, or of a wholesale indictment of the Northern people, he deems it needless to dwell upon the obvious propriety of discrimination. Holding in utter abhorrence the authors of those outrages, wanton barbarities and petty persecutions, of which her people were the victims, the South yet feels the respect of an honorable enemy for those distinguished soldiers, Buell, Hancock, McClellan and others, who served efficiently the cause in which they were employed, and still illustrated the practices of Christian warfare. To fitly characterize the remorseless faction in antagonism to the sentiments of these honorable men, it is only necessary to recall the malice which assails a “lost cause” with every form of detraction, and aspires to crown a triumph of arms with the degradation and despair of a conquered people. In his especial solicitude for a favorable appreciation of his efforts, by his Southern countrymen, the author has striven to avoid affront to those considerations of delicacy which yet affect many incidents of the late war. He has not sought to revive, unnecessarily, questions upon which Southern sentiment was divided, and has rarely assailed the motives or capacity of individuals in recognized antagonism to the policy of President Davis. Perhaps a different course would have imparted interest to his work, and have more clearly established the vindication of its subject. But besides being wholly repugnant to the tastes of the author, it would have been in marked conflict with the consistent aim of Mr. Davis’ career, which was to heal, not to aggravate, the differences of the South. A large part of the labor, which would otherwise have devolved upon this enterprise, if adequately performed, had already been supplied by the writings of Professor Bledsoe. To the profound erudition and philosophical genius of that eminent writer, as conspicuously displayed in his work entitled, “Is Davis a Traitor?” the South may, with confidence, intrust its claims upon the esteem of posterity. The author heartily acknowledges the intelligent aid, and generous encouragement, which he has received from his publishers. January, 1868. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. [Pg iii] [Pg iv] [Pg v] (Page 13-19.) ATTRACTIONS OF THE LATE WAR TO POSTERITY—MR. LINCOLN’S REMARK—DISADVANTAGES OF MR. DAVIS’ SITUATION—SUCCESS NOT SYNONYMOUS WITH MERIT—ORIGIN OF THE INJUSTICE DONE MR. DAVIS—REMARK OF MACAULAY—REMARK OF MR. GLADSTONE—THE EFFECT THAT CONFEDERATE SUCCESS WOULD HAVE HAD UPON THE FAME OF MR. DAVIS—POPULAR AFFECTION FOR HIM IN THE SOUTH—HIS VINDICATION ASSURED. CHAPTER I. (Page 20-33.) BIRTH—EDUCATION—AT WEST POINT—IN THE ARMY—RETIREMENT—POLITICAL TRAINING IN AMERICA—MR. DAVIS NOT EDUCATED FOR POLITICAL LIFE AFTER THE AMERICAN MODEL—BEGINS HIS POLITICAL CAREER BY A SPEECH AT THE MISSISSIPPI DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION—A GLANCE PROSPECTIVELY AT HIS FUTURE PARTY ASSOCIATIONS—HIS CONSISTENT ATTACHMENT TO STATES’ RIGHTS PRINCIPLES—A SKETCH OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE QUESTION OF STATES’ RIGHTS—MR. CALHOUN NOT THE AUTHOR OF THAT PRINCIPLE— HIS VINDICATION FROM THE CHARGE OF DISUNIONISM—MR. DAVIS THE SUCCESSOR OF MR. CALHOUN AS THE STATES’ RIGHTS LEADER. CHAPTER II. (Page 34-48.) RESULTS OF PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN 1844—MR. DAVIS ELECTED TO CONGRESS—HIS FIRST SESSION— PROMINENT MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE—DOUGLAS, HUNTER, SEDDON, ETC.—DAVIS’ RAPID ADVANCEMENT IN REPUTATION—RESOLUTIONS OFFERED BY HIM—SPEECHES ON THE OREGON EXCITEMENT, AND ON THE RESOLUTION OF THANKS TO GENERAL TAYLOR AND HIS ARMY—NATIONAL SENTIMENTS EMBODIED IN THESE AND OTHER SPEECHES—A CONTRAST IN THE MATTER OF PATRIOTISM—MASSACHUSETTS AND MISSISSIPPI IN THE MEXICAN WAR—DEBATE WITH ANDREW JOHNSON—JOHN QUINCY ADAMS’ ESTIMATE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. CHAPTER III. (Page 49-67.) THE NAME OF JEFFERSON DAVIS INSEPARABLE FROM THE HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN WAR—HIS ESSENTIALLY MILITARY CHARACTER AND TASTES—JOINS GENERAL TAYLOR’S ARMY ON THE RIO GRANDE, AS COLONEL OF THE FAMOUS “MISSISSIPPI RIFLES”—MONTEREY—BUENA VISTA—GENERAL TAYLOR’S ACCOUNT OF DAVIS’ CONDUCT—DAVIS’ REPORT OF THE ACTION—NOVELTY AND ORIGINALITY OF HIS STRATEGY AT BUENA VISTA —INTERESTING STATEMENT OF HON. CALEB CUSHING—RETURN OF DAVIS TO THE UNITED STATES— TRIUMPHANT RECEPTION AT HOME—PRESIDENT POLK TENDERS HIM A BRIGADIER’S COMMISSION, WHICH HE DECLINES ON PRINCIPLE. CHAPTER IV. (Page 68-84.) MR. DAVIS IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE, FIRST BY EXECUTIVE APPOINTMENT, AND SUBSEQUENTLY BY UNANIMOUS CHOICE OF THE LEGISLATURE OF HIS STATE—POPULAR ADMIRATION NOT LESS FOR HIS CIVIC TALENTS THAN HIS MILITARY SERVICES—FEATURES OF HIS PUBLIC CAREER—HIS CHARACTER AND CONDUCT AS A SENATOR—AS AN ORATOR AND PARLIAMENTARY LEADER—HIS INTREPIDITY—AN INCIDENT WITH HENRY CLAY—DAVIS THE LEADER OF THE STATES’ RIGHTS PARTY IN CONGRESS—THE AGITATION OF 1850— DAVIS OPPOSES THE COMPROMISE—FOLLY OF THE SOUTH IN ASSENTING TO THAT SETTLEMENT—DAVIS NOT A DISUNIONIST IN 1850, NOR A REBEL IN 1861—HIS CONCEPTION OF THE CHARACTER OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT—LOGICAL ABSURDITY OF CLAY’S POSITION EXPOSED BY DAVIS—THE IDEAL UNION OF THE LATTER—WHY HE OPPOSED THE COMPROMISE—THE NEW MEXICO BILL—DAVIS’ GROWING FAME AT THIS PERIOD—HIS FREQUENT ENCOUNTERS WITH CLAY, AND WARM FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN THEM—SIGNAL TRIUMPH OF THE UNION SENTIMENT, AND ACQUIESCENCE OF THE SOUTH. CHAPTER V. (Page 85-97.) OPPOSITION TO THE COMPROMISE IN SOUTH CAROLINA AND MISSISSIPPI—DAVIS A CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR—HIS DEFEAT REALLY A PERSONAL TRIUMPH—IN RETIREMENT, SUPPORTS GENERAL PIERCE’S ELECTION—DECLINES AN APPOINTMENT IN PIERCE’S CABINET, BUT SUBSEQUENTLY ACCEPTS SECRETARYSHIP OF WAR—REMARKABLE UNITY OF PIERCE’S ADMINISTRATION, AND HIGH CHARACTER OF THE EXECUTIVE— DAVIS AS SECRETARY OF WAR—KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL AND THE EXCITEMENT WHICH FOLLOWED—DAVIS AGAIN ELECTED TO THE SENATE—SPEECHES AT PASS CHRISTIAN AND OTHER POINTS WHILE ON HIS WAY TO WASHINGTON. CHAPTER VI. (Page 98-191.) [Pg vi] [Pg vii] RETURN OF MR. DAVIS TO THE SENATE—OPENING EVENTS OF MR. BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION—TRUE INTERPRETATION OF THE LEGISLATION OF 1854—SENATOR DOUGLAS THE INSTRUMENT OF DISORGANIZATION IN THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY—HIS ANTECEDENTS AND CHARACTER—AN ACCOMPLISHED DEMAGOGUE—DAVIS AND DOUGLAS CONTRASTED—BOTH REPRESENTATIVES OF THEIR RESPECTIVE SECTIONS—DOUGLAS’ AMBITION—HIS COUP D’ETAT, AND ITS RESULTS—THE KANSAS QUESTION—DOUGLAS TRIUMPHS OVER THE SOUTH AND THE UNITY OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY LOST—“SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY”—PROPERLY CHARACTERIZED—DAVIS’ COURSE IN THE KANSAS STRUGGLE—DEBATE WITH SENATOR FESSENDEN—PEN- AND-INK SKETCH OF MR. DAVIS AT THIS PERIOD—TRUE SIGNIFICANCE OF POLITICAL EVENTS TO THE SOUTH— SHE RIGHTLY INTERPRETS THEM—MR. DAVIS’ COURSE SUBSEQUENT TO THE KANSAS IMBROGLIO—HIS DEBATES WITH DOUGLAS—TWO DIFFERENT SCHOOLS OF PARLIAMENTARY SPEAKING—DAVIS THE LEADER OF THE REGULAR DEMOCRACY IN THE THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS—HIS RESOLUTIONS—HIS CONSISTENCY—COURSE AS TO GENERAL LEGISLATION—VISITS THE NORTH—SPEAKS IN PORTLAND, BOSTON, NEW YORK, AND OTHER PLACES—REPLY To AN INVITATION TO ATTEND THE WEBSTER BIRTH-DAY FESTIVAL—MR. SEWARD’S ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE “IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT”—MR. DAVIS BEFORE MISSISSIPPI DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION—PROGRESS OF DISUNION—DISSOLUTION OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY—SPEECHES OF MR. DAVIS AT PORTLAND AND IN SENATE. CHAPTER VII. (Page 192-232.) ELECTION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN—HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF THE EVENT—THE OBJECTS AIMED AT BY HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY IDENTICAL IN THE DISCUSSION OF EVENTS OF THE LATE WAR—NORTHERN EVASION OF THE REAL QUESTION—THE SOUTH DID NOT ATTEMPT REVOLUTION—SECESSION A JUSTIFIABLE RIGHT EXERCISED BY SOVEREIGN STATES—BRIEF REVIEW OF THE QUESTION—WHAT THE FEDERALIST SAYS—CHIEF- JUSTICE MARSHALL—MR. MADISON—COERCION NOT JUSTIFIED AT THE NORTH PREVIOUS TO THE LATE WAR— REMARKS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS—OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN—OF HORACE GREELEY—SUCCESSFUL PERVERSION OF TRUTH BY THE NORTH—PROVOCATIONS TO SECESSION BY THE SOUTH—AGGRESSIONS BY THE NORTH—ITS PUNIC FAITH—LOSS OF THE BALANCE OF POWER—PATIENCE OF THE SOUTH—REMARKS OF HON. C. C. CLAY—WHAT THE ELECTION OF MR. LINCOLN MEANT—HIS ADMINISTRATIVE POLICY—REVELATIONS OF THE OBJECTS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY—WENDELL PHILLIPS—NO SECURITY FOR THE SOUTH IN THE UNION— MEETING OF CONGRESS—MR. DAVIS’ ASSURANCE TO PRESIDENT BUCHANAN—CONCILIATORY COURSE OF MR. DAVIS—HIS CONSISTENT DEVOTION TO THE UNION, AND EFFORTS TO SAVE IT—FORESEES WAR AS THE RESULT OF SECESSION, AND URGES THE EXHAUSTION OF EVERY EXPEDIENT TO AVERT IT—THE CRITTENDEN AMENDMENT—HOPES OF ITS ADOPTION—DAVIS WILLING TO ACCEPT IT IN SPITE OF ITS INJUSTICE TO THE SOUTH—REPUBLICAN SENATORS DECLINE ALL CONCILIATORY MEASURES—THE CLARKE AMENDMENT— WHERE RESTS THE RESPONSIBILITY OF DISUNION?—STATEMENTS OF MESSRS. DOUGLAS AND COX—SECESSION OF THE COTTON STATES—A LETTER FROM JEFFERSON DAVIS TO R. B. RHETT, JR.—MR. DAVIS’ FAREWELL TO THE SENATE—HIS REASONS FOR WITHDRAWING—RETURNS TO MISSISSIPPI—MAJOR-GENERAL OF STATE FORCES—ORGANIZATION OF THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT—MR. DAVIS PRESIDENT OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES. CHAPTER VIII. (Page 233-265.) THE CONFEDERACY ESTABLISHED AND IN OPERATION—CALMNESS AND MODERATION OF THE SOUTH—THE MONTGOMERY CONSTITUTION—THE IMPROVEMENTS UPON THE FEDERAL INSTRUMENT—POPULAR DELIGHT AT THE SELECTION OF MR. DAVIS AS PRESIDENT—MOTIVES OF HIS ACCEPTANCE—HIS PREFERENCE FOR THE ARMY—DAVIS THE SYMBOL OF SOUTHERN CHARACTER AND HOPES—ON HIS WAY TO MONTGOMERY—A CONTRAST—INAUGURATION AND INAUGURAL ADDRESS—THE CONFEDERATE CABINET—TOOMBS—WALKER —MEMMINGER—BENJAMIN—MALLORY—REAGAN—HISTORICAL POSITION OF PRESIDENT DAVIS—THE TWO POWERS—EXTREME DEMOCRACY OF THE NORTH—NOBLE IDEAL OF REPUBLICANISM CHERISHED BY THE SOUTH—DAVIS’ REPRESENTATIVE QUALITIES AND DISTINGUISHED SERVICES—THE HISTORIC REPRESENTATIVE OF THE CONFEDERATE CAUSE—EARLY HISTORY OF THE GOVERNMENT AT MONTGOMERY—CONFIDENCE IN PRESIDENT DAVIS UNLIMITED—PRESIDENT DAVIS’ ADMINISTRATIVE CAPACITY—HIS MILITARY ADMINISTRATION—THE CONFEDERATE ARMY—WEST POINT—NEGOTIATIONS FOR SURRENDER OF FORTS SUMTER AND PICKENS—MR. BUCHANAN’S PITIABLE POLICY—THE ISSUE OF PEACE OR WAR—PERFIDIOUS COURSE OF THE LINCOLN ADMINISTRATION—MR. SEWARD’S DALLIANCE WITH THE CONFEDERATE COMMISSIONERS—HIS DECEPTIONS—THE EXPEDITION TO PROVISION THE GARRISON OF SUMTER—REDUCTION OF THE FORT—WAR—GUILT OF THE NORTH—ITS RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WAR. CHAPTER IX. (Page 266-293.) [Pg viii] [Pg ix] EVENTS CONSEQUENT UPON THE BOMBARDMENT OF FORT SUMTER—MR. LINCOLN BEGINS THE WAR BY USURPATION—THE BORDER STATES—CONTINUED DUPLICITY OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT—VIRGINIA JOINS THE COTTON STATES—AFFAIRS IN MARYLAND, MISSOURI, AND KENTUCKY—UNPROMISING PHASES OF THE SITUATION, AFFECTING THE PROSPECTS OF THE SOUTH—DIVISIONS IN SOUTHERN SENTIMENT—THE NORTHERN DEMOCRACY—PRESIDENT DAVIS’ ANTICIPATIONS REALIZED—HIS RESPONSE TO MR. LINCOLN’S PROCLAMATION OF WAR—PUBLIC ENTHUSIASM IN THE SOUTH—PRESIDENT DAVIS’ MESSAGE—VIRGINIA THE FLANDERS OF THE WAR—REMOVAL OF THE CONFEDERATE CAPITAL TO RICHMOND—POLICY OF THAT STEP CONSIDERED—POPULAR REGARD FOR MR. DAVIS IN VIRGINIA—ACTION OF THE VIRGINIAN AUTHORITIES— NORTH CAROLINA; HER NOBLE CONDUCT, AND EFFICIENT AID TO THE CONFEDERACY—MILITARY PREPARATIONS IN VIRGINIA—GENERAL LEE—HIS SERVICES IN THE EARLY MONTHS OF THE WAR—MINOR ENGAGEMENTS—PREPARATIONS FOR THE GREAT STRUGGLE IN VIRGINIA—AN IMPORTANT HISTORICAL QUESTION—CHARGES AGAINST MR. DAVIS CONSIDERED—HIS STATESMAN-LIKE PREVISION—DID HE ANTICIPATE AND PROVIDE FOR WAR?—WHEN MR. DAVIS’ RESPONSIBILITY BEGAN—HIS ENERGETIC PREPARATION—THE PREVAILING SENTIMENT AT MONTGOMERY AS TO THE WAR—QUOTATIONS FROM GENERAL EARLY AND GENERAL VON MOLKTE. CHAPTER X. (Page 294-325.) CHARACTERISTICS OF THE WAR IN 1861—THE TWO GOVERNMENTS MORE DIRECTLY CONNECTED WITH RESULTS IN THE FIELD THAN AT SUBSEQUENT PERIODS—MR. DAVIS’ CONNECTION WITH THE MILITARY POLICY OF THE CONFEDERACY—THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT ADOPTS, IN THE MAIN, THE DEFENSIVE POLICY OF THE VIRGINIAN AUTHORITIES—FEDERAL PREPARATIONS—GENERAL SCOTT—DEFENSIVE PLANS OF THE CONFEDERATES—DISTRIBUTION OF THEIR FORCES—THE CONFEDERATE CAMPAIGN OF 1861 JUSTIFIED— DISTRIBUTION OF THE FEDERAL FORCES—PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN—GENERALS PATTERSON AND JOHNSTON—JUNCTION OF BEAUREGARD AND JOHNSTON—MANASSAS—PRESIDENT DAVIS ON THE BATTLE- FIELD—HIS DISPATCH—HIS RETURN TO RICHMOND—A SPEECH NEVER PUBLISHED BEFORE—REFLECTIONS UPON THE RESULTS OF MANASSAS—MR. DAVIS NOT RESPONSIBLE FOR THE ABSENCE OF PURSUIT—STONEWALL JACKSON’S VIEWS—DAVIS IN FAVOR OF PURSUIT OF THE FEDERALS—MISREPRESENTATIONS—MILITARY MOVEMENTS IN VARIOUS QUARTERS—THE “TRENT AFFAIR”—RESULTS OF THE FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR. CHAPTER XI. (Page 326-360.) PROSPECTS AT THE BEGINNING OF 1862—EXTREME CONFIDENCE OF THE SOUTH—EXTRAVAGANT EXPECTATIONS—THE RICHMOND EXAMINER ON CONFEDERATE PROSPECTS—WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES PREDICTED—THE BLOCKADE TO BE RAISED—THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY DECREED BY HEAVEN—RESULT OF THE BOASTFUL TONE OF THE SOUTHERN PRESS—THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT NOT RESPONSIBLE FOR THE DISASTERS OF 1862—PRESIDENT DAVIS URGES PREPARATION FOR A LONG WAR—HIS WISE OPPOSITION TO SHORT ENLISTMENTS OF TROOPS—PREMONITIONS OF MISFORTUNES IN THE WEST—THE CONFEDERATE FORCES IN KENTUCKY—GENERAL ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTON—HIS CAREER BEFORE THE WAR— CHARACTER—APPEARANCE—THE FRIEND OF JEFFERSON DAVIS—MUTUAL ESTEEM—SIDNEY JOHNSTON IN KENTUCKY—HIS PLANS—HIS DIFFICULTIES—THE FORCES OF GRANT AND BUELL—CRUEL DILEMMA OF GENERAL SIDNEY JOHNSTON—A REVERSE—GRANT CAPTURES FORTS HENRY AND DONELSON—LOSS OF KENTUCKY AND TENNESSEE—FEDERAL DESIGNS IN THE EAST—BURNSIDE CAPTURES ROANOKE ISLAND— SERIOUS NATURE OF THESE REVERSES—POPULAR DISAPPOINTMENT—ORGANIZED OPPOSITION TO THE CONFEDERATE ADMINISTRATION—CHARACTER AND MOTIVES OF THIS OPPOSITION—AN EFFORT TO REVOLUTIONIZE PRESIDENT DAVIS’ CABINET—ASSAULTS UPON SECRETARIES BENJAMIN AND MALLORY— CORRECT EXPLANATION OF THE CONFEDERATE REVERSES—CONGRESSIONAL CENSURE OF MR. BENJAMIN— SECRETARY MALLORY—CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOUTHERN MIND—THE PERMANENT GOVERNMENT— SECOND INAUGURATION OF MR. DAVIS—SEVERITY OF THE SEASON—THE CEREMONIES—APPEARANCE OF PRESIDENT DAVIS—HIS INAUGURAL ADDRESS—ITS EFFECT—POPULAR RE-ASSURANCE—MESSAGE TO CONGRESS—COMMENTS OF RICHMOND PRESS. CHAPTER XII. (Page 361-389.) POPULAR DELUSIONS IN THE EARLY STAGES OF THE WAR—A FEW CONFLICTS AND SACRIFICES NOT SUFFICIENT—MORE POSITIVE RECOGNITION OF MR. DAVIS’ VIEWS—HIS CANDID AND PROPHETIC ANNOUNCEMENTS—MILITARY REFORMS—CONSCRIPTION LAW OF THE CONFEDERACY—THE PRESIDENT’S VIEWS AND COURSE AS TO THIS LAW—HIS CONSISTENT REGARD FOR CIVIL LIBERTY AND OPPOSITION TO CENTRALIZATION—RECOMMENDS CONSCRIPTION—BENEFICIAL RESULTS OF THE LAW—GENERAL LEE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, “UNDER THE PRESIDENT”—NATURE OF THE APPOINTMENT—FALSE IMPRESSIONS CORRECTED—MR. DAVIS’ CONFIDENCE IN LEE, DESPITE POPULAR CENSURE OF THE LATTER—CHANGES IN THE CABINET—MR. BENJAMIN’S MANAGEMENT OF THE WAR OFFICE—DIFFICULTIES OF THAT POSITION—THE CHARGE OF FAVORITISM AGAINST MR. DAVIS IN THE SELECTION OF HIS CABINET—HIS PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH THE VARIOUS MEMBERS OF HIS CABINET—ACTIVITY IN MILITARY OPERATIONS—THE TRANS-MISSISSIPPI —BATTLE OF ELK HORN—OPERATIONS EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI—GENERALS SIDNEY JOHNSTON AND BEAUREGARD—ISLAND NO. 10—CONCENTRATION OF TROOPS BY THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES— FAVORABLE SITUATION—SHILOH—A DISAPPOINTMENT—DEATH OF SIDNEY JOHNSTON—TRIBUTE OF PRESIDENT DAVIS—POPULAR VERDICT UPON THE BATTLE OF SHILOH—GENERALS BEAUREGARD, BRAGG, AND POLK ON THE BATTLE—THE PRESIDENT AGAIN CHARGED WITH “INJUSTICE” TO BEAUREGARD—THE CHARGE ANSWERED—FALL OF NEW ORLEANS—NAVAL BATTLE IN HAMPTON ROADS—NAVAL SUCCESSES OF THE ENEMY. [Pg x] [Pg xi] CHAPTER XIII. (Page 390-421.) THE “ANACONDA SYSTEM”—HOW FAR IT WAS SUCCESSFUL—TERRITORIAL CONFIGURATION OF THE SOUTH FAVORABLE TO THE ENEMY—ONE THEATRE OF WAR FAVORABLE TO THE CONFEDERATES—THE FEDERAL FORCES IN VIRGINIA—THE CONFEDERATE FORCES—THE POTOMAC LINES—CRITICAL SITUATION IN VIRGINIA— EVACUATION OF MANASSAS—TRANSFER OF OPERATIONS TO THE PENINSULA—MAGRUDER’S LINES— EVACUATION OF YORKTOWN—STRENGTH OF THE OPPOSING FORCES BEFORE RICHMOND—DESTRUCTION OF THE “VIRGINIA”—PANIC IN RICHMOND—MR. DAVIS’ CALMNESS AND CONFIDENCE—HE AVOWS HIMSELF “READY TO LEAVE HIS BONES IN THE CAPITAL OF THE CONFEDERACY”—REPULSE OF THE GUNBOATS —“MEMENTOES OF HEROISM”—JACKSON’S VALLEY CAMPAIGN—A SERIES OF VICTORIES, WITH IMPORTANT RESULTS—BATTLE OF “SEVEN PINES”—A FAILURE—GENERAL JOHNSTON WOUNDED—PRESIDENT DAVIS ON THE FIELD—PRESIDENT DAVIS AND GENERAL JOHNSTON—AN ATTEMPT TO FORESTALL THE DECISION OF HISTORY—RESULTS OF LEE’S ACCESSION TO COMMAND—JOHNSTON’S GENERALSHIP—MR. DAVIS’ ESTIMATE OF LEE—LEE’S PLANS—THE ADVISORY RELATION BETWEEN DAVIS AND LEE—THEIR MUTUAL CONFIDENCE NEVER INTERRUPTED—CONFEDERATE STRATEGY AFTER M’CLELLAN’S DEFEAT BEFORE RICHMOND—MAGICAL CHANGE IN THE FORTUNES OF THE CONFEDERACY—THE INVASION OF MARYLAND—ANTIETAM—TANGIBLE PROOFS OF CONFEDERATE SUCCESS—GENERAL BRAGG—HIS KENTUCKY CAMPAIGN—CONFEDERATE HOPES— BATTLE OF PERRYVILLE—BRAGG RETREATS—ESTIMATE OF THE KENTUCKY CAMPAIGN OF 1862—OTHER INCIDENTS OF THE WESTERN CAMPAIGN—REMOVAL OF M’CLELLAN—A SOUTHERN OPINION OF M’CLELLAN— BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG—BATTLE OF MURFREESBORO’—BATTLE OF PRAIRIE GROVE—THE SITUATION AT THE CLOSE OF 1862—PRESIDENT DAVIS’ RECOMMENDATIONS TO CONGRESS—HIS VISIT TO THE SOUTH-WEST— ADDRESS BEFORE THE MISSISSIPPI LEGISLATURE. CHAPTER XIV. (Page 422-449.) RESPECT OF MANKIND FOR THE SOUTH—THE MOST PROSPEROUS PERIOD OF THE WAR—HOW MR. DAVIS CONTRIBUTED TO THE DISTINCTION OF THE SOUTH—FACTION SILENCED—THE EUROPEAN ESTIMATE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS—HOW HE DIGNIFIED THE CAUSE OF THE SOUTH—HIS STATE PAPERS—HIS ADMINISTRATION OF CIVIL MATTERS—THE CONTRAST BETWEEN THE TWO PRESIDENTS—MR. DAVIS’ OBSERVANCE OF CONSTITUTIONAL RESTRAINTS—ARBITRARY ADMINISTRATION OF MR. LINCOLN—MR. DAVIS’ MODERATION— HE SEEKS TO CONDUCT THE WAR UPON CIVILIZED IDEAS—AN ENGLISH CHARACTERIZATION OF DAVIS— COLONEL FREEMANTLE’S INTERVIEW WITH HIM—MR. GLADSTONE’S OPINION—THE PURELY PERSONAL AND SENTIMENTAL ADMIRATION OF EUROPE FOR THE SOUTH—INCONSISTENT CONDUCT OF THE EUROPEAN GREAT POWERS—THE LONDON “TIMES” BEFORE M’CLELLAN’S DEFEAT—THE CONFEDERACY ENTITLED TO RECOGNITION BY EUROPE—ENGLAND’S SYMPATHY WITH THE NORTH—DIGNIFIED ATTITUDE OF PRESIDENT DAVIS UPON THE SUBJECT OF RECOGNITION—HIS EARLY PREDICTION UPON THE SUBJECT—FRANCE AND ENGLAND EXPOSED TO INJURIOUS SUSPICIONS—TERGIVERSATIONS OF THE PALMERSTON CABINET—THE BROAD FARCE OF “BRITISH NEUTRALITY”—ENGLAND DECLINES TO UNITE WITH FRANCE IN AN OFFER OF MEDIATION BETWEEN THE AMERICAN BELLIGERENTS—ENGLAND’S “POLICY”—SHE SOUGHT THE RUIN OF BOTH SECTIONS OF AMERICA—CULMINATION OF THE ANTISLAVERY POLICY OF THE NORTH—MR. LINCOLN’S CONVERSATION WITH A KENTUCKY MEMBER OF CONGRESS—THE WAR A “CRIME” BY MR. LINCOLN’S OWN SHOWING—VIOLATION OF PLEDGES AND ARBITRARY ACTS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT—THE MASK REMOVED AFTER THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM—THE REAL PURPOSE OF EMANCIPATION—MR. DAVIS’ ALLUSION TO THE SUBJECT—INDIGNATION OF THE SOUTH AT THE MEASURE—MILITARY OPERATIONS IN TEXAS AND MISSISSIPPI—VICKSBURG—PORT HUDSON—LOSS OF ARKANSAS POST—FEDERAL FLEET REPULSED AT CHARLESTON—PREPARATIONS FOR THE CAMPAIGN—UNITY AND CONFIDENCE OF THE SOUTH—MR. DAVIS’ ADDRESS TO THE COUNTRY—IMPORTANT EXTRACTS—GENERAL LEE PREPARES FOR BATTLE—HIS CONFIDENCE —CONDITION OF HIS ARMY—BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE—JEFFERSON DAVIS’ TRIBUTE TO STONEWALL JACKSON. CHAPTER XV. (Page 450-476.) CONFEDERATE PROSPECTS AFTER THE BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE—THE MILITARY SITUATION—PRIMARY OBJECTS OF THE CONFEDERATES—AFFAIRS IN THE WEST—A BRIEF CONSIDERATION OF SEVERAL PLANS OF CAMPAIGN SUGGESTED TO THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES—VISIONARY STRATEGY—AN OFFENSIVE CAMPAIGN ADOPTED—THE INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA JUSTIFIED—CONDITION OF THE ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA AT THIS PERIOD—THE MOVEMENT FROM THE RAPPAHANNOCK—LEADING FEATURES OF THE CONFEDERATE PLAN—LEE’S STRATEGY AGAIN ILLUSTRATED—GETTYSBURG—A FATAL BLOW TO THE SOUTH —LEE RETURNS TO VIRGINIA—THE SURRENDER OF VICKSBURG—OTHER REVERSES—EXULTATION OF THE NORTH—THE CONFEDERATE ADMINISTRATION AGAIN ARRAIGNED BY ITS OPPONENTS—THE CASE OF GENERAL PEMBERTON—POPULAR INJUSTICE TO A GALLANT OFFICER—A BRIEF REVIEW OF THE SUBJECT—PEMBERTON’S APPOINTMENT RECOMMENDED BY DISTINGUISHED OFFICERS—HIS ABLE ADMINISTRATION IN MISSISSIPPI—HIS RESOLUTION TO HOLD VICKSBURG, AS THE GREAT END OF THE CAMPAIGN—HIS GALLANTRY AND RESOURCES —NOBLE CONDUCT OF THIS PERSECUTED OFFICER—A FURTHER STATEMENT—THE MISSION OF VICE-PRESIDENT STEPHENS—ITS OBJECTS—PRESIDENT DAVIS SEEKS TO ALLEVIATE THE SUFFERINGS OF WAR—MAGNANIMITY AND HUMANITY OF THE OFFER—PROUD POSITION IN THIS MATTER OF THE SOUTH AND HER RULER—THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT DECLINES INTERCOURSE WITH MR. STEPHENS—EXPLANATION OF ITS MOTIVES— CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MESSRS. DAVIS AND STEPHENS. CHAPTER XVI. (Page 477-501.) [Pg xii] [Pg xiii] [Pg xiv] OPERATIONS OF GENERAL TAYLOR IN LOUISIANA—THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY IRRECOVERABLY LOST TO THE CONFEDERACY—FEDERALS FOILED AT CHARLESTON—THE DIMINISHED CONFIDENCE OF THE SOUTH— FINANCIAL DERANGEMENT—DEFECTIVE FINANCIAL SYSTEM OF THE SOUTH—MR. DAVIS’ LIMITED CONNECTION WITH IT—THE REASONS FOR THE FINANCIAL FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY—INFLUENCE OF SPECULATION—ANOMALOUS SITUATION OF THE SOUTH—MR. DAVIS’ VIEWS OF THE FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE SOUTH AT THE BEGINNING OF THE WAR—MILITARY OPERATIONS IN TENNESSEE—BRAGG RETREATS TO CHATTANOOGA—MORGAN’S EXPEDITION—SURRENDER OF CUMBERLAND GAP—FEDERAL OCCUPATION OF CHATTANOOGA—BATTLE OF CHICKAMAUGA—BRAGG’S EXPECTATIONS—GRANT’S OPERATIONS—BRAGG BADLY DEFEATED—PRESIDENT DAVIS’ VIEW OF THE DISASTER—GENERAL BRAGG RELIEVED FROM COMMAND OF THE WESTERN ARMY—CENSURE OF THIS OFFICER—HIS MERITS AND SERVICES—THE UNJUST CENSURE OF MR. DAVIS AND GENERAL BRAGG FOR THE REVERSES IN THE WEST—OPERATIONS IN VIRGINIA IN THE LATTER PART OF 1863—CONDITION OF THE SOUTH AT THE CLOSE OF THE YEAR—SIGNS OF EXHAUSTION—PRESIDENT DAVIS’ RECOMMENDATIONS—PUBLIC DESPONDENCY—THE WORK OF FACTION—ABUSE OF MR. DAVIS IN CONGRESS—THE CONTRAST BETWEEN HIMSELF AND HIS ASSAILANTS—DEFICIENCY OF FOOD—HOW CAUSED —THE CONFEDERACY EVENTUALLY CONQUERED BY STARVATION. CHAPTER XVII. (Page 502-532.) AN EFFORT TO BLACKEN THE CHARACTER OF THE SOUTH—THE PERSECUTION OF MR. DAVIS AS THE SUBSTITUTE FOR THE ASSUMED OFFENSES OF THE SOUTH—REPUTATION OF THE SOUTH FOR HUMANITY— TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR—EARLY ACTION OF THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT UPON THE SUBJECT —MR. DAVIS’ LETTER TO MR. LINCOLN—THE COBB-WOOL NEGOTIATIONS—PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF THE FEDERAL AUTHORITIES—A CARTEL ARRANGED BY GENERALS DIX AND HILL—COMMISSIONER OULD—HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE FEDERAL AGENT OF EXCHANGE—REPEATED PERFIDY OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT—SUSPENSION OF THE CARTEL CAUSED BY THE BAD FAITH OF THE FEDERAL ADMINISTRATION, AND THE SUFFERING WHICH IT CAUSED—EFFORTS OF THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES TO RENEW THE OPERATION OF THE CARTEL—HUMANE OFFER OF COMMISSIONER OULD—JUSTIFICATION OF THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES—GUILT OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT—MR. DAVIS’ STATEMENT OF THE MATTER—COLONEL OULD’S LETTER TO MR. ELDRIDGE—NORTHERN STATEMENTS: GENERAL BUTLER, NEW YORK TRIBUNE, ETC.—THE CHARGE OF CRUELTY AGAINST THE SOUTH—A CONTRAST BETWEEN ANDERSONVILLE AND ELMIRA—IMPOVERISHMENT OF THE SOUTH—DISREPUTABLE MEANS EMPLOYED TO AROUSE RESENTMENT OF THE NORTH—THE VINDICATION OF THE SOUTH AND OF MR. DAVIS—HIS STAINLESS CHARACTER, HIS HUMANITY AND FORBEARANCE—AN INQUIRY OF HISTORY. CHAPTER XVIII. (Page 533-562.) INDICATIONS OF POPULAR FEELING AT THE BEGINNING OF 1864—APATHY AND DESPONDENCY OF THE NORTH— IMPROVED FEELING IN THE CONFEDERACY—THE PROBLEM OF ENDURANCE—PREPARATIONS OF THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT—MILITARY SUCCESS THE GREAT DESIDERATUM—A SERIES OF SUCCESSES— FINNEGAN’S VICTORY IN FLORIDA—SHERMAN’S EXPEDITION—FORREST’S VICTORY—THE RAID OF DAHLGREN— TAYLOR DEFEATS BANKS—FORREST’S TENNESSEE CAMPAIGN—HOKE’S VICTORY—THE VALUE OF THESE MINOR VICTORIES—CONCENTRATION FOR THE GREAT STRUGGLES IN VIRGINIA AND GEORGIA—FEDERAL PREPARATIONS—GENERAL GRANT—HIS THEORY OF WAR—HIS PLANS—THE FEDERAL FORCES IN VIRGINIA— SHERMAN—FEEBLE RESOURCES OF THE CONFEDERACY—THE “ON TO RICHMOND” AND “ON TO ATLANTA”— GENERAL GRANT BAFFLED—HE NARROWLY ESCAPES RUIN—HIS OVERLAND MOVEMENT A TOTAL FAILURE— SHERIDAN THREATENS RICHMOND—DEATH OF STUART—BUTLER’S ADVANCE UPON RICHMOND—THE CITY IN GREAT PERIL—BEAUREGARD’S PLAN OF OPERATIONS—VIEWS OF MR. DAVIS—DEFEAT OF BUTLER, AND HIS CONFINEMENT IN A “CUL DE SAC”—FAILURE OF GRANT’S COMBINATIONS—CONSTANTLY BAFFLED BY LEE— TERRIBLE LOSSES OF THE FEDERAL ARMY—GRANT CROSSES THE JAMES—HIS FAILURES REPEATED—HIS NEW COMBINATIONS—EARLY’S OPERATIONS IN THE VALLEY AND ACROSS THE POTOMAC—THE FEDERAL COMBINATIONS AGAIN BROKEN DOWN—FAVORABLE SITUATION IN VIRGINIA—THE MISSION OF MESSRS. CLAY, THOMPSON, AND HOLCOMBE—CORRESPONDENCE WITH MR. LINCOLN—THE ARROGANT AND MOCKING REPLY OF THE FEDERAL PRESIDENT. CHAPTER XIX. (Page 563-589.) DISAPPOINTMENT AT RESULTS OF THE GEORGIA CAMPAIGN—HOW FAR IT WAS PARALLEL WITH THE VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN—DIFFERENT TACTICS ON BOTH SIDES—REMOVAL OF GENERAL JOHNSTON—THE EXPLANATION OF THAT STEP—A QUESTION FOR MILITARY JUDGMENT—THE NEGATIVE VINDICATION OF GENERAL JOHNSTON— DIFFERENT THEORIES OF WAR—THE REAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE SOUTHERN FAILURE—THE ODDS IN NUMBERS AND RESOURCES AGAINST THE SOUTH—WATER FACILITIES OF THE ENEMY—STRATEGIC DIFFICULTIES OF THE SOUTH—THE BLOCKADE—INSIGNIFICANCE OF MINOR QUESTIONS—JEFFERSON DAVIS THE WASHINGTON OF THE SOUTH—GENERAL JOHN B. HOOD—HIS DISTINGUISHED CAREER—HOPE OF THE SOUTH RENEWED—HOOD’S OPERATIONS—LOSS OF ATLANTA—IMPORTANT QUESTIONS—PRESIDENT DAVIS IN GEORGIA—PERVERSE CONDUCT OF GOVERNOR BROWN—MR. DAVIS IN MACON—AT HOOD’S HEAD-QUARTERS—HOW HOOD’S TENNESSEE CAMPAIGN VARIED FROM MR. DAVIS’ INTENTIONS—SHERMAN’S PROMPT AND BOLD CONDUCT— HOOD’S MAGNANIMOUS ACKNOWLEDGMENT—DESTRUCTION OF THE CONFEDERATE POWER IN THE SOUTH- WEST. CHAPTER XX. (Page 590-613.) [Pg xv] [Pg xvi] T INCIDENTS ON THE LINES OF RICHMOND AND PETERSBURG DURING THE SUMMER AND AUTUMN—CAPTURE OF FORT HARRISON—OTHER DEMONSTRATIONS BY GRANT—THE SITUATION NEAR THE CONFEDERATE CAPITAL— EARLY’S VALLEY CAMPAIGN—POPULAR CENSURE OF EARLY—INFLUENCE OF THE VALLEY CAMPAIGN UPON THE SITUATION NEAR RICHMOND—WHAT THE AGGREGATE OF CONFEDERATE DISASTERS SIGNIFIED— DESPONDENCY OF THE SOUTH—THE INJURIOUS EXAMPLES OF PROMINENT MEN—THE PRESIDENT AND GENERAL LEE—MR. DAVIS’ POPULARITY—WHY HE DID NOT FULLY COMPREHEND THE DEMORALIZATION OF THE PEOPLE—HE HOPES FOR POPULAR REANIMATION—WAS THE CASE OF THE CONFEDERACY HOPELESS?— VACILLATING CONDUCT OF CONGRESS—THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS A WEAK BODY—MR. DAVIS’ RELATIONS WITH CONGRESS—PROPOSED CONSCRIPTION OF SLAVES—FAVORED BY DAVIS AND LEE—DEFEATED BY CONGRESS—LEGISLATION DIRECTED AGAINST THE PRESIDENT—DAVIS’ OPINION OF LEE—RUMORS OF PEACE— HAMPTON ROADS CONFERENCE—THE FEDERAL ULTIMATUM—THE ABSURD CHARGE AGAINST MR. DAVIS OF OBSTRUCTING NEGOTIATIONS—HIS RECORD ON THE SUBJECT OF PEACE—A RICHMOND NEWSPAPER ON THE FEDERAL ULTIMATUM—DELUSIVE SIGNS OF PUBLIC SPIRIT—NO ALTERNATIVE BUT CONTINUED RESISTANCE— REPORT OF THE HAMPTON ROADS CONFERENCE. CHAPTER XXI. (Page 614-636.) MILITARY OPERATIONS IN THE EARLY PART OF 1865—LAST PHASE OF THE MILITARY POLICY OF THE CONFEDERACY—THE PLAN TO CRUSH SHERMAN—CALM DEMEANOR OF PRESIDENT DAVIS—CHEERFULNESS OF GENERAL LEE—THE QUESTION AS TO THE SAFETY OF RICHMOND—WEAKNESS OF GENERAL LEE’S ARMY— PREPARATIONS TO EVACUATE RICHMOND BEFORE THE CAMPAIGN OPENED—A NEW BASIS OF HOPE—WHAT WAS TO BE REASONABLY ANTICIPATED—THE CONTRACTED THEATRE OF WAR—THE FATAL DISASTERS AT PETERSBURG—MR. DAVIS RECEIVES THE INTELLIGENCE WHILE IN CHURCH—RICHMOND EVACUATED— PRESIDENT DAVIS AT DANVILLE—HIS PROCLAMATION—SURRENDER OF LEE—DANVILLE EVACUATED—THE LAST OFFICIAL INTERVIEW OF MR. DAVIS WITH GENERALS JOHNSTON AND BEAUREGARD—HIS ARRIVAL AT CHARLOTTE—INCIDENTS AT CHARLOTTE—REJECTION OF THE SHERMAN-JOHNSTON SETTLEMENT—MR. DAVIS’ INTENTIONS AFTER THAT EVENT—HIS MOVEMENTS SOUTHWARD—INTERESTING DETAILS—CAPTURE OF MR. DAVIS AND HIS IMPRISONMENT AT FORTRESS MONROE. CHAPTER XXII. (Page 637-645.) MOTIVE OF MR. DAVIS’ ARREST—AN AFTER-THOUGHT OF STANTON AND THE BUREAU OF MILITARY JUSTICE— THE EMBARRASSMENT PRODUCED BY HIS CAPTURE—THE INFAMOUS CHARGES AGAINST HIM—WHY MR. DAVIS WAS TREATED WITH EXCEPTIONAL CRUELTY—THE OUTRAGES AND INDIGNITIES OFFERED HIM—HIS PATIENT AND HEROIC ENDURANCE OF PERSECUTION—HIS RELEASE FROM FORTRESS MONROE—BAILED BY THE FEDERAL COURT AT RICHMOND—JOY OF THE COMMUNITY—IN CANADA—RE-APPEARANCE BEFORE THE FEDERAL COURT—HIS TRIAL AGAIN POSTPONED—CONCLUSION. LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. INTRODUCTION. ATTRACTIONS OF THE LATE WAR TO POSTERITY—MR. LINCOLN’S REMARK—DISADVANTAGES OF MR. DAVIS’ SITUATION—SUCCESS NOT SYNONYMOUS WITH MERIT—ORIGIN OF THE INJUSTICE DONE MR. DAVIS —REMARK OF MACAULAY—REMARK OF MR. GLADSTONE—THE EFFECT THAT CONFEDERATE SUCCESS WOULD HAVE HAD UPON THE FAME OF MR. DAVIS—POPULAR AFFECTION FOR HIM IN THE SOUTH—HIS VINDICATION ASSURED. O future generations the period in American history, of most absorbing interest and profound inquiry, will be that embracing the incipiency, progress, and termination of the revolution which had its most pronounced phase in the memorable war of 1861. Historians rarely concur in their estimates of the limits of a revolution, and usually we find quite as much divergence in their views of the scope of its operations, as in their speculations as to its origin and causes, and their statements of its incidents and results. If, however, it is difficult to assign, with minute accuracy, the exact limits and proper scope of those grand trains of consecutive events, which swerve society from the beaten track of ages, divert nations from the old path of progress into what seems to be the direction of a new destiny, and often transform the aspect of continents, it is comparatively an easy task to reach a reliable statement of their more salient and conspicuous incidents. It is in this aspect that the Titanic conflict, which had its beginning with the booming of the guns in Charleston harbor in April, 1861, and its crowning catastrophe at Appomattox Court-house in April, 1865, will be chiefly attractive to the future student. As a point of departure [Pg xvii] [Pg 13] [Pg 14] from the hitherto unbroken monotony of American history, the beginning of a new order of things, the extinction of important elements of previous national existence, embracing much that was consecrated in the popular affections; in short, as a complete political and social transformation, an abrupt, but thorough perversion of the government from its original purposes and previous policy, this period must take its place, with important suggestions of theory and illustration, among the most impressive lessons of history. The profound interest which shall center upon the period that we have under consideration, must necessarily subject to a rigid investigation the lives, characters, and conduct of those to whom were allotted conspicuous parts in the great drama. It is both a natural and reasonable test that the world applies in seeking to solve, through the qualities and capacities of those who direct great measures of governmental policy, the merits of the movements themselves. The late President of the United States, Mr. Lincoln, avowed his inability to escape the judgment of history, and the bare statement sufficiently describes the inevitable necessity, not only of his own situation, but of all who bore a prominent part on either side of the great controversy. Jefferson Davis confronts posterity burdened with the disadvantage of having been the leader of an unsuccessful political movement. “Nothing succeeds like success,” was the pithy maxim of Talleyrand, to whose astute observation nothing was more obvious than the disposition of mankind to make success the touchstone of merit. It is, nevertheless, a vulgar and often an erroneous criterion. What could be more absurd than to determine by such a test the comparative valor, generalship, and military character of the two contestants in the late war? Concede its applicability, however, and we exalt the soldiership of the North above all precedent, and consign the unequaled valor of the Southern soldiery to reproach, instead of the deathless fame which shall survive them. To such a judgment every battle-field of the war gives emphatic and indignant contradiction. History abounds with evidence of the influence of accident and of extraneous circumstances, in the decision of results, which, if controlled by the question of merit, as understood by the predominant sense of mankind, would have borne a vastly different character. But, in addition to the disparaging influence of the failure of the cause which he represented, Mr. Davis has encountered an unparalleled degree of personal hate, partizan rancor, of malignant and gratuitous misrepresentation, the result, to a great extent, of old partizan rivalries and jealousies, engendered in former periods of the history of the Union, and also of the spirit of domestic disaffection and agitation which inevitably arises against every administration of public affairs, especially at times of unusual danger and embarrassment.[1] The almost fanatical hatred of the Northern masses against Mr. Davis, as the wicked leader of a causeless rebellion against the Government of his country, as a conspirator against the peace and happiness of his fellow- citizens, and as a relentless monster, who tortured and starved prisoners of war, springs from the persistent calumnies of such leaders of Northern opinion, as have an ignoble purpose of vindictive hatred to gratify by the invention of these atrocious charges. Yet this feeling of the North hardly exceeds in violence, the resentment with which it was sought to inflame the Southern people against him, at critical stages of the war, as an unworthy leader, whose incapacity, pragmatism, nepotism, and vanity were rushing them into material and political perdition. Of popular disaffection to the Confederate cause, or dislike of Mr. Davis, there was an insignificantly small element, never dangerous in the sense of attempted revolt against the authorities, but often hurtful, because it constituted the basis of support to such prominent men as fancied their personal ambition, or amour propre, offended by the President. A misfortune of the South was that there were not a few such characters, and their influence upon certain occasions was as baleful to the public interests as their animus was malignant against Mr. Davis. Hoping to advance themselves by misrepresentations of him, during the war they persistently charged upon him every disaster, and do not scruple to impute to his blame those final failures so largely traceable to themselves. A patriotic regard for the public safety imposed silence upon Mr. Davis while the war continued, and a magnanimity which they have neither deserved nor appreciated, coupled with a proper sense of personal dignity, have impelled him since to refrain from refutation of misstatements utterly scandalous and inexcusable. The distinguished English statesman,[2] who, during the progress of the late war, declared that “Mr. Jefferson Davis had created a nation,” stated more than the truth, though he hardly exaggerated the flattering estimate which the intelligent public of Europe places upon the unsurpassed ability and energy with which the limited resources of the South, as compared with those of her enemies, were, for the most part, wielded by the Confederate administration. Nor, indeed, would such an estimate have been too extravagant to be entertained by his own countrymen, had the South achieved her independence by any stroke of mere good fortune, such as repeatedly favored her adversaries at critical moments of the war, when, apparently, the most trifling incidents regulated the balance. More than once the South stood upon the very threshold of the full fruition of her aspirations for independence and nationality. Had Jackson not fallen at Chancellorsville, the Federal Army of the Potomac, the bulwark of the Union in the Atlantic States, would have disappeared into history under circumstances far different from those which marked its dissolution two years later. At Gettysburg the Confederacy was truthfully said to have been “within a stone’s-throw of peace.” If at these fateful moments the treacherous scales of fortune had not strangely turned, and in the very flush of triumph, who doubts that now and hereafter there would have come from Southern hearts, an ascription of praise to Jefferson Davis, no less earnest than to his illustrious colaborers? At all events, it is undeniable that, as the Confederate arms prospered, so the affection of the people for Mr. Davis was always more enthusiastic and demonstrative. Only in moments of extreme public depression could the malcontents obtain even a patient audience of their assaults upon the chosen President of the Confederacy. [Pg 15] [Pg 16] [Pg 17] [Pg 18] J The people of the late Confederate States, whose destinies Jefferson Davis directed during four years, the most momentous in their history, are competent witnesses as to the fidelity, ability, and devotion with which he discharged the trust confided to him. Their judgment is revealed in the affectionate confidence with which, during their struggle for liberty, they upheld him, and in the joyful acclaim, which echoed from the Potomac to the Rio Grande upon the announcement of his release from his vicarious captivity. As he was the chosen representative of the power, the will, and the aspirations of a chivalrous people, so they will prove themselves the jealous custodians of his fame. Be the verdict of posterity as it may, they will not shrink from their share of the odium, and will be common participants with him in the award of eulogy. There is more than an unreasoning presentiment, something more tangible than vague hope, in the calm and cheerful confidence with which both look forward to that ample vindication of truth which always follows candid and impartial inquiry. That time will triumphantly vindicate Mr. Davis is as certain, as that it will dispel the twilight mazes which yet obscure the grand effort of patriotism which he directed. The rank luxuriance of prejudice, asperity, and falsehood must eventually yield to the irresistible progress of reason and truth. Bribery, perjury, every appliance which the most subtle ingenuity of eager and unscrupulous malice could invent, have been exhausted in the vain effort to make infamous, in the sight of mankind, a noble cause, by imputation of personal odium upon its most distinguished representative. Day by day he rises beyond the reach of calumny, and his character expands into the fair proportions of the grandest ideals of excellence. An adamantine heroism of the antique pattern; purity exalted to an altitude beyond conception even of the vulgar mind; devotion which shrank from no sacrifice and quailed before no peril, were qualities giving tone to the genius, which, wielding the inadequate means of a feeble Confederacy, for years, withstood the shock of powerful invasion, baffled and humiliated a nation, unlimited in resources, and in spite of disastrous failure, lends unexampled dignity to the cause in which it was employed. CHAPTER I. BIRTH—EDUCATION—AT WEST POINT—IN THE ARMY—RETIREMENT— POLITICAL TRAINING IN AMERICA—MR. DAVIS NOT EDUCATED FOR POLITICAL LIFE AFTER THE AMERICAN MODEL—BEGINS HIS POLITICAL CAREER BY A SPEECH AT THE MISSISSIPPI DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION— A GLANCE PROSPECTIVELY AT HIS FUTURE PARTY ASSOCIATIONS—HIS CONSISTENT ATTACHMENT TO STATES’ RIGHTS PRINCIPLES—A SKETCH OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE QUESTION OF STATES’ RIGHTS—MR. CALHOUN NOT THE AUTHOR OF THAT PRINCIPLE—HIS VINDICATION FROM THE CHARGE OF DISUNIONISM—MR. DAVIS THE SUCCESSOR OF MR. CALHOUN AS THE STATES’ RIGHTS LEADER. EFFERSON DAVIS was born on the third day of June, 1808, in that portion of Christian County, Kentucky, which, by subsequent act of the Legislature, was made Todd County. His father, Samuel Davis, a planter, during the Revolutionary war served as an officer in the mounted force of Georgia, an organization of local troops. Subsequently to the Revolution Samuel Davis removed to Kentucky, and continued to reside in that state until a few years after the birth of his son Jefferson, when he removed with his family to the neighborhood of Woodville, Wilkinson County, in the then territory of Mississippi. At the period of his father’s removal to Mississippi, Jefferson was a child of tender years. After having enjoyed the benefits of a partial academic training at home, he was sent, at an earlier age than is usual, to Transylvania University, Kentucky, where he remained until he reached the age of sixteen. In 1824 he was appointed, by President Monroe, a cadet at the West Point Military Academy. Among his contemporaries at the academy were Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnston, Albert Sidney Johnston, Leonidas Polk, John B. Magruder, and others who have since earned distinction. Ordinary merit could not have commanded in such an association of talent and character the position which Davis held as a cadet. A fellow- cadet thus speaks of him: “Jefferson Davis was distinguished in the corps for his manly bearing, his high-toned and lofty character. His figure was very soldier-like and rather robust; his step springy, resembling the tread of an Indian ‘brave’ on the war-path.” He graduated in June, 1828, receiving the customary appointment of Brevet Second Lieutenant, which is conferred upon the graduates of the academy. Assigned to the infantry, he served with such fidelity in that branch of the service, and with such especial distinction as a staff officer on the North- western frontier in 1831-32, that he was promoted to the rank of First Lieutenant and Adjutant of a new regiment of dragoons in March, 1833. About this period the Indians, on various portions of the frontier, stimulated by dissatisfaction with the course of the Government concerning certain claims and guarantees, which had been accorded them in previous treaties, were excessively annoying, and the Government was forced to resort to energetic military measures to suppress [Pg 19] [Pg 20] [Pg 21] them. Lieutenant Davis had ample opportunity for the exhibition of his high soldierly qualities, cool courage, and admirable self-possession, in the Black Hawk war, during which he was frequently employed in duties of an important and dangerous character. During the captivity of Black Hawk, that famous Indian chieftain and warrior is said to have conceived a very strong attachment for Lieutenant Davis, whose gallantry and pleasing amenities of bearing greatly impressed the captive enemy. After his transfer to the dragoons, Lieutenant Davis saw two years of very active service in the various expeditions against the Pawnees, Camanches, and other Indian tribes, and accompanied the first expedition which successfully penetrated the strongholds of the savages, and conquered a peace by reducing them to subjection. Though attached to the profession of arms, for which he has on repeated occasions, during his subsequent life, evinced an almost passionate fondness and a most unusual aptitude, Lieutenant Davis resigned his commission in June, 1835, and returning to Mississippi devoted his attention to the cultivation of cotton and to the assiduous pursuit of letters. Not long after his resignation, he had married the daughter of Col. Zachary Taylor, under whose eye he was destined, in a few years, to win such immortal renown upon the fields of Mexico. Living upon his plantation in great seclusion, he devoted himself with zeal and enthusiasm to those studies which were to qualify him for the eminent position in politics and statesmanship which he had resolved to assume. In that retirement were sown the seed, whose abundant fruits were seen in those splendid specimens of senatorial and popular eloquence, at once models of taste and exhibitions of intellectual power; in the pure, terse, and elegant English of his matchless state papers, which will forever be the delight of scholars and the study of statesmen, and in that elevated and enlightened statesmanship, which scorning the low ambition of demagogues and striving always for the ends of patriotism and principle, illumines, for more than a score of years, the legislative history of the Union. The period of Mr. Davis’ retirement is embraced within the interval of his withdrawal from the army, in 1835, and the beginning of his active participation in the local politics of Mississippi, in 1843, a term of eight years. The diligent application with which he was employed daring these years of seclusion constituted a most fortunate preparation for the distinguished career upon which he at once entered. There is not, in the whole range of American biography, an instance of more thorough preparation, of more ample intellectual discipline, and elaborate education for political life. The trade of politics is an avocation familiar to Americans, and in the more ordinary maneuvers of party tactics, in that lower species of political strategy which, in our party vocabulary, is aptly termed “wire-pulling,” our politicians may boast an eminence in their class not surpassed in the most corrupt ages of the most profligate political establishments which have ever existed. Statesmanship, in that broad and elevated conception which suggests the noblest models among those who have adorned and illustrated the science of government, combining those higher attributes of administrative capacity which are realized equally in a pure, sound, and just polity, and in a free, prosperous, and contented community, is a subject utterly unexplored by American politicians at the outset of their career, and is comparatively an after-thought with those intrusted with the most responsible duties of state. The political training of Mr. Davis was pursued upon a basis very different from the American model. It has been more akin to the English method, under which the faculties and the tastes are first cultivated, and the mind qualified by all the light which theory and previous example afford for the practical labors which are before it. The tastes and habits formed during those eight years of retirement have adhered to Mr. Davis in his subsequent life. When not engrossed by the absorbing cares of state, he has, with rare enthusiasm and satisfaction, resorted to those refining pleasures which are accessible only to intellects which have known the elevating influences of culture. Emerging from his seclusion in 1843, when the initiatory measures of party organization were in course of preparation for the gubernatorial canvass of that year and the Presidential campaign of the next, he immediately assumed a prominent position among the leaders of the Democratic party in Mississippi. At this time, probably, no state in the Union, of equal population, excelled Mississippi in t...