DOUGLACSO OMBS THCEO NDUCT ---·----------- OFT HE DUTCH BRITIOSPHI NION ANDT HE DUTCAHL LIANCE DURINTGH E WAR OFT HE SPANISSUHC CESSION ,,. ,I· THE HAGAUNEDA CHIMOMTCAII LVIIl PUBLISHEBDY MARTINUNSI JHOFFP OR THEU NIVERSITCYO LLEGEO F GHANAP UBLICATIOBNOSA RD INTRODUCTION I The story of the attitude of Englishmen to the Dutch in the later seventeenth century - a story of the complex interplay of engrained hostility and growing consciousness of common interest - has already been told in some detail.1 With the death of the Stadtholder-King, however, the subject seems to have lost its attraction for the historian. Much has been written of the workings of the Anglo-Dutch alliance in the years that followed, but little has been done to relate the develop ment of 'official' attitudes and policies to the fluctuations and precon ceptiqns of public opinion. Perhaps the very intinlacy of the two countries for most of queen Anne's reign has made enqniries as to what one thought of the other seem of little moment.2 Such a view would be plausible enough: conflict is certainly more spectacular and often more revealing than unity.3 It is nonetheless obvious that the subjec tion of an alliance to the stresses of war may both reveal the underlying attitudes of the partners to each other and also invest their day-to-day reactions to each other's behaviour with a heightened significance. This is a trnism which the present study is designed to illustrate. The ultinlate object of this work is, throngh an examination of what 1 See below, Ch. n, pp. 16-17 and notes . • Something like this might be inferred when a notable study of England and the Dutch wars is concluded by a quotation deprecating the old hostility from a work published in 1701: C. H. Wilson, PI'ofitand POWM' (London, 1957), pp. 157-8 . • There is perhaps another and more fortuitous reason why no study of the British attitude to the Dutch at this time has been forthcoming. Similar studies for the seventeenth century h.ve been inspired not only by the rivalry of the two nations (and, later, by the advent of a 'Dutch King'), but also. and very largely, by the great influence exercised by the Dutch in this century on almost every aspect of English life: see G. N. Clark, 'Dutch Influences in NOTE ONDATING AND ABBREVIATIONS British History', De Nseuwe (rlds (October 1923); J. F. Bense, Anglo-DutcIJ RelaUons ... {The H.gue, 192")j T. de Vries, Holland's Influence on English La1tguage and Litel'at"" (Chicago, Unless otherwise stated, events within the British Isles are dated in old style 1916)j W. Cunningham, Alkn Immsgl'ants to England (London, 1897)j C. H. Wilson, HoUand (O.S.), and those elsewhere in new style (N.S.). A similar principle has been • ..-: Britasn (London, (1946)). By the end of the century this source of inspiration is fast adopted in referring to documents j thus in the notes, explicit indication of the ....p peariDg. as the tide of influence begins to turn. It is, incidentally, arguable that this proeeu 11 in some way connected with the decline of hostility. Certainly the period when the . Ityll uMd in dates of letters, etc., is only nonnally given when the place of origin illICIt Ratee! or apparent. Dutch were most emulated is roughly coincidental with the period when they were most o'n, , dIoIIked. TM •• of abbreviations used in the notes is explained in the Bibliography. 2 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 3 was being said and WIitten of the Dutch in public and private during by its rulers during the Anglo-Dutch wars to keep their people infor the War of the Spanish Succession, to discover what effect popular med of their country's cause and the issues at stake. Even Louis XIV, feeling had upon official attitudes and policies, and, on the other hand, in the latter years of his reigu, was not above sounding and even how much the politicians attempted, and how well they succeeded, in appealing to the opinion of his subjects.I But in no country did 'public the shaping and control of such feeling. It will be shown that the sub opinion' count for more than in England. 'Ce n' est pas ici comme en a jects of queen Anne adopted a common standpoint from which to view Angleterre', WIote Madame in 1712, since 'il n'est pas permis per the Dutch, a standpoint comparable for its near-universality (though sonne si ce n'est aux ministres de parler des affaires de l'etat'.2 A year for nothing else) to the hostility of bygone days, and that the judgments later Bolingbroke made the same comparison, pointing out ruefully to and attitudes formed from this standpoint played their part, first in Prior 'that in our country, it is not enough to do well, and to be able to preserving, and then in WIecking, the alliance of the Maritime Powers. reply, before impartial judges, to reasonable questions: we must be It will also become apparent that, even if the darkest days of mutual ready to answer the most absurd queries, that malice can invent, or animosity were past, anti-Dutch feeling could still be fostered and ignorance put'.3 For all its imperfections and abuses, the system of played upon with success for political purposes. The last years of the government by annual meetings of Parliament meant that the views war seem, in this respect, a sort of epilogue to the classic period of of the electors, at least, might play a real part in the government of the Anglo-Dutch rivalry. Indeed, the anti-Dutch propaganda campaign country. Even those who had no vote might exercise some influence, before and during the third Dutch war looks in retrospect like an particularly in London, where there were various means, behind all of amateurish rehearsalforits triumphant successor of 1711-12. which loomed the threat of physical force, of bringing pressure to This is not a study of Anglo-Dutch relations as such, though of bear on governments. course it has been necessary to say something of the basic and quasi The best evidence of the power of public opinion in English politics permanent assumptions of the English concerning the United Pro Is the pains taken by the politicians to mould and control it. Swift, vinces and their inhabitants. 1 N oris it the story ofthe Alliance, a subj ect with his unique experience in this field, explained the matter thus: 2 which is certainly crying out for re-assessment from the English side. A particular person may, with more safety. despise the opinion of the vulgar, One final warning to the reader: in a study of this nature, precise because it does a wise man no real harm or good, but the administration a great conclusions are not to be looked for. As Professor Laprade has so wisely l.rJ./; and whatever side has the sole management of the pen, will soon find hands enough to write down their enemies as low as they please ... written, 'for most of the questions that matter in a history of public opinion there are no certain answers'. 3 influencing of opiuion, in fact, had now become one of the essential of ministers and their opponents alike; and, since the publication parliamentary debates was forbidden, the only method open to 2 was the patronage of writers or subsidising of pUblications.4 We In seventeenth-century Europe popular opmlOn came to play an a good deal less about the mechanics of these operations than increasingly important part in public affait1'. The support and sym literary historians like to assume, but two things at least are clear: pathy of the governed - at least of that portion of them that could be that side by side with the literary patronage of Halifax and said to be politically conscious, and even, on occasion, of the illiterate ...,. .... and closely connected with it, grew up more avowedly propa mob - was coming to be widely recognised as a desirable or even ties between WIiters and patrons, and, secondly, that (in necessary instrument of government and of opposition. We may see 'ro:fessor Laprade's words) 'from the beginning, English newspapers this demonstrated in the Dutch Republic by the pains that were taken C.·G. Picavet, La DiPlomatk F,.anyatse au Temps de Louts XIV (Paris, 1930), pp. 320-1. 1 See below, Ch. I, pasn". . 16U., 317. • See my article 'The Augmentation of 1709: A Study in the Workings of the to Prior, I Sept. 1713, Windsor Castle, B.L. iv, p. 253. AIlIlo-Dutch Alliance', E.H.R., Ixxii (1957), p.642, 175, pp. 124-5 (my italics); A. Beljame, Men of Lettet's and tlse E1f,glish Public in the • W. T. Laprade, P ..W k OP''''01I.M PoUUt, in E;g1tteenth-Centwy Englatul (New York, CHU"", (London, 19.8), p. 212; L. Hanson, Govunment and the p,.ess, I695-I763 1_),p.27. 1936), pp. 2-3. 4 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 5 were primarily intended to mould opinion'.! The press was remarkably direct instigation of the politicians are not necessarily to be written free, but there were now incentives more powerful than fear of the off as so much hack-work. But the main justification for the use of pillory to influence pamphleteers and journalists, Indeed, in 1703 the ephemeral literature for the history of opinion must remain that ObsenJaior could deny the need for reimposing legal restraints on without it such history could not be written. There is no substitute, so publishing on the grounds that the ministry could never be injured by that the following assertion, made on the title page of a volume of the criticism, Somers Tracts, is no less than the regrettable truth: since they have a number of dependants, ready upon all occasions to write in The Bent and Genius of the Age is best known in a free Country by the Pam justification of their measures, nay to gild over the worst of their actions, and phlets and Papers that come daily out, as the Sense of Parties, and sometimes the give a fair colour to their most pernicious designs.! Voice of the Nation. I As a guide to public opinion the ephemeral pUblications of queen Anne's reign are therefore irremediably corrupt, Yet, taute de mieux, they are indispensable to the student of opinion, for without them the materials at his disposal would be impossibly limited, The better his knowledge of the aims and views of the politicians, the greater will be his faculty for distinguishing between what reflects opinion, and what is intended to shape it; but this, of course, will never be infallible, and a clear-cut distinction is rarely possible,3 It is nonetheless arguable that a little too much has been made of the influence of politicians on the press in the reign of queen Anne. It has often been assumed that the preponderant role of political topics in the writings of the period, resulting in the decline of so-called non-partisan journalism, was due mainly, if not solely, to the great power of political patronage and subsidies; and this has been duly lamented by the literary historians.4 It is broadly true, as Hervey noted, that 'all the good writing' of the reign 'was confined to political topics, either of civil, military, or ecclesiastical government', 5 but it would be surprising had it been otherwise in a nation divided against itself on two great political questions - the Succession, and the role of the Church in relation to the State. The issues arising from the conduct of the war and of the peace intensified this pi.o ccupation with political affairs. Given this background, even those works produced at the 1 W. T. Laprade, 'The Power of tbe English PrC$S in the Eighteenth Century', S0t4t" AUan"c Quarletly, xxvii (1928), p. 427. I Cited in Hanson, OP.c1t., p. 9 . • There are also considerable pitfalls of a more strictly bibUographic nature to imperil the histol"ian's use of ephemeral literature. For an authoritative sketch of these see Professor Mark Thomson's contribution to S. Pargellis and D. Medley, Biblwgraplly 01 British History, IiI4-li89 (Oxford,1951),p. 11. .. e.g. D. H. Stevens, Parly Polilia aM E,.gUslt JournalisM, I70:l-IU3 (Wisconsin, 1916). Apart from exemplifying the view that literature was 'perverted' by the politicians this book is of interest mainly for its unwitting demonstration of how little is known with any certainty ot their relations with tbe praI. • Cited tn Hamon, o;.ctI., p. 92. • s. ...., Tr4d" 2nd collection (1750), iii, title· page . THE BACKGROUND 7 CHAPTER I for example.! It is dubious whether the Englishman's mental picture of his Dutch neighbour had that uniquely English quality attributed to it by the Dutch scholar who found that 'all the qualities which the Englishman's philosophy of life made him despise, he called Dutch', THE BACKGROUND and again that 'the Englishman saw in us .... all the traits he hated to see in himself'.2 Nor should one conclude, from the special hostility of the English to the Dutch nation during the seventeenth century, that the Dutch were singled out from amongst all other foreigners for peculiar contempt. The traditional distrust (to use the mildest term) I of foreigners operated fairly intpartially, and we may be sure that the The story that is to be presented is, on the surface at least, one of Englishman's image of a Frenchman, say, or an Irishman, was no more constant change. The slightest alteration in affairs at home or abroad flattering to its subject than that of a Dutchman. was liable to be reflected in an alteration of the attitude of Englishmen towards their Dutch ally. That such changes were of no trivial nature 2 can be seen in the example of the celebrated writer on commercial matters, Charles Davenant. Davenant's attitude towards the Dutch First and foremost there was the belief that the Dutch were the richest during the course of the war was transformed from hostility to friend people in the world, since, as one traveller asserted, ship, and then back once more to a thinly disguised hostility. For all The Trade of the Hollandet's is so far extended. that it may be said to have no his time-serving, these fluctuations in Davenant's opinion of the other bounds, than those which the Almighty set to the World at the Creation.3 Dutch were but a reflection, albeit an exaggerated one, of those ex The great wealth that the Dutch gained by trade was a byword in perienced by very many of his fellow-countrymen. England, as indeed it had been throughout much of the seventeenth If the English attitude towards the Dutch was so liable to drastic century. Until late in that century it had been closely linked with the alteration its expression was none the less inevitably coloured by doctrine, sedulously propagated at the time of Charles II 's Dutch certain prejudices, preconceptions and assumptions which were as wars, that the trading interests of Britain and the Dutch Republic permanent as the attitude itself was ever-changing. It would seem were mutually antagonistic. In 1695, for example, a speech which wise, before examining the dynamics of this constantly developing touched on this subject was prepared for a debate in the Commons attitude, to essay a static picture of the more important beliefs which (though, in true Ciceronian style, it remained undelivered). This fiery thus affected the guise in which it appeared. oration warned Englishmen of the great danger in which they stood of Few of these beliefs, of course, were peculiar to the England of queen becoming 'a Colony to the Dutch', 'our Enemies in Trade, though Anne. They were much the same as those held by Englishmen for planted among us'. 4 many years past, and, indeed, many of them li'ad long since been more The cry that the Dutch were 'our Enemies in Trade' was still heard orless codified-above all by Sir WiIliam Temple and Sir Josiah Child.! In the reign of queen Anne, but it no longer had the power to stir Nor were they markedly different, especially as regards the character popular feeling as once it had done. This was not merely because and habits of the inhabitants, from the beliefs concerning the Dutch commercial jealousy of the Dutch tended to be overcome by conscious- nation that were prevalent at this tinte in other countries - in France, . ness of common political interest; it also reflected a growing realisation , R. Murris,LA Hollande et us Hollandais au XVIIe et 41t XV/lIe S,uus vus pa~ us Fran , Co H. WillOD., HollMt4 4114 S,4UH" (LondoD, (1946)), pp. 22-3, UlefullurvoYl of tb. Bri~ fM' (Paris, 1925), passim. Ma ,tttt1l4l towlf'" tbe Dutcb durinl the Mvtllteenth century may be found iD. ..., .. by • Cited in W. J. B. Pienaar, English Influences in Dutd Lueraiur' and ]"stus van Efte,. as _ ..... lOlao1an: Fruin', 'Do N..s.1aD.den del' SeV8ntionde Eeu", door 1 ••I ee .... Ge- ~l._"",,,,,,, (Cambri.dge, 1929), pp. 18-19. ."..'..f..t ( l'",~ _/NIt (Tbo H ...., 1901), pt. Iv), ODd N. B. Tolllloolt.'PuaGotton C.W.132, p. 51. See also pp. 12.27 and 120 . w. .. ,,- In. .' Gu./trl/Nlt (GroaiDpn·Botavlo, 19.9), pi. ij, • C.W. 147. 8 THE BACKGROUND THE BACKGROUND 9 that Dutch prosperity was not necessarily indicative of. English the Dutch as models of frugality and industry, urged that, like them, economic decay. In matters of commerce, in fact, the Dutch were no England should employ none but merchants and traders in govern longer greatly feared. Nevertheless, it was universally recognized that ment posts which were related to commerce, and hinted that the Dutch there was much that England could still learn from them. It was still government, in which, they alleged, there was 'the greatest Equality widely believed that the Dutch had discovered the infallible technique of any perhaps on Earth', was 'the most adapted for the General Gain of commercial success, the close imitation of which was necessary for of the People'.1 One of the several eulogies of this sort occurred in Peter any nation aspiring to this end. Thus, though the allegedly unsurpassed Paxton's Discourse Concerning the Nature, Advantage, and Improvement wealth of the Dutch excited enthusiastic admiration amongst some and 01 Trade, published in 1704. This illustrated many of the maxims that outspoken envy amongst others, nearly all writers on trade matters, it laid down by reference to the Dutch. Paxton did not deny that the whatever their political allegiance, agreed in advocating the emulation Dutch were still serious rivals to England in certain commercial fields; of Dutch methods and regulations as a means of improving the wealth yet he went on to give example after example of ways in which she of Britain. Even the most unbending Tories, much as they disliked the should do well to imitate them. It was industry, he declared, not the Dutch for the republicanism of their constitution, the unconcealed hoarding of silver, that brought profit in trade; the Dutch, he pointed Erastianism of their Church, and the memory of their late Stadtholder out, and those who had followed him to England, could not but wonder at who are a parsimonious and industrious people. put no restraint upon their Subjects in Trade, Silver being carried abroad as well as other Goods, and yet their prudent Administration, the Greatness of their Trade, their wonderful Parsimony, the Willingness of their People to undergo all kind of Taxes, and continue the richest nation in Europe. their Justice in allotting them as well as collecting them,l It was our misfortune, he continued, that the great inequalities in our Writers who held no brief for any other aspect of Dutch life or govern state made it impossible for us to induce people to consume only those ment were loud in their praises of Dutch commercial methods, urging goods that could be cheaply produced, English imitation of their great use of credit, their relatively lenient whereas in those Governments that do not permit such mighty Inequalitys debt laws and their government's concern for the welfare of trade. One amongst them, there is not the same Temptation to Luxury and Vanity. out of many of such authors was Sir Francis Brewster, whose New Of no people was this more true than the Dutch, the highest of whom Essays on Trade was published in October or November 1702. Brewster lived with parsinlOny and frugality. Thus, though they were rich they was no unqualified admirer of the Dutch; his book contains references lived cheaply, and were thus able to sell cheaply: to their shortcomings both as allies and also in their political institu The Dutch .... submit to the Use of such things as Necessaries of Life as are in tions, and to the dangers resulting from the great number of 'foreign' their Nature cheap, in that they are plentifully and easily produced. holdings in British funds. The burden .of his work, however, is the This admirable characteristic, he added, desirability of the systematic encouragement by the government of trade and manufacture, and many of his pages are devoted to showing does not proceed from any Natural Advantages that People have beyond their Neighbours, but that they are perfectly indebted to the Narrowness 0/ their that they arranged these matters better in thrDutch Republic. Their Country, and Nature 0/ their Constitution. encouragement of fishing, their frugality, their strict limitation of the salaries paid to public officials, their industry, their eschewing of The former was conducive to the concentration of population, which foreign luxuries, their admission of necessary imports without duty, In turn was highly favourable for manufactures, and made indus their eagerness to increase their population, and their practice oflaying triousness essential. The latter was praiseworthy in that it permitted by stores in times of plenty; all this and more won his praise. Their DO great differences in the qualities and conditions of the inhabitants; naval management, too, he found far superior to that of Britain.1 DO hereditary honours or accumulation of large estates were tolerated; Whiggish writers went eVel! further in their praises. They held up the upper classes lived simply; the laws were 'contrived for common advantage' because they were made in common, and were thoroughly 1 Ezamitser, i. 14,2 Nov. 1710. • C. W. 15, pp. 6-8, 34, 40-4, 6"", It. PI-2, a C.W. 165, p. xiii. . :,,··iiJ.·:i,:, .1~ 10 THE BACKGROUND THE BACKGROUND 11 executed because there was no division between the legislative and This advocacy of the wholesale development of the fishing industry, executive powers; and there was freedom for the exercise of religion which was often presented in conjunction with long disqnisitions and the entry of foreigners. 'For these reasons', Paxton declared, 'the concerning Britain's sovereignty of the seas, was not confined to the Dutch may flourish in trade, and abound in Wealth, beyond any of the adherents of anyone political creed. In October 1702 the Whig Obser neighbouring Nations' ; and he went on to advocate changes in English vator deplored the fact that this industry had been allowed to fall into laws on the Dutch model. His treatise is of interest if only because it the hands of foreigners, but added: shows clearly why a 'Whiggish' admiration for the constitution of the We have not lost that Right, nor have Foreigners a Legal Possession of our merchant Republic was so marked a characteristic of those subjects Fishery, which is altogether Neglected and Despised by us; and we cannot be of queen Anne whose livelihood was dependent upon trade and angry with Foreigners for taking up what we fling away.l commerce.l One of the main complaints of writers on commercial matters was, 3 as it had long been, the neglect by Britain of her 'Golden Mine', the fisheries off the coast of Scotland. The Dutch were much involved in Thus there was broad agreement between Englishmen of all political this matter since they it was, according to such writers, who profited complexions on the desirability of emulating the Dutch in matters of by this neglect; it was, indeed, frequently suggested that their virtually commerce, and particularly in their exploitation of the Scottish unChallenged enjoyment of the 'British Fishery' was the major cause fisheries. The subject of the constitution of the United Provinces, on of the startling rise to wealth and power of their Republic. The many the other hand, was one on which opinion was deeply divided. Though pamphlets written on this subject throughout the reign of queen Anne they might urge imitation of Dutch commercial practice, there were set out to appeal to British envy of the wealth which the Republic no other Dutch institutions that Tories could bring themselves to gained from what were properly, it was alleged, Britain's own resources. approve. Their nostrils were offended by the odour of republicanism, Often they disclaimed any intention of driving the Dutch completely and worse still to them seemed 'Dutch divinity'. By this term they out of the fisheries, but they always favoured the imitation of their sought to convey their abhorrence both of the Calvinistic religion of industry and their methods and prophesied the vast wealth which the Dutch and also, curiously enough, of the materialistic irreligion would accrue to Britain as a result. This, for example, was one of the which was for them so notorious a feature of Dutch life. To Whigs, main arguments of a pamphlet published in 1702 advocating the union however, perhaps the most attractive aspect of Dutch government of England and Scotland and dedicated to the Commissioners newly was the subordination of Church to State and to reasons of state. How appointed for this purpose. In the past, this stated, the Dutch had done admirable, they exclaimed, that the clergy should be subject to the their best to prevent such a Union for fear of thereby losing 'their control of the civil authorities; how praiseworthy, and how good for Fishing on the Coast of Scotland', and with reason, for not only did trade, that there should be freedom of profession for all religions. They this fishing employ a vast number of worker&in the Republic and bring were loud in their praise of the Republic as the home of 'toleration' it great wealth but it also served as a 'great nt!l'sery of Seamen': and, though the Tories sometimes challenged this assertion in order to gain a point in argument, it is clear that the Dutch were believed by The Dominion of the Seas consists in the multitude of Shipping: Shipping is not of use without Seamen; and Seamen are not bred without Nurseries, neither is most Englishmen to allow 'freedom' in matters of religion. Dutch civil there any such Nurseries in the world as Fisheries.; witness the Hollanders, who government also won the aversion of Tories and the praise of Whigs, for extent of Land, and number of Inhabitants are far inferior to England, and but in this case the latter were somewhat less uncritical - perhaps yet where the English have one seaman, they have three. and all those mostly bred by tbeir Fishin~ on the Coast of Scotland, where they Yearly fish with because, though they would have welcomed the introduction of the upwards of three thousand Busses, and every Boss yearly breeding eight Sea Dutch system of Church-state relations into England, their enthusiasm men; so that their three thousand Busses, if they have occasion, do yearly breed them twenty four Thousand Seamen.a for republicanism was more academic than real. It was realised that the Dutch government was by no means of that 'popular' kind for 1 C.W. 138, pp. 16,36-9,47,68-70. t C.W. 11, pp. 6-8, 15-16. :L 06.",,41101, i, 48, 7 Oct. 1702. 12 THE BACKGROUND THE BACKGROUND 13 which some Whigs had a sentimental regard, but rather of an oligar were averse from 'the Commonwealth Party' , owing to their veneration chical nature. 'The people', explained the Whig philosopher Shaftes for the late Stadtholder-King. Shaftesbury yielded to none in his admiration for king William - 'the very founder of liberty, our good bury, lawgiver, and establisher of 'our state' - but it was otherwise with are not perfectly represented; but thro' the ease and ~ecure of the Governmt, a William as Prince of Orange. ForShaftesbury, though not, he explained, few or a select number have the Administration of Affarrs.l for his less informed fellow-Whigs, 'Stadtholder, Governor, or Captain It is, in fact, possible to make a fairly clear distinction between a 'Tory' General' could be equated with 'any other form of tyranny'.l and a 'Whig' attitude towards the constitution and government of the If Shaftesbury's pro-Regent outlook was unusual even for a Whig, Dutch Republic. Even Professor Walcott, who has subjected the old Swift's antipathy to the whole theory and practice of Dutch govern fashioned dichotomy of party to some searching criticism, admits the ment marked the extreme of Tory opinion. I am not concerned here existence of 'Whig' and 'Tory' positions on certain issues." Nowhere can with Swift's reaction to Dutch opposition to the Tory peace, which these be found more clearly than in the realm of foreign affairs, above deepened this antipathy but certainly did not create it. Swift had all where the Dutch are concerned. Here admiration for, or aversion begun his career as a friend and admirer of the Dutch, but as his views from, Dutch government tended to colour a man's whole view of the on Church-state relations crystallised so his respect for the Republic Republic and its people. Shaftesbury explained this, though in highly diminished. He came to believe that 'toleration' should be strictly partisan terms, in a letter to a Dutch friend: limited to the exercise of religion, with not a grain of political power There is no need I should tell you that in all our nation the only lovers of ~olland allowed to dissenters. Any further concession, he believed, would lead are the lovers of liberty, called Whigs. The contrary party (the Tones) are to the deterioration of religion and thus of public morality. 'To have inveterate, and I remember a saying of one of the best and wisest of our latter patriots, who used often to give it for a rule, 'that if you would diS?ov~r a C?ncea~ admitted that religious freedom, in Locke's sense, was a positive good led Tory, Jacobite, or Papist, speak but of the Dutch, and you WIll find hIm out would have been to give up his whole argument on the proper relation by his passionate railing'.D ship between church and state .... Thus he was obliged to explain away The extremes to which these divergent attitudes could go are well the Dutch example'. So he argued that this example was irrelevant for illustrated by Shaftesbury hirnseU and by Jonathan Swift, whose England because of the wide differences in climate, culture and his views of the Dutch have lately been investigated by an American torical background; nor would it be wise to emulate a people whose scholar.4 For Shaftesbury, always on the alert for the inroads of basically commercial economy made them inferior to England with absolutism in Church and state in England, nothing could be more her essentially agrarian one. In any case they were not so 'free' in admirable than a country where these dangers had been SO success matters of religion as their admirers supposed. They had their national fully avoided, namely 'that wise Commonwealth of Holland, the parent church, and state employments were reserved for its members. Above and nursing mother of Liberty'.5 Moreover, its preservation of its all their constitution was not stable, their vaunted internal tranquillity 'perfect' liberty was the best means of preserving and enhancing our being due solely to external pressures. Remove the threat of invasion own.8 Envious of Dutch freedom in religion,' ..d unconcerned by their and its glaring defects would become apparent. Dutch government, commercial prosperity,S Shaftesbury was yet, by his own account, not in fact, was 'the worst constituted Government in the World to last'. typical of the Whig attitude in one respect. Most Whigs, he declared, favoured 'the Tory interest on your side' - that is, the Orangists - and 4 1 Shaftesbury to Furly. 13 Jan. 1708/9 (O.s.), Fors"', pp. 250-3. . t R. Walcott, English Politics in tlu Early IBth Cent",ry (Oxford, 1956), p. 156 and pass",.. Such questions were for those who took pleasure in considering the I Shaftesbury to van Twedde. 17 Jan. 1705/6, St. Giles'. Rand, pp. 347-52. .. J. Kent Clark, 'Swift and the Dutch', HMnt. Lib. Qwan., xvii (1953-4). What follows OD problems of government, but many subjects of queen Anne with little Swift is derived from this study. knowledge of such matters had none the less a firm picture in their , Shaftesbury to Jean le Clerc, B Feb. 1704{5, St. Giles', Rand, pp. 326-34. minds of the people of the United Provinces. This was a picture which, e Shaftesbury to van Twedde,loc.cit. , Shaftesbury to Basnage, 21 Jan. 1706/7, St. Gilesc', RIIM, pp. 372-7. • Sbafte.bury to 'Terelias', 29 Nov. 1706, St. GUes' ,Ibid.., pp. 366-9. 1 Sbaftelbury to van Twedde,loc.cU . 14 THE BACKGROUND THE BACKGROUND 15 in its essentials, varied little with differences of political allegiance. done on this 'barbarous' diet and distaste at the mere thought of a The distinction between Whig and Tory views of the Dutch 'national meal which did not consist principally of meat. character' was more of phrase than of meaning. As an explanation of These, then, were the most fundamental of the popular beliefs Dutch prosperity the Whig might point to the 'frugality' and 'parsi current in queen Anne's England concerning the virtues and vices of the mony' of the inhabitants, where the Tory would speak of their 'avarice' Dutch, both as to their persons and as to their institutions. The deve and 'greed'. In business, according to the Whigs, the Dutch were lopment of the British attitude towards the Dutch alliance would be commendably 'sharp', with an eye to the main chance; to the Tories governed by more immediate, if more transient, influences; but these they seemed dishonest and faithless. To the Tory the Dutch appeared basic assumptions and preconceptions would go far to determine the dull, heavy, flat, insensible - perhaps even clownish and downright terms in which this development was expressed. stupid. The Whig might deny all this; but was it really so very differ ent from admitting that 'the Dutch abound much more in Wisdom than Wit and Fancy, and are little vers'd in these more refin'd Passions' 11 Joseph Addison, atone time the self-styled 'Whig-Examiner', seems to have been struck by this aspect of the Dutch character. We find him describing the Dutch as 'more famous for their industry than for wit and humour'; again, 'they are a trading people, and in their very minds mechanics. They express their wit in manufacture as we do in manuscript'.2 There was little dispute that the Dutch language would 'scarce allow' em to be Orators, and much less Poets', and that neither the universities nor learning in general were very considerable .... in a Country where Profit is much more in Request than Honour, not being so much incouraged as Trade, which seems here to be arrived to a Pitch unknown to all the World besides .... 8 As-an English scholar remarked, the Dutch learning is generally at a low Ebb, & they certainly take the wrong Method in heaping notes upon notes. 4 They were thought, too, to be thorough, unmartial, patient, law-abiding and given to drink. Coldness was a quality often attributed to them, above all to their women. 'The women generally are sleepy enut', lamented one gay traveller, 'and keep a good.ustance, especially from strangers .... .'.5 When Englishmen contemplated the diet of fish, vegetables, bread and dairy produce on which, so it was said, these Dutch 'butter-boxes' lived, all political differences were forgotten as Whig and Tory alike were overcome by a mixture of amazement and distaste; amazement that any people could do what the Dutch had 1 C.W. 165, p. 38. I P. Smlthers, Ute ollosepl A44istm (Oxford, 1954), p. 68; Tatle" 129,2-4 Feb. 1709/10. • C.W. 165, pp. 47-8. . • J.lknDetttoT. Heame. 24 Sept. 1709 fO.S.), Humu. H, p. 268, n. • R, Kea.yon to Mn. KenyOll, May (17021). H.M.C. XIV pt. SII, pp. 428-9. CHAPTER 11 A NEW REIGN AND A NEW WAR (1702) 17 The events of 1688 themselves illustrated the change that had occurred; they would have been unthinkable twenty or thirty years earlier if only on account of the nationality of William Ill. Yet the ad vent of a Dutch king was not followed by any further movement of A NEW REIGN AND A NEW WAR opinion in favour of the Dutch - quite the contrary, in fact. It is true <1702> that England joined the Republic in her struggle against Louis XIV but many Englishmen came to regard this war as a needless and wanton expenditure of English wealth and life in the interests of the Dutch. English dislike of foreigners and 'foreign' rule; the personal unpopu I larity of William and his foreign 'favourites'; the fanli!iar tendency In 1674 the Parliament of England forced its king to withdraw from for a sense of obligation to breed resentment rather than gratitude; the war that he was fighting, in alliance with Louis XIV of France, against the apparent loss of England's erstwhile prosperity: all this fostered the Dutch Republic. Thus there came to an end the series of naval the belief that the war was being fought solely to enrich and aggrandize . and colouial conflicts with the Dutch in which the commercial rivalry the Republic, and brought about a certain revival of the always latent of the two nations had culminated. hostility to the Dutch.1 Desire for friendship with the Dutch played little part in bringing In the last years of William III - the years of peace - hatred of about the revulsion of feeling in England against the third Anglo foreigners in general and of the Dutch in particular reached a height Dutch war. Indeed, this arose from dissatisfaction with the domestic which it had never attained even in the blackest years of the war. When rather than with the foreign aspects of the king's policies. In the last the Commons defied the king by revoking Crown grants of Irish lands analysis, however, these two were inseparable: mounting fear of to foreign 'favourites' and disbanding the partly Dutch standing . Popery and arbitrary government at home did not sort well with army their success was assured; as van Alphen says, 'scarcely any connivance at the crushing of a free Protestant nation by the arch difference of opinion about their actions against the foreigners was to exponent of Catholic despotism. Perhaps, after all, the gravest and be expected from the people of England'.2 most immediate challenge to English interests and independence came The gentlemen of England felt little concern when, on the long-await not from the merchant fleets of the Dutch but from the armies and ed death of the heirless Charles II of Spain, Louis XIV abandoned his 'pensions' of le roi soleil. Gradually this conviction grew, and with Igl'eements with William III for the peaceful partition of the coveted it came, inevitably, a certain decrease in the intensity of anti-Dutch Spanish empire, in favour of the defunct monarch's will, under which feeling. In this sense, the years between the Treaty of Breda and the the entire Spanish monarchy passed to Philip of Anjou, Louis' grand Treaty of Westminster were a real turning-point in Anglo-Dutch So indifferent were they to the dangers consequent upon a Franco relations. They marked the end of half a century during which hostility •' ~Ianish dynastic union that William III was forced to acknowledge to the Dutch, born of commercial jealous1, had to all intents and as Philip V, rightful king of Spain. Not even Louis XIV's purposes become part.o f the English character.l Anglo-Dutch relations .ure of the Dutch Barrier fortresses in the Spanish Netherlands could now revert to their more usual state, in which, to use Professor wholly rouse them out of their indifference; but when the French Renier's terms, 'The political-strategic factor, which made for subsequent actions made it clear that he planned to stifle collaboration, .... overshadowed the economic factor, which made for trade with Spain and the Spanish Netherlands, and above all, divergence .... '.2 at the deathbed of James 11 he pledged himself to recognise his 1 C. H. Wilson, P,o!il and Power (London, 1957), pp. 143-4; G. B. Hertz, EngUsh PubU<: 'L'Animosit~ Anglo-Hollandaise all XVIIe Sibclc', Annales (Economks-S()(:iiUs- OptNkm a/Ut-till R,s#Qrlltion (London, 1902), Ch. 1. NIN_. .) ,1950, p. 47. 1'1• ,.G...' ,J . ReDier, GrMIJ BM.,. aN "u EsW01J ItsllMem 0/ tlte Ki",do". 01 rlu NllMrlllfflh, Alpltefs, prus''''' See also A. Browning, ut., English Historical DOCUmeNs, z66o-r7I4 (LondOD, 1930), p. to. There were, course, economic factors which tbemselveI 1953), pp. 24, 26. tMWtated. tbelt1Mnin&' of bOltWty: lee C. H. WilaOD, hofi4 111-"''' POfIJ,.,. pp. 15 ..... 5; Ph. de " ... ASPIu,., pp. 247 sfq., 271. ,~ . .'".