-,------:/- --., LIBERTY PUBLICATIONS MEVIA, PA. pub-U6heJL6 60Jt the. C.it<.ze.n6' Corrrrn.iA.6ion to Invuilgate. the. FBI Octobe.Jt 4, 1971 Ve.aJl 6Jt..i..e.nd6, By now, you .6houi.d have. Jte.cuve.d by 6bc..6t c.1.a..6.6 maLe. a 10" x 13" ma.nLUa. e.nvdope. wUh ne.aJl.iy thJte.e. pound6 06 docume.n.:tJ.J. It Wa6 place.d ..i..n a .6t:Jte.et. mtU.lbox on Bai:UmoJte. Pike. in Me.cUa ..i..n .t.Une. 60Jt the. pic.k.u.p at 9:30 AM on Monday, Se.pte.mbe.Jt 27, 1971. It Wa6 addJtu.6e.d to WIN Ma.ga.une., 339 La6aye.:t.:t.e. St., New YoJtk, N.Y., 10012 and boJte. OM Jtet.Mn a.ddJtU.6, Ube.JLty PubUcM1..on6, Me.cUa, Pa. It had twe.nty 60M 1M .6:t.amp.6 on li, a6 will a6 .6 e.ve.Jta.l "6-i.JL6t claM" mail .6ilckeJL6 . I 6 you have. not yet. Jte.cuve.d th..i...6, ple.a6 e. Jte.polLt the. 6act to the. pubUc and to the. U.S. PO.6m. Se.Jtvice., .6ince. the.n .6 ome.one. ha6 pJtobably be.e.n ..i..n:t.e.Jt6e.Jt..i..ng wlih YOM mttU.. A6 Jte.adeJL6 06 YOM Mne. ma.gaune., we. look 60ltWMd to 6u:t.uJte. ..t.6.6UU will palltic.ui.aA inte.Jtut, and hope. we. can woJtk togtihe.Jt 60Jt tho.6 e. ba6ic and con6t:Jtuct..i..ve. changu U.6 e.nila.l 60Jt a humane. .6 ocJ..e.:t.y • S..i..nce.Jte.lJj, UbVl.:ty PubUca.t..i..on6 HOME FOLKS marilyn albert eliot Inzer men__~ beth arnold jackson maclow lance belville dick margulls diana davies david mcreynolds ralph dl gla jim peck 4 : Introduction j leanh e floridtzie tIagadl riocohdaerdns k o 8 : From the Gtizen's Commission nell haworth fred rosen to Investigate the FBI marty jezer nancy rosen 10: A guide to a Typical Document dpeotreort hkylg elarn e mike wood 12: Glossary 13: Sources of Information 20: Internal Bureau Matters 25: Taps & Bugs STAFF 28: White Left: General Directives marls cakars debbie loewe 33 : WL: Samples from Particular In- s buusratno nc aIIkvalrts li knyd a woobmdr aiarny wmeasytoer UpeaceJ and freiedomu 40: vEessptiognataigoen s through nonviolent action 48: Black Left 52: Ghettos box 547 55: Riot Control Information Bulletin rifton, new york 12471 70: Black Students IN THE PROVINCES telephone 914-339-4585 73 : Right Wi ng 74 : Draft, Awol irlul t6h0 6d1e5ar) (5429 s. dorchester, chicago, WIN Is published twlce·monthly ,81: Misc. paul enclmer (712 w. 3rd st., duluth, except July, August, and January mlnn 55806) when it Is published monthly by Front Cover: Burton Levitsky s hetihg hftosl,d oyh. (io2 342421 0el6a)n d on dr., cleveland the sWuIpNp oPrtu bolifs htihneg WEamr pRires iwsteitrhs Back Cover: Robin Uirsen jim gehres (box 7477, atlanta, ga 30309) League. Subscriptions are $5.00 wayne hayashl (1020 kuqpohqku e4., per year. Second class postage honolulu, hi 96819) paid at New York, N.Y. 1000l. becky and paul (somewhere In new Individual writers are responsible mexico) for opinions expressed and accu- alex knopp (3609 baring, philadelphia, racy of facts given . Sorry-manu- pa 19104) scripts cannot be returned unless j moahsns k0y2p1e3r4 ()2 40 kelton st. , apt. 8, alston, satcacmopmepda nieedn vbelyo pae .s elfP-ardindtreeds seIdn, Much 1 & 15, 1972 paul obluda (544 natoma, san francisco, U.S.A., WI N is a member of the cal 94103) Underground Press Syndicate and Volume VIII, Numbers 4 & 5 lana reeves (101 bradford st., charleston, Liberation News Service. west virginia 25301) I.sure ,nough w, re",;"" the ".'...' f..m Uberty Publkadons (." oppo';" ".ge) and we a" more than pleased to share its contents with you on the following pages. At first we tried to find a book publisher to bring out this material-that accounts for all the time that has passed between September 27 and now-but that proved to be a fruitless pursuit so we decided to do it ourselves in celebration of , the first anniversary of that historic March 8, 1971, rip-off in Media, Pol. Although by now all of us at WIN are sick of trying to decipher murky Xerox copies, proofreading some of the worst prose you've ever seen and typesetting obscure serial numbers, we're proud of what we have here because, as you'll see, these documents reveal more about the dreaded FBI than any other single source. In a sense the important thing about them is not the specifics of what the FBI knows and does, but the fact that they are, as far as we know, a virtually complete collection of the "political" documents in that office on that day. While about half of these documents have already been released to the press and various organizations, the fact that they are now presented in full makes a difference. For example, if you are into "knowing the enemy" this can be a basic textbook in understanding the day to day workings of the FBI. If you're paranoid you can test yo .... paranoia against the fact of what the FBI really does know and what it doesn't know as revealed in these ptpers; For the merely curious there is a wealth of casual reading about riots, agents and informers. But for Robert Mardian, Assistant Attorney General in charge of the Internal Security [livision of the Justice Department, this issue of WIN , can only be an embarassement. On January 8, 1972, during an interview on the ABC documentary en- titled "Assault on Itivacy" Mardian was asked to comment on some excerpts from previously released Media papers. His response was that "You can't judge the FBI or its function on one statement or phrase taken out of one page of one document which is a part of a much larger investigative file ... I think some- thing like 25 pages, or if it's 30, have been disclosed, would indicate that the person responsible for the disclosure did it on a very, very selective basis." Now that 271 pages of documents (that'S before we set them in type) are out, what excuse can Mardian use to keep from answering questions? Will he stilt stand by his statement, made on the same program, that "I don't want to comment on specifics, but I would urge you to give the FBI the benefit of the doubt. The Bureau has been in existence, under M". ,l-bover at least, for 48 years. He's served eight Itesidents. I don't know of a single instance of polit- ical chicanery, of corruption, of any taint at all of the FBI." TECHNICAL MATTERS In putting this issue together we had a problem in that many names are named. Basically there are three categories of people that are referred to: agents, informers and "the innocent" or people whose activities and attitudes are being reported. With the first two categories there was no question-we simply printed the names as they appear in the documents. The third category was hard to deal with so, in general, we chose to delete last names and .tddresses (although there are exceptions where we felt that' the particular person wouldn't mind her/his name being printed, or where we checked with the person \' and got an o.k., or where the document and consequently the name had already appeared in the press). Because a number of people worked on the material there is no consistency in how a deletion is ex- pressed. In some cases the first name if followed by the symbol [-], sometimes (-) and in others it says {name omitted}. (I will only be consistent when I am dead" - Bertrand Russell). Also note that everything you are about to read, starting from page 13 - after Paul Jacobs' introduc- tion and the communiques from the Otizens Commission to Investigate the FBI - is the real stuff right out of the FBI files. WIN's comments are all enclosed in boxes and/or appear in this one typeface Every~hing else, to the best of our ability, is the prose of the FBI':" typographical errors and all. IN APPRECIATION Lots of people helped get this issue together but the assistance of Nick Egleson was most invaluable. Not ,only did he arrange the documents into the order in which they appear on the following pages, but he also provided us with a great deal of interpretation which we are passing on to you. Had it not been for Nick you would have been a very confused reader when you finished this issue. Also we want to thank Sandy Katz, one of the finest lawyers in any movement, who gave us lots of free advice and may be giving us a lot more before this is all over. Finally. thanks to the Otizens Commission to Investigate the FBI without whom this issue would not have been possible. Well done! We hope that this does some good. -WIN :J More than 75,000 fingerprint cards are received each day from all over the country in the massive FBI Identification Division at Washington. • In an old Yiddish joke, a wife goes alone to a summer hotel in the Catskill rvIountains and her hus- band comes, a few days later,to spend the weekend with her. When he arrives, she's sitting in a rock- ing c~air on the hotel por.ch, waiting,impatiently, for him. "Take me home right away," she says. "What for?" he answers. "You just got here." / "I don't care. Take me home." "What's the matter? Your room isn't nice?" "The room is nice." 'The swimming poOl is dirty?" "It's clean." "The help is snotty?" uf\Jc>." . "So what's the matter, then?" "It's the food." "The food is rio good?" '(No, the food is good. You wake up in the morning and a man rings a bell, so you go downstairs and eat breakfast. Rrst, you have a whole grapefruit. Then you have hot cereal, two kinds, or if you wa(lt, tliree kinds dry cereal. All with cream. Then you have eggs, soft-boiled, hard-boiled, scrambled, fried, anyway you want with toast. After that comes cream cheese and lox on bagels and a piece dan- ish pastry with coffee, tea or milk. Plenty. After you finish eating, you go sit on the porch in a rocker. Then right away a man comes and rings a bell. It's time for a morning snack. Maybe a cup bouillon or beef tea and crackers. You finish the morning snack and you go back on the porch and sit in the rock- er and the man comes and rings a bell, it's time for lunch. "For lunch, it's first soup, hot soup or cold soup. Then comes the fish, maybe with only one kind to 'pick from, but after that you could have three kinds meat with potatoes and gravy and four vege- tables with two salads. For dessert is fruit compote, cake, cookies, ice cream or maybe sherbert. After you finish eating,you go sit on the porch in a rocker and the man comes and rings the bell, it's time for afternoon tea with cookies. After tea, back on the porch, in the rocker, the bell rings, it's time for supper. It's a cold supper, only except for the hot borscht with the sour cream and potatoes. Also sour cream with the herring and then comes a big plate whitefish, also with potatoes and chesse blintzes, also with sour cream. For dessert, apple strudel and cookies with coffee. "So you finish eating the supper, you come back on the porch to sit in the rocker, right away, the man is coming ringing a bell for the bedtime snack. A glass ginger ale or celery tonic and a plate choc- olate ice cream." "So what are you complaining about? What's the matter?" "What's the matter? What's the matter is that they don't give you no time to take a shit!" No one in the FBI has time to take a shit, either, if we are to believe the Media Papers: the incredible I number of niggling bureaucratic procedures demanded of each FBI agent is overwhelming! All these years we thought our G-Men were out there tracking down kidnappers; pursuing, hotly, bank robbers; staking out the hideouts of Russian spies and making dogged investigations into the homosexual habits of State Department aides, they were really sitting in an office, filling out forms in quadruplicate and bitching about the latest directives from" Bureau," as FBI headquarters is always described. Qle such order, which must nave caused groans of dismay, was issued on January, 1971, requiring each agent to be weighed once a month in the office with an overweight agent forced ,to lose his ex- cess poundage and to "be weighed weekly by his supervisor until his weight is brought within Bureau standards." [page 201 . _ 0-, take anotner example of a typical memorandum [page 521 issue~ on February 29, 1968, to all the agents in the Philadelphia area, which included the Media office: the memo exhorted the agents to "de- velop a large number of additional racial informants," explaining to the agents that "In the inspection just passed, the Inspector pointed out, as we all know, that this is a problem of the entire office in s which every Agent and every squad shares responsibility." (The "inspection" and "Inspector" mention- ed in the memorandum refer to the dreaded annual efficiency checkup each FBI field office gets from the beadquarters Inspection Division.) The agents were advised in the memorandum that it is their responsibility "to learn, in advance. if this is humanly possible, if a'riot is planned or is expected to occur... Whether or not a riot does occur,' . the Bureau holds us responsible to keep the Bureau, the Department, and the White tJouse advised in advance of each demonstration... In addition, we must advise the bureau at least every two weeks of exrsting tensions and conditions which may trigger a riot. This type of information can only come from a widespread grass-roots network of sources coupled with active informant coverage by individuals who are members of subversive and revolutionary organizations." let's put aside, for the moment, the FBI's almost insane vision of how urban riots develop and fo- cus on the pure bureaucratic operations which the memorandum then describes as being required to carry out'the racial informant program. First, three types of racial informants are classified, with the most important being the "racial infor- mants (ghetto)" who are defined as "individuals, white and black, who live and/or work in ghetto type areas and are in a position to advise of activities, rumors, tensions; etc. in those ghettos. More specific- ally, they may be able to advise of the activities of individual trouble makers and rabble rousers." .. . Each agerrt is instructed, then, to "obtain at least one racial i nfor mant (ghetto)" from a Ii st of oc- cupations considered most likely to be open for recruitment - ghetto businessmen, janitors, barbers, taxi drivers, installment collectors. food Salesmen, etc. Then the "Administrative and Investigative Pro- cedures" are spelled out, for the agents, in detail; procedures guaranteed to drive anyone except a com- mitted bookkeeper absolutely mad. "Each prospect will be the subject of a new 170 case. Pertinent information regarding ad ministra- tive handling appears in the .handbook part I, pages 19i, 19i, 20, 20a and 20b. Notification to the Bur- eau appears on 19L The background investigation necessary appears on page 20 as does infOImation regarding 4 month progress letters and payment. Contact must be made at least every 2 weeks. An FD 209 must be submitted at the end of each month. Each contact should be recorded thereon with in- formation as to whether it was positive or negative. All information should be recorded by memo or in the FD 209, with copies for the files on any individuals or organizations mentioned. Information pertinent to the general racial situation should be designated for Philadelphia file 157-1214. ' . "Pertinent information must be submitted at once so that any necessary teletypes can be furnished to the Bureau immediately and information disseminated to the PD and intelligence agencies. "Regular contact should also be made with existing criminal and security informants and potential informants who live and/or work in ghetto areas or have access to pertinent information. Some of these should undoubtedly be converted to racial informants or racial infor mant (ghetto). There is no reason why such a person cannot also be given criminal or security assignments. The Bureau has, in fact, al- ready instructed this office to convert several such persons to racial informants . •• For your information, all of these sources, regardless of their designations, will be set up in an area breakdown il:ldex of 3 x 5 cards which will be maintained in the office of the No. 3 supervisor ... " Bear in mind, please, that all this paperwork had to be carried out for each individual informant the agent recruited . Now imagine the amount of paperwork involved when the Bureau increased the agents' quota of racial informants, as it did, and kept increasing it until, finally, each agent had to have lID ghetto informants! - Yhlat did happen, of course, was that the agents responded to these demands upon them in the same :way as occurs in any large-scale bureaucracy: they learned to manipulate the proced ures in or- der to survive. Thus, ex-FBI agent Bob Wall described how he and other agents selected names out of the phone books, listed them as their informants and wrote up reports without ever even contacting the individuals. And, presumably, everybody was satisfied because reports were flowing from each field . office into Bureau headquarters and sent on from there to the Justice Department and the White tJouse. The fact that most of the material in the reports was fictitious was ignored'by those who knew it and not suspected by those Who believed FBI agents incapable of filing false reports. It is precisely because the Media FBI documents show the FBI internal organization that they are so valuable. A sense of the FBI's politics, too, also emerges from a careful reading of these papers. In- deed, even the FBI's own vision of itself and its mission can be seen through these internal memoranda, Le., the breakdown of the activity carried on by this typical FBI office shows, clearly, what the agency considers its most important work : . . 40% Political surveillance and other investigation of political activity. Of the cases, 2 were right wing, 10 concerned immigrants, and over 200 were on left or liberal groups 25% Murder, rape, and interstate theft 7% Draft resistance, including refusal to submit to military induction 7% leaving the military without government permission , 1 % O'ganized crime, mostly gambling , . The assumptions behind this range of activities are simple. The basic one is that Communists threat- en, constantly, the security of the United States by engaging in a vast conspiracy to take over our go- vernment. . . . Thus,.the rationale for the FBI's justifying, the investigation of any organization and its leaders, as well is COMINFILT, meaning the possibility of "COMMUNIST INFILTRATION ." And the FBI sees the Communist conspiracy everywhere: in colleges and universities, for example, which is why the FBI agents in Media were i~stfucted to check all the campuseS in their area at regualr inter~als. And based on those checks, the agents were instructed to report, regularly, for each campus, on his current number of aademic or administrative "~urces"; the number of informers or possible informers; the identity of anyone able to provide "advanced" information on student agitation; a listing of the infor- mation which couldn't be obtained from the school and what the steps the agent proposed to "in- crease, strengthen and improve" their surveillance activities on the campuses . .. All these instructions were accompanied by an ultimatum from the special agent in charge of the Media office: "I want facts, not double talk. This information is not for statistical purposes or to measure RA accomplishments. We have a job to do and cannot get where we are going until we know where we are." rpaR;e 301 The ccinspiracy is also behind or involved with the civil rights movement, black militant groups and the anti-war forces. So the FBI must take steps to always know what is hapoenine in such areas: wit- ness the Media instruction to ascertain who are the "rabie-rousers" in ghetto riots [page 52]; the of- fice's investigations of those opposing the draft [page 74] and the reports from the Philadelphia Police Department about anti-war demonstrations [page 33] . j: Edgar Hoover's distorted image of the world is evident in the Media Papers, which are examples of how one .small FBI office responds to the bureaucratic pressures exerted upon it by the much larger organization of which it is a part. And the fact that the agency may be unbelievably inept at carrying out its self-selected mission ought not to comfort us: some day The Director will be gone, lifted aloft to The Great Racetrack In The Sky where no O:>mmunlst or Black Revolutionary will disturb his concentration on his two dollar three horse parlay, anda new director will take over, a less monomaniacal and more efficient one. Then, the country will be in far more difficulty for then all the FBI's incorrect assumptions about the nature of our society, assumptions which are visible in every page of the.Media Papers will be acted on and the Keystone Kops will become more like the GP~ or the SS. I And the dangers inherent in the operations of this large, heavily funded bureaucracy are extraor- dinary, for while the victims of most bureacracies are the members of the organizations( in the FBI, the victims are those outside it. . . We, all Of us, are the victims who are the subjects of the investigations; we are the ones whose names · are listed oh the 3 x 5 index cards. The directive to investigate any organization "organized to project the demands of Black Students" [page 70] meant 16 black student organizations in the Phildelphiaarea were put under some form of surveillance and infiltrated by informers who could easily become agent provocateurs. We are the Q,lakers, tooJ who participated in demonstrations ·at the Pentagon and who subsequently, according to another of these oapers. haq investiR;ations opened on them rpage 341 And a man named Qln {last name omitted} is one of us. Dan... telephoned a Black Panther Party Headquarters in Philadelphia on a day when all conversations in and out of the office were being sur- reptitiously recorded. The Media Papers detail the record of those conversations; including Dan's dis- cussion with a Panther member concerned an overdue truck rental fee. The four page memorandum about all the telephone conversations ends with an ominous notation - "ACTION: lN12£X, DAN ... [pages 26-28) . Ma~tin Luther King's FBI file number was 100-46230, according to another of the Media Papers. In this report, an informant is cited as advising that the 50th Anniversary of the Women's International Leag~e For Peace and Freedom was scheduling its 50th Anniversary banquet at the Bellevue Stratfora Hotel and that Martin Luther King was going to address the banquet. And lest any agent be unclear about how the Bureau considered King, the memorandum is headed "COMMUN 1ST INFl LTRATION OF THE WOMEN'S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR PEACE AND FREEDOM." [page 38) An equallYTevealing document included in this collection is the 1970 one [page 44) dealing with the "DEVELOPMENT OF SELECTED CONTACTS" program, abbreviated in Bureau jargon to DESCO. DESCO evolved, evidently, from a Pentagon directive requiring all industrial security officers of com- panies holding defense contr~cts to. ~Ie reports with the Pentagon "of the intention of any employee to travel to.or through a Sino-Soviet-bloc country or to attend an international meeting outside the · United States where Sino-Soviet-bloc personnel might be present." Simple enough, right? At least so far as the Pentagon is concerned. But now comes the FBI with · its own program, based on its own objective. First, the FBI agents were-instructed to interview indi- viduals who had made such trips after they returned to ascertain "if they had any contact with Soviet- bloc nationals during their recent trip abroad." Butthe real object of the exercise was to determine whether an "individual has potential for possible development as an informant," for the FBI's "inter- nal security operations." Attached to the memorandum is a long list of men, mostly scientists, who were sch~duled to attend such meetings as the 12th International O:>nference on Low Temperature Physics in Kyoto, japan; the 3rd International Symposium on Fresh Water from the Sea at Dubrovinik, Yugoslavia and the 7th World O:>ngress of Sociology. How many of these men were contacted by the FBI and how many agreed to become informers? · We don't know and perhaps every person approached by an FBI agent rejected, angrily, the notion that they spy on their fellow scientists. What is important, however, is the fact that now we can be on guard against this effort of the FBI to turn us into a nation of informers. All of us must be grateful to whoever made it possible for ,these Media files to become public. In doing so, the chances of our retaining some measure of freedom were enhanced. - Paul jacobs 7 ROM THE CITIZENS' COMMISSION t,o INVESTIGATE Ute F.B.I. June, 1971 We are sending you copies of more than 200 pages of FBI documents which were among those taken from the Media, Pennsylvania, office of the FBI on the night of March 8, 1971 - Internaaonal Women's Day - when all the FBI documents in every file cabinet and desk of that office were brought out. Pre- viously unpublished material is included here, along with copies of everything previously sent to the press by our Ciazens' Commission to Invesagatethe FBI. If you publish this material, we want this cover letter to be printed with it uncut, and we want all roy- alties to be used to set up a fund for the.defense of those who may be accused by the government ofga- thering or publicizing information which it ,tries to keep secret from the very public from whom it should ' derive its powers.' We wish to make these documents more widely available so that they can be used effectively by all who are working for a more peaceful, just, and open society. Our purpose is not just to correct the more gross violaaons of constituaonal rights by the FBI within the framework of its present goals and organiza- tion. Nor is it to attack personally individual informers, agents, or administrators. It is instead to contri- bute to the movement for fundamental constructive change in our society, for as we said in our initial statement, "as long as great economic and political power remains concentrated in the hands ofsmall , cliques not subject to democratic control and scrutiny, then repreSSion, intimidation, and entrapment are to be expected. /I The government has been making frantic efforts to deny the public such glimpses into its clandestine activities. It has resorted to a massive campaign ofspying and harassment not only against those who work for more just and peaceful policies, but also against their families, friends, and neighbors. We are encouraged by the constructive actions which many have been taking to resist this repression. Here are some examples which may provide models for others: In the Powelton section of Philadelphia, residents and community organizations held a street fair, which turned the intensive FB/spying and harassment against that community into a focus for uniting and educdting the residents {New York Times, June 6, 1971}. A public alarm system was set up for bringing people together on short notice in the event ofan FBI attack. Posters with photos of FBI agents prowling in the area were widely distributed. A law suit against the FBI is being initiated. In New York Oty, a bill has been introduced that would grant each person access to any files a city agency keeps on them, and which would require prior notification before a dossier could be shown to any federal or state agency. . The American Civil Liberties Union and RESIST {the national organization which issued the Call to Resist Illegitimate Authority} are setting up local committees against spying. The/are preparing leaflets and other m(lterial for general distribution to inform people of their rights and their responsi- bility to others not to cooperate with political investigations. They are challenging cooperation with government spying by the mass media, the phone compnay, univi!rsities" and other insatutions irl their area. Others have taken direct action to make public information which the government had concealed. The publication of the government's top secret history of the Vietnam War by the New York Times, and theraids on FBI offices in Rochester and Garden City, New York, are examples. OnlY a sustained, informed, courageous, and humane struggle can build a living community within the shell of the dying one. ~/-' On the night of March 8, 1971, the Citizens' Commission to Investigate the FBI removed flies from an East Coast office of the FBI. These files will now be studied to determine: ' - The nature and extent ofsurveillance and intimidation carried on by this office of the FBI, particu- larly against groups and individ~als working for a more just, humane and peaceful society; ~How much of the FBI's efforts are spent ,on relatively minor crimes by the poor and powerless a- galnst whom they 'can get a more glamorous conviction rate, instead ofinvestigating truly serious crimes by those with money and Influence which cause great damage to the lives ofmany people; crimes such as war profiteering, monopolistic practices, institutional racism, organized crime, and the mass distribution oflethal drugs; - The extent ofillegal practices by the FBI, such as eavesdropping, entrapment, and the use of provo- cateurs and informers. As this study proceeds, the results obtained along with the FBI documents pertaining to them will be sent to people in public life who have demonstrated the integrity, courage and commitment to democra- tic values which are neCessary to effectively challenge .the repressive pol/cies of the FBI. As long as the United States government wages war against Indochina in defiance of the vast majority who want all troops and weapons withdrawn this year, and extends that war and suffering under the guise ofreducing it, -as long as great economic and political power remains concentrated In the hands ofsmall cliques not subject to democratic scrutiny and control, then repreSSion, intimidation, and entrapment are to be expected. We do not believe that this destruction ofdemocratic society results simply from the evil- ness, egotism or senility ofsome leaders. Rather, this destruction is the result of certain undemocratic so- cial, economic and political institutions. . We have carried out this action In a way which does not physically threaten anyone. We intend no per- sonal harasm,ent ()f the people who work in the office from which the files were taken. Indeed, we invite them and others to join with us in building a peaceful, just, and open society; one which does not wage nor threaten war, which distributes human and material resources fairly, and which operates on the ba- sis ofjustice rather than fear. We have taken this action because: - We believe that a law and order which depends on intimidation and repression to secure obedience - We believe that democracy can survive only in an order ofjustice, ofan open society and public trust; -, We believe that citizens have the right to scrutinize and control their own government and its agen- cies; -~ nd because we believe that the FBI has betrayed its democratic trust and we wish to present evi- dence for this claim to the open and public judgment of our fellow citizens. . In doing this, we know full well the legal jeopardy in which we place ourselves. We feel most keenly our responsibilities to those who daily depend upon us, and whom we put in jeopardy by our own jeo- . pardy. But under present circumstances, this seems to us our best way of loving and serving them, and in fac!, all ~he people of this land. M7y 3, 1971 Just eight weeks ago, all the files in the desks and file cabinets were liberated from the Media, Po., of- fice ofthe FBI. Of these, some 3096 were manuals, routine forms, and similar procedural materials. The remainder was as follows: 4096 Political surveillance and other investigation ofpolitical activity. Of the cases, 2 were right wing, 10 concerned immigrants, and over two hundred were on left or liberal groups. 2596 Bonk robberies 2096 Murder, rape, and interstate theft 796 Draft resistance, inclurJing refusal to submit to military induction 796 Leaving the military without government permiSSion 196 Organized crime, mostly gambling Some sixty documents have been distributed publicly; others have been sent directly to people and groups named. . Among the many organizations on whom files were kept, only two were right wing. Representative documents from these two cases are included in this packet. Also in this packet: a report on a peaceful protest opposing research on chemical weapons used against Vietnam a letterhead memorandum indicating some of the extensive information furnished to the FBI by the phone company . a form which agents often ask people to sign which is correctly identified only half way down os a waiver of rights . We seek no vengeance against individual agents, informers, or sources for the FBI. Instead, we wish to help them and others end the political and destructive policies of the bureau and to build public support for building a more just, peaceful, and open socieiy. ~/~ an open letter to Thomas F. Lewis on the occasion of the testimonial dinner for him on April 28, 1971 at the Alpine Inn, Springfield, Penn- sylvanm \ We have read in the newspapers ofyour month's suspension without pay by the F.B.I. and of their or- dering you to move to Atlanta. We regret this disruption ofyour and your family's life and hope that you "wlll consider finding constructive work here so that you can stay in your own community, rather than continue the alienating work of the F. B.I. We invlteyou now, as we did in our public statement of early March, "to join with us in building a peace- . ful, just, and open society. .. -the Citizens' Commission to {nvestigote the F.B.I . • t A GUIDE TO A TYPICAL DOClMOfT . SA'C means Special Agent in ChIrJe. or head of the Philadelphia RegiorW FBI office IC probably means Inv~ Clerk Ph means Philadelphia. The number is the code number of this particular informanL Other in- formants (who may be taps and bugs ~ ~II as agencies, but are most often people) tawe ~er· ent numbers. C means Criminal; S means secu- ity, and R means Radical or R..Icial This part of the page contains the instructions for distribution of the memo. It provides, inad- vertently, information on the size of the B....eau __ This is a typical file number. 66 is the category. It happens to mean "operating instructions" 100 means left wing, 105 is espionage, 157 is racial militant, 170 is racial informant, 25 is se- lective service. The rest of the number is the particular file. This is the quantity of copies to go in each file(s) - This is the total copies to be made, in this case 190. Since one went to file 66-3864, and the rest to ALL AGENTS, there must have been-- 189 agents in 10/10 '0