“Good Guys”: The Ethical Lives of Gun Owners Bradley Thomas Dunseith Under the Supervision of Dr. Meg Stalcup and Dr. Ari Gandsman Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfilment of the requirements For the Master’s of Arts in Anthropology School of Sociological and Anthropological Studies Faculty of Social Science University of Ottawa July 2016 © Bradley Thomas Dunseith, Ottawa, Canada, 2016 Abstract Gun rights activists in the United States have been incredibly successful in opposing state regulation and restrictions on firearms. Activists argue that violence in the U.S. will subside not through firearm restrictions but by allowing “good” people to continue to buy, possess, and carry guns who will then be able to stop “bad” people from committing violence. Based on participant- observation with a grass-roots, gun rights organization in the state of Georgia, this thesis critically examines what it means to be a “good” gun owner. I argue that gun owners cultivate themselves ethically by learning new skills which disproportionately prioritize anonymous human attacks as the most concerning threat to one’s physical and social integrity. I further show the implications of such a worldview as being enacted in gun owners’ everyday lives. ii Acknowledgements This document would have never existed were it not for the love, support, encouragement, and sometimes even (the needed) indifference from a lot of people I hold dear. Foremost, I would like to thank my supervisors, Meg Stalcup and Ari Gandsman, for the time, energy, and wisdom they both provided me – without them this thesis would be a lot more boring (as would I). And thanks to my committee members, Julie Laplante and David Jaclin, for always being available and taking a genuine interest in my work (even when I was unsure what that work exactly was). I feel privileged to have been amidst such energetic and dynamic thinkers. Thanks to Antoine Przybylak-Brouillard for being an incredible friend and staying nearby as I raveled and unraveled on a seemingly weekly basis (and thanks for letting me use your library login information the countless times I forgot mine). Thanks to Aissa Boodhoo-Leegsma for being the ideal study partner as well as for helping me to cut a small hole in the wall between our cubicles to better facilitate the sharing of grapes. I would also like to thank my entire cohort and acknowledge how lucky I am to have worked with them in these past two years. Thanks, really, to Neha Mahajan for the endless love and support you wrap around me even while living on the other side of the world. Thanks to both Mathias MacPhee and Liam Peet-Pare for insightful comments on early drafts of this thesis. Thanks also to Pallavi Kache for being a supportive and all around great roommate during my time in Atlanta. A big obvious thanks to the love from my parents Lillian and Mark as well as from my beautiful sister, Emily. And thanks, especially, to the gun owners and gun rights activists who I met and got to know while conducting fieldwork – particularly Patrick and Tony who forced me to ask a lot of hard questions to myself and my project. I would also like to apologize to everyone I have met at a party in the last year who made the mistake of asking me what I do research on. I understand now that most people do not go to parties to hear about gun ownership and rights for over an hour. Finally, if such an act matters at all, I would like to dedicate this thesis to the memory of Sharmila Rege. You are sorely missed. This research was funded by the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada. iii Table of Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………1 Research Aims and Questions…………………………………………………………….3 Methodology………………………………………………………………………………4 The Anthropology of Ethics and Morality……………………………………………….11 Freedom……………………………………………………………………….…15 Responsibility……………………………………………………………………18 Moral Resources…………………………………………………………………21 Everyday Action and Moral Reflection………………………………………….23 Chapter One: Skill……………………………………………………………………………...28 “The two sides of ‘Good’ in learning to be a good gun owner: competency and ethical cultivation…………………………………………………………………....30 “Keeping your head on a swivel”: situational awareness and the forefronting of threat……………………………………………………………………..38 Balancing defence and responsibility: becoming a safe gun owner…………………..…43 From good gun owner to legal gun owner to real gun owner……………………………48 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….55 Chapter Two: Moral World Views………………………………………………………...….56 Moral Landscapes: from the safe neighbourhood to the dangerous city…..…………….57 “Refuse to be a Victim” and the emphasis on anonymous crime………………………..65 Sheep, Wolves, and Sheepdogs………………………………………………………….67 “The Life you save might be Your Own”: self-defence is for self-defence……………...75 Moral and natural rights to self-defence………………………………………………....76 With Great Responsibility, Comes Great Power………………………………………...84 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….86 Chapter Three: The Everyday and the (Self-Defence) Moment………………………….…87 “If I could, I’d be at the Firing Range Every Day”: the relationship between firearm enthusiasm and defence…………………………………………..........89 Self-Defence Routines…………………………………………………………………...94 The Unbounded Nature of a Threat: wearing your “Good Guy” shirt…………………..97 Telling Stories, Making Norms………………………………………………………....104 Conclusion: The moral absolution of a self-defence moment………………………….113 Conclusion……………………………….…………………………………………………….117 References……………………………………………………………………...………………122 Appendix.....................................................................................................................................133 iv Introduction Nick stepped out of his vehicle as a man came up from behind him and put what police later identified as a paring knife against his neck. A second man then materialized in front of Nick and demanded his wallet and car keys. Thinking quickly, Nick managed to push the man with the knife far enough away so that he could draw his concealed revolver. Nick then proceeded to fire three shots into the assailant’s body. The second man fled and Nick holstered his revolver. A nearby police cruiser heard the fired shots and quickly arrived. Only twenty-two at the time, Nick had spent the night playing Dungeons and Dragons with some friends to celebrate their last day of college a few hours before the attack. The police arrived and Nick put his hands in the air, telling them that the men had tried to rob him and that he had defended himself. The police disarmed Nick and briefly detained him in the back of their cruiser. Witnesses corroborated Nick’s story and a few minutes later he was taken to the hospital for a few stitches on his neck and wrist from the paring knife. All that remained was for Nick to fill out a police report and then wait for the Georgia Bureau of Investigation (GBI) to process the case and return his revolver. It took five months to get the gun back from the police and in the interim period Nick first borrowed one of his grandfather’s older handguns while saving enough money to buy a new one for himself – determined not to be unarmed (or poorly armed) while waiting for the GBI to process the case. After the shooting, Nick joined an online gun forum to discuss his experience and a sheriff in a nearby county offered to loan him a gun until his was returned. Another active member of the forum Nick went to for emotional support was one of the officers who had responded to Nick’s self-defence shooting. 1 That morning, Nick had written the last exam of his college career and in the evening he had killed a stranger in self-defence. When I asked Nick how he felt about the incident a few years later he told me that it had not been a situation he wanted to be in, but that he had prepared for it. “I think I did fairly well,” he said. “And I don’t regret any of my decisions. I didn’t want to be in that situation in the first place but since it happened, I think I handled it fairly well.” Nick is the only gun owner I met while doing fieldwork in Georgia who has killed in self- defence. By the criteria of gun owners he did everything right: Nick had prepared in advance for a potential attack, acted quickly, and, after he was no longer in danger, holstered his gun instead of shooting the second assailant who was already in flight (and therefore no longer a threat). Nick best represents what many of my informants would refer to as a “good guy with a gun.” He was well-prepared for the attack, responsible enough not to allow anger or a sense of revenge to overcome him, and quick-thinking in a moment of danger. But, armed only with a paring knife, was Nick’s life truly in danger or was one of the assailants killed over a wallet? Many if not all of my informants would argue that the intentions of the assailants are irrelevant; that they were willing to put Nick in a situation for which he could feel his life was in danger is enough to merit the killing. And that a sheriff was willing to give him a loaner gun before Nick got his own back shows that at least part of the criminal justice system agrees. The United States of America does not require citizens to register legally purchased firearms and as such there are no official figures and no easy way to determine how many guns there are in the country. An approximation of the number of firearms owned in the United States has been undertaken by Cook and Goss by adding all the non-military firearms manufactured in the United States from 1899-2011. Cook and Goss then added imported firearms into the U.S. and subtracted firearms exported, and further subtracted 1% of the stock since 1945 to rule out 2 guns that no longer function so that “the current total is reduced to 245 million – about four guns for every gun owner” (Cook and Goss, 2014: 3). By this count, the United States has more guns than any other industrialized nation in the world while firearms in the US account for 30 000 deaths per year (Cook and Goss, 2014: 1). The Gun Violence Archive – a partisan database – already chronicled 4,127 gun related deaths and 8,336 gun related injuries and 88 mass 1 shootings in the United States from January 1, 2016 to April 26, 2016 ( The Gun Violence Archive , 2016a ) . Research Aims & Questions My research takes as its guiding question, “what does it mean to be a good guy with a gun?” The term “good guy with a gun” is often used in pro-gun rhetoric that argues the most efficient way to stop gun violence in the United States is not to tighten restrictions on who can own a gun but to actively arm community leaders and moral exemplars such as teachers, religious leaders, and regular citizens so that if a threat (or “bad guy”) materializes, a “good” 2 person will be there, ready to shoot. This thesis aims to und erstand how, with the use of firearms, individuals render themselves into ethical subjects and, subsequently , how this ethical labour change s the ways in which gun owners view and inhabit the world around them . How does ow ning and learning to use a gun change how gun owners understand themselves as moral and others as amoral or even evil? 1 The common definition of a mass shooting is a shooting in which four or more people (excluding the perpetrator) have been killed or injured. 2 Examples of this sentiment are endless. After the racially driven mass shooting at a historic African-American church in Charleston, South Carolina, Reverend Kenneth Blanchard publically said that the shooting could have been prevented if the Reverend Clementa Pinckney (who was also murdered in the attack) had allowed and encouraged his congregation to carry firearms (Hayoun, 2015, June 19). Three years earlier, in the NRA’s official response to the Sandy Hook School shooting, Executive Vice-President of the NRA, Wayne LaPierre stated “The only thing that stops a bad guy with a gun is a good guy with a gun. Would you rather have your 911 call bring a good guy with a gun from a mile away or from a minute away?” (The Guardian, 2012, December 21). 3 This thesis is organized in three parts. The first chapter discusses the kinds of skills gun owners actively cultivate in order to become (and remain) good gun owners. The second chapter illustrates the kind of worldview learning these skills produces. The third chapter shows how this kind of worldview is enacted in everyday life. The narratives around gun ownership remain for the most part masculine and obscure the role women play as gun owners. Based on these narratives as well as my own experiences in the field, the title of this thesis retains its gendered framing where both “good” and “bad” guys and the interactions between them are imagined predominately in masculine terms. In this kind of masculine imagining, bad guys exist and one must be ready to meet them with violence – whether this means staying self-reliant by protecting oneself, being a good father by protecting one’s family, or being a guardian for the public at large. The gendered implications and adjoining mentality are clear: women are rarely – if ever – criminals or heroes within the epic imagery of gun violence. Guns and the gun owners become a kind of “masculinist protection,” often reifying traditional roles and expectations of men and women (Young, 2003; cf Carlson, 2014). Methodology For two and a half months, in the summer of 2015, I lived in Atlanta, Georgia, meeting and talking to gun owners and gun rights activists. The vast majority of gun owners I met, interviewed, and spent time with are active members of a gun rights organization called Georgia Carry, a non-profit grassroots organization that has been wildly successful in pushing pro-gun legislature through the Georgia House of Representatives as well as courts through lobbying and litigating. Georgia Carry was started in 2006 in part by a former police officer transitioning into law. No longer a police officer and therefore no longer permitted to carry a gun with him at all 4 times, he realized how restrictive Georgia’s carry laws are for regular Georgians. Writing on a 3 popular pro-gun Georgia blog, the former officer made a call out to any other gun owners interested in becoming politically involved in challenging restrictive gun laws. Shortly after, a small group of men met at a local restaurant and drafted their concerns and strategies on the back of a napkin and Ge orgia Carry was born. Since 2007, Georgia Carry has been essential in expanding and deepening gun rights in Georgia . Georgia Carry was essential, for instance, in bringing in Georgia’s House Bill 60 (and later House Bill 492 which clarified and expanded HB 60) titled “The Safe Carry Protection Act” but nicknamed “The Guns Everywhere Bill.” Enacted on July 4, 2014, HB 60 allows licenced gun owners to carry their firearms into such places as bars, restaurants, places of worship, airport lobbies, and some government buildings. While religious leaders and business owners can prohibit guns from their premises, the offence for bringing a gun into a prohibited area became the same as not wearing footwear or a shirt when signage asked the patron to do so; similarly, carrying a firearm on a campuses changed from a felony to a misdemeanor. School districts may appoint staff to carry a firearm and felons are allowed to invoke the “Stand your ground” law if the individual feels their life is threatened, even if the gun they are using has been illegally 4 acquired. More recently – because of a litigation effort by Georgia Carry – a new bill that would allow licensed students over the age of 21 to carry firearms on campus (HB 859) passed through the Chamber of Legislation. And though Georgia Governor Nathan Deal vetoed HB 859, he waited till the fortieth and final day in which he could decide to sign, veto, or silently allow the Bill to pass. 3 Georgiapacking.org 4 “Stand your ground” laws make it legal for individuals to use deadly force in public if they feel their lives are in danger. However, that individual still may have to prove that their life was actually in danger. I thank Patrick for that clarification. 5 Georgia Carry has been so successful and efficient in shaping gun-related policy in the state of Georgia that, according to Georgia Carry’s Executive Director Jerry Henry, the National Rifle Association (NRA) even approached the group about becoming an affiliate – an offer they politely declined. In addition to lobbying and litigation, Georgia Carry also prepares informational pamphlets on current gun laws and maintains a regular public presence – attending as many events as they can including public BBQs, gun shows, municipal events, and Atlanta’s annual pride parade. My first experience with Georgia Carry occurred two weeks into my fieldwork. I met a member of the organization at a weekend gun show and, after a long conversation about guns and self-defence, he invited me to another event the group would be participating in the following weekend which was, incidentally, the Fourth of July. The Fourth of July celebration was being held at a bar in the neighbouring town of Marietta which had invited the organization to set up a table so as to inform the bar’s clientele about gun rights and current laws. As I looked up the bar online for directions I noticed a few reviews and articles that accused the owner of the bar of being racist for messages that he periodically displays on his outdoor signage (Wing, 5 2012, September 19) . Ekta, my roommate in Atlanta at the time, had agreed to drive me to the bar on her way to another party. Original ly she had planned to come out with me to see what a gun rights booth looked like but, as we sat reading abo ut the bar, Ekta decided to drop m e off 5 The bar came under heavy criticism in 2012 when their outside sign read: “I heard the White House smelled like collard greens and fried chicken.” The sign was taken down soon after but has been periodically replaced with other statements, including a large discount advertised on all pork items on their menu during the month of Ramadan. 6