Project Gutenberg's The Chronicle of the Norman Conquest, by Master Wace This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: The Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman de Rou Author: Master Wace Illustrator: Edgar Taylor Translator: Edgar Taylor Release Date: October 24, 2012 [EBook #41163] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRONICAL OF THE NORMAN CONQUEST *** Produced by Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org (Images generously made available by the Internet Archive.) MASTER WACE HIS CHRONICLE OF THE NORMAN CONQUEST FROM THE ROMAN DE ROU TRANSLATED WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS BY EDGAR TAYLOR ESQ. F.S.A. LONDON WILLIAM PICKERING 1837 I VINT LI VIEL HUE DE GORNAI, ENSEMLE O LI SA GENT DE BRAI. Page 217. TO HUDSON GURNEY, ESQ. THIS CHRONICLE OF THE NORMAN CONQUEST IS DEDICATED, IN TESTIMONY OF THE TRANSLATOR'S RESPECT AND REGARD. CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. INTRODUCTION. ILLUSTRATIONS—Frontispiece, the oath administered to Harold; from the Bayeux Tapestry. Title page vignette, including a coin of William, from Ruding, vol. iv. Dedication vignette, a group after the Bayeux Tapestry.[1] Map of Normandy. Initial letter to introduction [map and initial letters haven't been retained, transcr. note], from the Battle abbey chronicle, p. xv. The Tapestry roll, as preserved at Bayeux, p. xxix. PROLOGUE. CONCERNING THE AUTHOR OF THIS BOOK, SETTING FORTH HIS INTENT AND DEGREE ILLUSTRATIONS—Baptism of Rollo, from the Museum MS. of Benoit Sainte-More, to face p. 1. Initial letter, from the MS. of William of Jumieges in the library at Rouen, p. 1. Norman soldiers, from a capital in the chapel of Norwich castle, p. 6. [These may be compared with the two knights opposite, (p. 7,) from Bocherville.] CHAPTER I. HOW WILLIAM BECAME DUKE; AND HOW HIS BARONS REVOLTED AGAINST HIM ILLUSTRATIONS—Norman knights, from a capital in the church of St. Georges de Bocherville, p. 7. Two norman messengers; from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 16. CHAPTER II. HOW THE KING OF FRANCE CAME; AND THE BATTLE THAT WAS FOUGHT AT VAL DES DUNES ILLUSTRATION—Group from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 17. CHAPTER III. HOW CANUTE DIED, AND ALFRED FELL BY TREASON; AND HOW EDWARD AFTERWARDS BECAME KING ILLUSTRATIONS—Two illuminations from the Cambridge MS. Estoire de Seint Ædward le Rei, representing the dispatch of messengers for Edward, p. 31. The like, representing his landing and his coronation, p. 36. CHAPTER IV. THE REVOLT OF WILLIAM OF ARQUES; AND HOW HE AND THE KING OF FRANCE WERE FOILED BY DUKE WILLIAM ILLUSTRATIONS—Messengers to William, from the Tapestry, p. 40. Surrender of a town, from the Tapestry, p. 46. CHAPTER V. HOW THE KING OF FRANCE INVADED NORMANDY, AND WAS BEATEN AT MORTEMER ILLUSTRATION—Guy count of Ponthieu, from the Bayeux Tapestry, (going there to receive Harold,) p. 52. CHAPTER VI. HOW THE KING OF FRANCE CAME AGAIN AGAINST DUKE WILLIAM, AND WAS DEFEATED AT VARAVILLE ILLUSTRATION—Group from the Bayeux Tapestry, (representing there the Duke embarking at St. Valery,) p. 57. [Pg vii] [Pg viii] CHAPTER VII. HOW WILLIAM PROSPERED, AND WENT TO ENGLAND TO VISIT KING EDWARD; AND WHO GODWIN WAS ILLUSTRATIONS—Abbey church of the Holy Trinity at Caen, from Cotman, p. 63. Edward dissuaded by his nobles from his vow, from the Cambridge MS. p. 69. CHAPTER VIII. OF HAROLD'S JOURNEY TO NORMANDY; AND WHAT HE DID THERE ILLUSTRATIONS—Harold taking his leave of king Edward, p. 74. Harold proceeding to Bosham, p. 77. Harold claimed, by Norman messengers, from count Guy of Ponthieu, p. 81. Guy delivering Harold to William, p. 82. William receiving Harold at his palace, p. 84; all from the Tapestry. Edward the Confessor's great seal, p. 86. CHAPTER IX. HOW KING EDWARD DIED, AND HAROLD WAS CROWNED IN HIS STEAD; AND HOW DUKE WILLIAM TOOK COUNSEL AGAINST HIM ILLUSTRATIONS—Edward naming Harold his successor, from the Cambridge MS. p. 88. Edward carried for burial to Westminster Abbey, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 91. Edward entombed, from the Cambridge MS., p. 92. Harold's election and coronation, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 99. Ship bearing the messenger with the news to William, also from the Tapestry, p. 100. CHAPTER X. HOW THE BARONS MET, AND WHAT AID THEY AGREED TO GIVE ILLUSTRATIONS—Remains of the great hall at Lillebonne, from Cotman, p. 101. William ordering ships to be built, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 107. The Comet, and information to Harold [of William's preparations?], both from the Tapestry, p. 114. CHAPTER XI. HOW THE NORMAN HOST MET AT ST. VALERY, AND SAILED THENCE ILLUSTRATIONS—Ship-building, p. 116. Storing the ships, p. 121. William's ship, p. 122; all from the Tapestry. CHAPTER XII. HOW THE DUKE AND HIS HOST LANDED NEAR HASTINGS, AND MADE THEMSELVES A FORT ILLUSTRATIONS—Unloading and dismantling the ships, p. 126. The supper after landing, p. 129. Group, (the same as at p. 55,) p. 132; all from the Bayeux Tapestry. CHAPTER XIII. HOW AN ENGLISH KNIGHT RODE TO HAROLD; AND WHAT MESSAGE WAS SENT BY THE DUKE CHAPTER XIV. HOW THE ENGLISH CONSULTED, AND WENT TO MEET THE NORMANS; AND HAROLD AND GURTH RECONNOITRED ILLUSTRATIONS—Figure from a Saxon MS. now in the King's library at Paris, representing Harold, (according to Montfaucon,) p. 141. Two Norman scouts or messengers, from the Bayeux Tapestry (before, p. 16), p. 147. CHAPTER XV. WHAT FURTHER PARLEY WAS HAD BETWEEN THE KING AND DUKE WILLIAM BEFORE THE BATTLE ILLUSTRATION—Fort at Hastings, with a messenger coming to William, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 148. CHAPTER XVI. HOW EACH HOST PASSED THE NIGHT, AND MADE READY FOR BATTLE; AND HOW THE DUKE [Pg ix] [Pg x] EXHORTED HIS MEN ILLUSTRATIONS—William and his half brothers, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 155. William exhorting his men, p. 158; also from the Tapestry. CHAPTER XVII. WHO WAS CHOSEN TO BEAR THE DUKE'S GONFANON ILLUSTRATION—A Norman baron, with gonfanon, coming out of Hastings to take horse, from the Tapestry, p. 166. CHAPTER XVIII. HOW THE MEN OF ENGLAND MADE READY, AND WHO THEY WERE ILLUSTRATION—Saxon armour,—compiled from various sources in Planché's 'British Costume,'—p. 173. CHAPTER XIX. HOW THE NORMAN COMPANIES MOVED TO THE ATTACK ILLUSTRATIONS—William enquiring news of the English from Vital one of his officers looking out, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 180. Continuation of the exhortation, (commenced at p. 158); from the Tapestry, p. 185. CHAPTER XX. HOW TAILLEFER SANG, AND THE BATTLE BEGAN ILLUSTRATIONS—Attack by the Normans on the English placed on an eminence, and defended by a fosse, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 188. Bishop Odo rallying and encouraging the varlets, also from the Tapestry, p. 192. CHAPTER XXI. HOW THE ARCHERS SMOTE HAROLD'S EYE; AND WHAT STRATAGEM THE NORMANS USED ILLUSTRATION—Engagement between the Normans and English, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 196. CHAPTER XXII. THE ROLL OF THE NORMAN CHIEFS; AND THEIR DEEDS ILLUSTRATIONS—Norman Knights advancing 'ad prelium contra Haroldum,' from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 204. Group, also from the Tapestry, p. 205. CHAPTER XXIII. THE ROLL OF THE NORMAN CHIEFS CONTINUED ILLUSTRATIONS—William knighting Harold at La Lande, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 224. Group from the same, p. 225. Signet ring of one of the Bigots, p. 235 note 39. CHAPTER XXIV. WHAT DEEDS OF ARMS DUKE WILLIAM DID; AND HOW HAROLD WAS SLAIN AND THE ENGLISH FLED ILLUSTRATIONS—Deaths of Lewin and Gurth, p. 248. William fighting, p. 249, and death of Harold, p. 253; all from the Bayeux Tapestry. Burial of Harold, from the Cambridge MS. p. 259. CHAPTER XXV. HOW WILLIAM WAS CROWNED KING; AND HOW HE AT LAST FELL ILL AT ROUEN ILLUSTRATIONS—Seal of William as king and duke, p. 261. Seal of Battle abbey, p. 269 note 11. Apsis of St. Gerrais, p. 276. CHAPTER XXVI. HOW WILLIAM DIED, AND WAS BURIED AT CAEN [Pg xi] [Pg xii] ILLUSTRATION—St. Stephen's, Caen, (Cotman,) p. 277. CONCLUSION. KING WILLIAM'S CHARACTER, FROM THE SAXON CHRONICLE ILLUSTRATIONS—Initial letter from the Battle abbey chronicle, p. 283. Dutchy arms, p. 287. APPENDIX INDEX A shield of pure sable is appended to the principal figure, with full notice of our liability, on that account, to the charge of heraldic anachronism. Waving any defence on the scientific point, we merely observe that when Wace tells us of 'escuz painz de plusors guises,' it may safely be presumed that there was at least one of sable hue; and that our fancy may not be considered as running very wild, if it presumes that the lord of the Marches was wont so to distinguish himself; and if it connects the subsequent use of so simple an heraldic bearing by the norman Gornais, with its previous use as a mere badge, a cognoissance or entre-sain; see p. 22, 172, 302. INTRODUCTION. A detailed narrative of events so interesting as those which preceded and attended the conquest of England by William, duke of Normandy, needs little apology for its introduction, for the first time, to the english reader. If his feelings are at all in unison with those of the translator, he will welcome the easy access thus afforded to this remarkable chronicle;— by far the most minute, graphic, and animated account of the transactions in question, written by one who lived among the immediate children of the principal actors. The historian will find some value in such a memorial of this great epoch in english affairs;—the genealogist will meet in it some interesting materials applicable to his peculiar pursuits;—and the general reader will hardly fail to take a lively interest in such an illustration of the history of the singular men, who emerged in so short a time from the condition of roving barbarians into that of the conquerors, en noblers, and munificent adorners of every land in which they settled, and to whom the proudest families of succeeding ages have been eager to trace the honours of their pedigree. MASTER WACE, the author of the ROMAN DE ROU and chronicle of the dukes of Normandy, from which the ensuing pages are extracted, tells concerning himself, in his prologue, all that is known with any degree of certainty. His name, with several variations of orthography, is not an unusual one in early norman history, though he has not claimed an identification with any known family distinguished by it. The name of Robert, which has been usually assigned to him as an addition, has no sufficient warranty. It certainly occurs in connection with that of Wace in the charters of the abbey of Plessis-Grimoult; (see the Mémoires des antiquaires de Norm, viii.); but Richard Wace, a priest whose name occurs in the chartulary of the abbey of St. Sauveur le Vicomte, has been speculated upon by the Abbé de la Rue as having a more probable claim of identification. In speaking of the numbers which composed William's invading fleet, Wace says, —jo oï dire a mon pere, Bien m'en sovint, mais varlet ere; and it has been in consequence supposed that he intended to represent his father as a cotemporary and even an eye witness of the expedition. It will, however, be easily seen that this is extremely improbable. Wace lived and wrote as late as at least 1173, and could hardly have been born earlier than the commencement of the eleventh century. The assumption that his father was adult in 1066 would give to the latter an improbable age at his son's birth, and a very great one at the time when the 'varlet' could have listened to the tale of his parent's experience. The probability, therefore, is, that Wace only meant to refer to his father as a suitable authority, conveying information which he might easily have derived from living among those who actually shared in the expedition. It is clear, however, that in another place, p. 115, he directly asserts his own communication with persons adult at the conquest; for, in speaking of the comet that preceded it, he refers to the report of eye-witnesses as his personal authority: Asez vi homes ki la virent, Ki ainz e poiz lunges veskirent. Master Wace tells us that he was born in Jersey;—probably soon after 1100. He was taken young to be educated at Caen, and proceeded thence to the proper dominions of the king of France; returning eventually to Caen, where he betook himself to writing 'romanz.' He says that he finished his 'Roman de Brut' (now in course of publication at Rouen) in 1155; and that he lived under three Henries; namely Henry I. and II. of England, and the latter's son Henry, who died young. His principal patron was Henry II. who gave him a prebend of the cathedral of Bayeux. It appears, we are told, from the archives of that church, that he held the office nineteen years. We learn from him, however, that he did not consider his reward equal to his desert; and he dwells on further promises, which would have been more acceptable if followed by performance. [1] [Pg xv] [Pg xvi] [Pg xvii] [Pg xviii] His chronicle (which he says he wrote in 1160) continues down to 1106; and ends in apparent ill humour at Benoit de Sainte-More's being employed upon a similar task. His concluding words are, Ci faut li livre maistre Wace, Qu'in velt avant fere—s'in face! He is reported to have died in England as late as 1184. He certainly wrote after 1173, for his ascending chronicle of the dukes of Normandy speaks of events which occurred in that year. The earlier portions of his chronicle, like the pages of Ordericus Vitalis, teem with wonders. His principal sources of these materials were Dudo de St. Quintin, and William of Jumieges. But, as M. Guizot observes in vindication of the latter, the reproach is certainly not, that having truth and error within his reach he selected the latter, but that with no choice about the matter he used the only materials that were in his power. When he reached the era of the conqueror, more complete and authentic information was within his reach; and the perusal of this later portion of his work will perhaps leave no unfavorable impression as to the judgment and fidelity with which he has used his materials, especially with regard to the narrative of the great english expedition. There is an obvious desire to represent the truth, and to state the doubt when certainty was not attainable; and it may not escape the reader, that though Wace is far from wanting in poetic spirit, he sometimes rejects precisely those ornaments of his story which were most attractive for a poet's purpose, and for the use of which grave example might be pleaded. He is particularly interesting whenever his subject leads to local description applicable to his more immediate neighbourhood. From that part of Normandy in particular his list of the chiefs present at the battle of Hastings has its principal materials. The allusions, in which he abounds, to the personal history and conduct of many of these leaders give great value to this portion of his chronicle. Anachronisms no doubt are easily to be discovered, from which none of the chroniclers of the day were or could be expected to be exempt. His christian names are sometimes incorrect; an error which he certainly might have avoided had he followed the safer policy of Brompton, who covers his inability to enter upon that branch of his work, by roundly asserting that truth was unattainable. If Wace is followed on the map, it will readily be seen to what extent the fiefs in his own district of Normandy predominate in his catalogue. He even commemorates the communes of neighbouring towns; and the arrangement throughout is determined by circumstances of propinquity, by rhyme, or other casual association. But with all the drawbacks which may be claimed, Wace's roll, partial and confined in extent as it is, must always be considered an interesting and valuable document. Even if it be taken as the mere gossip and tradition of the neighbourhood, it belongs to a period so little removed from that of the immediate actors, that it cannot be read with indifference. It bears a character of general probability in the main, of simplicity and of absence of any purpose of deception. It puts together much local and family information, gathered by an intelligent associate of those whose means of knowledge was recent and direct; and it may be read, so far as it goes, with far less distrust, and is in fact supported by more external authority both positive and negative, than those lists which were once of high pretension, but are now universally abandoned as fabricated or corrupt.[1] The narrative of the english expedition is the main object of the present volume: but it seemed desirable to prefix the leading passages of William's early history; not only for the purpose of introducing many of the persons with whom the reader is afterwards to become better acquainted, but with the view of exhibiting a lively picture of the difficulties attending William's opening career—of the energy with which he triumphed over his enemies, and directed his turbulent subjects to useful purposes—and of the hazards he incurred, in attempting so bold an expedition in the presence of such dangerous neighbours. The narratives of the revolt quelled at Valdesdunes, and of the affairs of Arques, Mortemer, and Varaville, are among the most picturesque and graphic portions of Wace's chronicle, and derive much interest from their bearing upon local history and description. The division into chapters, it may be proper to observe, is a liberty taken with the original by the translator; and his further liberties are those of omitting portions of the duke's early adventures, and of restoring, in one or two cases, the proper chronological arrangement, which Wace does not always observe. It may be asked, why the version is prose? The answer may be, that the translator's wish was to place before the english reader a literal narrative, and not to attempt the representation of a poetical curiosity; if conscious of the power of so doing, to which however he makes no pretension. To those, who wish to judge of the style and diction of the original chronicle, it is easily accessible in the Rouen edition; and occasional extracts will be given, which may answer the purpose of most readers. It was considered to be an idle attempt to pretend to represent such a work in modern english verse. In so doing, the fidelity of the narrative must have been more or less sacrificed, especially if rhyme had been attempted; and without rhyme there could hardly have been much resemblance. The object in view has been to represent the author's narrative simply and correctly; but the printed text is obviously inaccurate, and its want of precision in grammar often creates difficulty in translation. The lapse of words, and even of lines, defects in the rhymes, and other circumstances noticed in M. Raynouard's observations, betry the inaccuracy of the MS. from which it is taken. Nevertheless, this MS.—the one of the British Museum, MS. Reg. 4. C. xi.,—appears to be, on the whole, the best of the existing transcripts. It is of the date of about 1200; its style is anglicized, the grammar loose, and parts of it are lost. It has one peculiar interest, that of having belonged to the library of Battle abbey, for which it was no doubt made; it bears the inscription, 'LIBER ABBATIÆ SANCTI MARTINI DE BELLO.' [Pg xix] [Pg xx] [Pg xxi] [Pg xxii] The plan and extent of this volume did not admit of discussions concerning the many disputed historical questions as to the respective rights, wrongs, pretentions or grievances of the great rivals, whose fates were decided by the expidition. Abundant materials are now open for the English reader's judgment, in the historical works adapted to such inquiries. Wace's account, published at a norman court, and under the patronage of the conqueror's family, may be expected to represent the leading facts in light favourable to norman pretensions; but on the whole, the impression left on a perusal of his report will probably be, that it is fair, and creditable to the author's general judgment and fidelity as an historian. Notes are appended to the text, directed mainly to local and genealogical illustrations, and particularly to that species of information which is, in a great degree, new to the english reader,—the pointing out the cradles of great norman families, whose representatives are stated to have been present at the expedition. Much of the material for this purpose was supplied in the truly valuable and interesting notes to the Rouen edition, written by M. Auguste Le Prevost, a resident antiquary of great and deserved reputation, who has also obliged the translator by additional illustrations in MS. Further information has been sought in various other quarters. The translator's wish has been to keep the branch of his work within reasonable limits; though the result may after all be, that he will be thought too diffuse on these points for the general reader, and too brief for the satisfaction of those whose pursuits lie in the direction of such inquiries. Wherever notes, borrowed substantially from M. Le Prevost, may be considered as turning on his personal or local information, his authority is cited by adding his initials, A.L.P. It was believed that all were likely to attach importance on doubtful subjects to the testimony or opinion of an active and intelligent local inquirer. But, on the other hand, the translator has not scrupled on all occasions to use his own judgment, and the assistance derived from other sources; and these have sometimes led him to different conclusions from those of his predecessors. He has particularly to acknowledge his great obligations to Mr. Stapleton, for supervision of his notes on chapters 22 and 23. Those who know the extent and accuracy of that gentleman's acquaintance with these subjects, will appreciate the great value of his assistance. In the notes on those chapters, the translator's design has mainly been to trace the locality of the fiefs in question, and to refer to other evidence, such as that of Domesday, with regard to each holder's share in the expedition; adding, where it could be done, the state and ownership of such fiefs at the time of the compilation of the roll of Hen. II. copied into the Red book of our exchequer. The english history of these families has not been dwelt upon. Those who wish to follow up that branch of the subject, can at once refer to Dugdale's Baronage, and other authorities easily accessible. In the references to Domesday book, the obviously convenient method has been to have recourse to the very useful Introduction to that record, published in 1833, under the direction of the Record-commissioners. In the orthography of the proper names, that of Wace has been strictly observed in the translator's text; his notes generally giving what is conceived to be the proper or more modern version of each. The necessity for this precaution is abundantly shown by the confusion and mistakes that have arisen from modernizing names, (of the true relation or derivation of which a translator is sometimes scantily informed,) without supplying at the same time the opportunity of correction, by a faithful quotation of the original. The translator here begs to express his fear lest he has in one respect violated his own rule, by the use he has made of FITZ as a prefix. It is right the reader should bear in mind, that throughout the original the term used is filz,—such as 'le filz Osber de Bretuil,' &c.; and it might have been better, by a literal translation, to have avoided the appearance of an anachronous use of the patronymic form afterwards so common. The proper completion of the notes would consist in tracing the identity and possession of the fiefs, from the Red book roll of the exchequer down-wards, to the lists formed, after the general confiscation of the estates of king John's adherents, by Philip Augustus. The translator has only had access to the former, as to which a few words may be said. It is a beautiful transcript from a roll, a portion of which still exists, according to the report of Mr. Stapleton, in the Hotel Soubise at Paris. Ducarel has printed, though very incorrectly, a transcript from our exchequer record.[2] The roll itself was probably completed between the twentieth and thirtieth years of Hen. II.; but that part of it which relates to the fees of the cathedral church of Bayeux is an abstract of an inquest of an earlier date, namely, of about 1133, taken on the death of Richard Fitz-Samson the bishop, and lately printed in the 8th vol. of the Mémoires des antiquaires de Normandie.' This circumstance creates anachronisms in the roll, that are still more apparent in the one published—also incorrectly—in Duchesne's Scriptores, from a MS. now in the King's library at Paris. The roll of Hen. II. is only the basis of Duchesne's; which was obviously compiled after the confiscations of Philip Augustus; to whose era, and the then existing state of things, the entries are made to conform. Some who have not examined into the minutise of these records, have supposed that the list, with which they close, of men who neither appeared nor made any return, refers to those who adhered to John; instead of its being, as the fact is, a mere record of defaulters under Hen. II. There are historical traces of attempts under that monarch, to form a sort of norman Domesday, for purposes, no doubt, of revenue. It would seem that this design was resisted, and perhaps was only imperfectly executed in the form we find the existing roll. Philip Augustus afterwards caused much more complete registers of the Fœda Normannorum to be formed. Transcripts of these are in the King's library, and at the Hotel Soubise, and partially in the Liber-niger of Coutances which M. de Gerville quotes. The 'Fœda Normannorum' in Duchesne seems part of a document of this later period. While this volume was in progress, and after the notes had been prepared, the 7th and 8th vols, of the 'Mémoires des antiquaires de Normandie' reached the translator. They contain a calendar and analysis of a vast number of charters to religious houses within the department of Calvados, and furnish a perpetual recurrence of the names of the early owners of the principal fiefs in that district. [Pg xxiii] [Pg xxiv] [Pg xxv] [Pg xxvi] [Pg xxvii] Another great addition has at the same time been made to the stock of materials for the illustration of Wace, in the publication at Rouen of the first vol. of the 'Chroniques Anglo-Normandes,' comprising such portions of Gaimar, of the Estotre de Seint Ædward le Rei, of the continuation of Wace's Brut d'Angleterre, and of Benoit de Sainte-More, as relate to the norman conquest. They had all been previously resorted to in MS. and more copious extracts would have been added, if they had not been made so accessible by the publication referred to. Its continuation will add other valuable historic documents relative to the period in question. For the graphic illustrations of the volume recourse has been had to a few of the illuminations of the beautiful Cambridge MS. of the Estoire de Seint Ædward le Rei. Several other subjects, that appeared appropriate, have been added from various sources. But the principal storehouse of the illustrations has been that noble and exquisite relic of antiquity, the tapestry of the cathedral of Bayeux. To this series of pictures the chronicle of Wace, (a prebend of that church, as already observed,) would almost seem to have been intended as what, in modern times, would be called the letter press. The controversies long carried on, as to the age of this interesting piece of workmanship, and as to the identity of the Matilda to whom it may owe its origin, need not be reviewed here. The reader will find in Ducarel, in the observations of M.H.F. Delauney annexed to the French translation of Ducarel, in the Archæologia, in Mr. Dawson Turner's Letters, Dr. Dibdin's Tour, and other modern works, ingenious and ample discussions upon what is known or conjectured on the subject. Speculations have been hazarded, with the view of testing the era of the tapestry by Wace's supposed want of agreement with the story of the former. It seems assumed that this variance would not have occurred, had the tapestry been in existence when he wrote. It is not clear, however, that there is any material variance; but if there be, it is surely somewhat hasty to assume on that account, either that Wace preceded, or that he was unacquainted with the worsted chronicle. He obviously sought his authorities in various quarters; and he might very well have known and rejected the testimony of the tapestry, on any matter of fact regarding which there were conflicting accounts. It is very curious that two such monuments of antiquity should be connected with the same church; but it is left to others to speculate whether this was accidental, or what influence, if any, the work of either party had on that of the other. Lastly, a small map of Normandy has been added, for the illustration of Wace's work and of the accompanying notes. With the exception of the leading monastic establishments, (which were considered a convenient addition, though many of them were founded at a later period), little is shown upon the map beyond the towns and fiefs introduced by Wace; and these are laid down so far as the means of knowledge or probable conjecture presented themselves. In the execution of this little map, no pretension is made to strict geographical or even chronological accuracy; neither has uniformity been preserved in the language of the names; but such as it is, it will probably be found sufficiently full and precise to answer the general purpose for which it is designed. The list in the printed 'Chronique de Normandie,' though very inaccurately given, is based upon Wace's. It may be found much more correctly in the fine MS. Chronicle of Normandy, (which ought to be printed.) in the British Museum, Bibl. Reg. 15 E. vi. fol. ccccx. A much more correct copy is printed in the french translation of Ducarel, published in 1823. THE CHRONICLE. PROLOGUE CONCERNING THE AUTHOR OF THIS BOOK, SETTING FORTH HIS INTENT AND DEGREE. To commemorate the deeds, the sayings, and manners of our ancestors, to tell the felonies of felons and the baronage of barons[1], men should read aloud at feasts the gests and histories of other times; and therefore they did well, and should be highly prized and rewarded who first wrote books, and recorded therein concerning the noble deeds and good words which the barons and lords did and said in days of old. Long since would those things have been forgotten, were it not that the tale thereof has been told, and their history duly recorded and put in remembrance. Many a city hath once been, and many a noble state, whereof we should now have known nothing; and many a deed has been done of old, which would have passed away, if such things had not been written down, and read and rehearsed by clerks. The fame of Thebes was great, and Babylon had once a mighty name; Troy also was of great power, and Nineveh was a city broad and long; but whoso should now seek them would scarce find their place. Nebuchadnezzar was a great king; he made an image of gold, sixty cubits in height, and six cubits in breadth; but he [Pg xxviii] [Pg xxix] [1] [2] [Pg 1] [Pg 2] who should seek ever so carefully would not, I ween, find out where his bones were laid: yet thanks to the good clerks, who have written for us in books the tales of times past, we know and can recount the marvellous works done in the days that are gone by. Alexander was a mighty king; he conquered twelve kingdoms in twelve years: he had many lands and much wealth, and was a king of great power; but his conquests availed him little, he was poisoned and died. Cæsar, whose deeds were so many and bold, who conquered and possessed more of the world than any man before or since could do, was at last, as we read, slain by treason, and fell in the capitol. Both these mighty men, the lords of so many lands, who vanquished so many kings, after their deaths held of all their possessions nought but their bodies' length. What availed them, or how are they the better for their rich booty and wide conquests? It is only from what they have read, that men learn that Alexander and Caesar were. Their names have endured many years; yet they would have been utterly forgotten long ago, if their story had not been written down. All things hasten to decay; all fall; all perish; all come to an end. Man dieth, iron consumeth, wood decayeth; towers crumble, strong walls fall down, the rose withereth away; the war-horse waxeth feeble, gay trappings grow old; all the works of men's hands perish[2]. Thus we are taught that all die, both clerk and lay; and short would be the fame of any after death, if their history did not endure by being written in the book of the clerk. The story of the Normans is long and hard to put into romanz. If any one ask who it is that tells it and writes this history, let him know that I am Wace, of the isle of Jersey, which is in the western sea, appendant to the fief of Normandy. I was born in the island of Jersey, but was taken to Caen when young; and, being there taught, went afterwards to France, where I remained for a long time. When I returned thence, I dwelt long at Caen, and there turned myself to making romances, of which I wrote many. In former times, they who wrote gests and histories of other days used to be beloved, and much prized and honoured. They had rich gifts from the barons and noble ladies; but now I may ponder long, and write and translate books, and may make many a romance and sirvente, ere I find any one, how courteous soever he may be, who will do me any honour, or give me enough even to pay a scribe. I talk to rich men who have rents and money; it is for them that the book is made, that the tale well told and written down; but noblesse now is dead, and largesse hath perished with it[3]; so that I have found none, let me travel where I will, who will bestow ought upon me, save king Henry the second. He gave me, so God reward him, a prebend at Bayeux[4], and many other good gifts. He was grandson of the first king Henry, and father of the third[5]. Three kings—dukes and kings—dukes of Normandy, and kings of England—all three have I known, being a reading clerk, in their days. In honour of the second Henry, of the line of Roul, I have told the tale of Roul, of his noble parentage, of Normandy that he conquered, and the prowess that he showed. I have recounted the history of William Lunge-espee, till the Flemings killed him by felony and treason; of Richard his son, whom he left a child; [of the second Richard, who succeeded him; of his son the third Richard; who was soon followed by Duke Robert his brother, who went to Jerusalem, and died by poison; and now the tale will be of William his son, who was born to him of the 'meschine, Arlot of Faleise'][6]. The list in the printed 'Chronique de Normandie,' though very inaccurately given, is based upon Wace's. It may be found much more correctly in the fine MS. Chronicle of Normandy, (which ought to be printed.) in the British Museum, Bibl. Reg. 15 E. vi. fol. ccccx. A much more correct copy is printed in the french translation of Ducarel, published in 1823. These laments are frequent in the minstrels' songs of that age in all countries. Walther von der Vogelweide, the German minnesinger, by for the most varied and interesting poet of his day, is often very plaintive in his lamentations; 'Hie vor do was diu welt so schöne, Nu ist si worden also höne,' The world was once so beautiful, And now so desolate and dull.' See notice of his life and works in Lays of the Minnesingers, London, 1825. At the conclusion of his Chronicle, Wace mentions Maistre Beneit (de Sainte-More) as commissioned to undertake a similar task, and expresses himself by no means satisfied with his patron, Henry II. Mult me duna, plus me pramist: E se il tot duné m'eust Ço k'il me pramist, mielx me fut. The names and values of the forty-nine prebends of Bayeux appear in the Mémoires des Antiq. Norm. viii. 458-467. Seven of them were created by Bishop Odo, out of the forfeited lands of Grimoult du Plessis after mentioned. These three Henrys were Henry I. and Henry II. of England, and Henry the latter's son, who died in 1182, in his father's lifetime, but was living when Wace wrote. He was expectant heir of England and Normandy, and was then in the possession or government of the latter, so as in some measure to justify Wace's epithets. [Pg 3] [Pg 4] [Pg 5] [Pg 6] [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] Roul is of course the personage usually called Rollo. The sentence in brackets comprises a few words, added by the translator; condensing the intervening part of the Chronicle, so as to introduce that portion of the work which he proceeds to translate. CHAPTER I. HOW WILLIAM BECAME DUKE, AND HOW HIS BARONS REVOLTED AGAINST HIM. The mourning for Duke Robert was great and lasted long; and William his son, who was yet very young, sorrowed much. The feuds against him were many, and his friends few; for he found that most were ill inclined towards him; those even whom his father held dear he found haughty and evil disposed. The barons warred upon each other; the strong oppressed the weak; and he could not prevent it, for he could not do justice upon them all. So they burned and pillaged the villages, and robbed and plundered the villains, injuring them in many ways. A mighty feud broke out between Walkelin de Ferrieres[1], and Hugh Lord of Montfort[2]; I know not which was right and which wrong; but they waged fierce war with each other, and were not to be reconciled; neither by bishop nor lord could peace or love be established between them. Both were good knights, bold and brave. Once upon a time they met, and the rage of each against the other was so great that they fought to the death. I know not which carried himself most gallantly, or who fell the first, but the issue of the affray was that Hugh was slain, and Walkelin fell also; both lost their lives in the same affray, and on the same day. William meantime grew, and strengthened himself as his years advanced; yet still he was forced to hear and see many a deed which went against his heart, though he could do nothing to prevent it The barons' feuds continued; they had no regard for him. Every one according to his means made castles and fortresses. On account of the castles wars arose, and destruction of the lands; great affrays and jealousies; maraudings and challengings; while the duke could give no redress[3] to those who suffered such wrongs. Still as he advanced in age and stature he waxed strong; for he was prudent, and took care to strengthen himself on many sides. He had now held the land twelve years, when the country was involved in war, and suffered greatly through Neel de Costentin[4] and Renouf de Beessin, two viscounts of great power, who had the means of working much mischief. William had about his person Gui, a son of Regnald the Burgundian[5], who had married Aeliz, the daughter of Duke Richard, and had two sons by her. Oui was brought up with William. When he was a young varlet, and first began to ride and to know how to feed and dress himself, he was taken into Normandy and brought up with William, who was very fond of him, and when he had made him a knight, gave him Briune[6] and Vernun, and other lands round about. When Gui had got possession, and had strengthened them till they had become good and fair castles, he became very envious of William, who had seigniory over him, and began to annoy him, and to challenge Normandy itself as his own right, reproaching William for his bastardy, and feloniously stirring up war against him; but it fell out ill for him, for in trying to seize all he lost the whole. He assembled and talked with Neel and Renouf, and Hamon-as-dens[7], and Grimoult del Plesseiz[8], who served William grudgingly. "There was not," he said, "any heir who had a better right to Normandy than himself. Richard was father to his mother; he was no bastard, but bora in wedlock; and if right was done, Normandy would belong to him. If they would support him in his claim, he would divide it with them." So, at length, he said so much, and promised so largely, that they swore to support him according to their power in making war on William, and to seek his disherison by force or treason. Then they stored their castles, dug fosses, and erected barricades, William knowing nothing of their preparations. He was at that time sojourning at Valognes, for his pleasure as well as on business; and had been engaged for several days hunting and shooting in the woods. One evening late his train had left his court, and all had gone to rest at the hostels where they lodged, except those who were of his household; and he himself was laid down. Whether he slept or not I do not know, but in the season of the first sleep, a fool named Golet[9] came, with a staff slung at his neck, crying out at the chamber door, and beating the wall with the staff; "Ovrez!" said he, "Ovrez! ovrez! ye are dead men: levez! levez! Where art thou laid, William? Wherefore dost thou sleep? If thou art found here thou wilt die; thy enemies are arming around; if they find thee here, thou wilt never quit the Cotentin, nor live till the morning!" Then William was greatly alarmed; he rose up and stood as a man sorely dismayed. He asked no further news, for it seemed unlikely to bring him any good. He was in his breeches and shirt, and putting a cloak around his neck, he seized his horse quickly, and was soon on the road. I know not whether he even stopped to seek for his spurs, or whether he took any companion of his flight, but he hasted on till he came to the fords nearest at hand, which were those of Vire, and crossed them by night in great fear and anger. From thence he bent his way to the church of St. Clement[10], and prayed God heartily, if it were his will, to be his safe conduct, and let him pass in safety. He dared not turn towards [6] [Pg 7] [Pg 8] [Pg 9] [Pg 10] [Pg 11] [Pg 12] [Pg 13] Bayeux, for he knew not whom to trust, so he took the way which passes between Bayeux and the sea. And as he rode through Rie before the sun rose, Hubert de Rie[11] stood at his gate, between the church and his castle[12], and saw William pass in disorder, and that his horse was all in a sweat. "How is that you travel so, fair sire?" cried he. "Hubert," said William, "dare I tell you?" Then Hubert said, "Of a truth, most surely! say on boldly!" "I will have no secrets with you; my enemies follow seeking me, and menace my life. I know that they have sworn my death." Then Hubert led him into his hostel, and gave him his good horse, and called forth his three sons. "Fair sons," said he, "muntez! muntez! Behold your lord, conduct him till ye have lodged him in Falaise. This way ye shall pass, and that; it will be ill for you to touch upon any town." So Hubert taught them well the ways and turnings; and his sons understood all rightly, and followed his instructions exactly. They crossed all the country, passed Folpendant[13] at the ford, and lodged William in Falaise. If he were in bad plight, what matters so that he got safe? Hubert remained standing on his bridge; he looked out over valley, and over hill, and listened anxiously for news, when they who were pursuing William came spurring by. They called him on one side, and conjured him with fair words to tell if he had seen the bastard, and whither and by what road he was gone. And he said to them, "He passed this way, and is not far off; you will have him soon; but wait, I will lead you myself, for I should like to give him the first blow. By my faith, I pledge you my word, that if I find him, I will strike him the first if I can." But Hubert only led them out of their way till he had no fear for William, who was gone by another route. So when he had talked to them enough of this thing and that, he returned back to his hostel. The Cotentin and the Bessin were in great dismay that day, for the alarming news soon went through the country of William's being betrayed, and how he was to have been murdered by night. Some said he was killed; others that he was taken; many said that he had fled:—"May God protect him," said all. Between Bayeux and the fords[14] the roads were to be seen covered with those who came from Valognes, holding themselves as dead or disgraced men, for having lost their lord, whom they had safe overnight. They know not where to seek their lord, who had been among them but last evening: they go enquiring tidings of him around, without knowing whither to repair. And heavily do they curse Grimoult del Plesseiz, and those who trust in him; for they vehemently suspect that he has done foul treason by his lord. Thus all Normandy was frightened and troubled at what had happened. The viscounts hated the duke; they seized his lands, and omitted to lay hold of nothing which they could reach. They plundered him so completely, that he was unable to do any thing, either for right or wrong. He could not enter the Bessin, neither demand rent or service; so he went to France, to King Henry[15], whom his father Robert served, and complained against Neel, that he had injured him, and had seized his rents. He complained also of Hamon-as-dens, and of Guion le Burgenion; of Grimoult, who would have betrayed him, and whom he might well hate more than any other; and of Renouf de Briquesart, who took and spent his rents; and of the other barons of the country who had risen up against him. This combat is mentioned by William of Jumieges. Vauquelin or Vauclin is a name still common in Normandy. See as to Ferrieres Mémoires des Antiq, Norm. iv. 434. Vauquelin de Ferrieres left two sons, William and Henry, who distinguished themselves at the conquest, and were liberally rewarded. We shall find the name hereafter. The Montforts will be noticed afterwards. See as to this state of anarchy William of Jumieges, and Ordericus Vitalis. We pass over a portion of the Chronicle, as to the French king's demand of the destruction of Tillieres, and Gilbert Crespin's defence of it, and other disputes with the king. This date is correct; Neel de Saint Sauveur, Viscount of the Cotentin, will be further noticed hereafter. Renouf, Viscount of the Bessin, is afterwards called by Wace Renouf de Bricasard, from the castle of Bricasard, which formed the caput of the barony of the viscounts of the Bessin. Either this Renouf, or a son, married the sister of Hugh Lupus; and their son Ranulpb, of Bayeux or Bricasard, succeeded to the earldom of Chester and other possessions of the Avranche family, on the death of Earl Richard, about 1121. As to the cry of St. Sever, it looks very like an anachronism; unless this Renouf was the one who married the sister of Hugh Lupus, and, being already so married, was sufficiently connected with St. Sever to adopt that war-cry. Guy of Burgundy, or of Maçon, see Wace, i. 352. Brionne, a small town in the arrondissement of Bernay. An account of it and its possessions, and of the acquisition of the castle by Guy of Burgundy, may be seen in Mém. Ant. Norm. iv. 415. It is also described in William of Poitiers. Hamon with the teeth, Lord of Thorigny, in the arrondissement of Saint Lo, father or grandfather of Robert Fitz Hamon, who settled in England, and held lands there. In the roll of Norman fees under Henry II. in the red book of the Exchequer, we find, among the knights of the see of Bayeux, 'Robertus filius Ham. 10 mil. tenebat de honore Ebr.' See as to Thorigny M. de Gerville's Recherches in the Mém. Ant. Norm. v. 220. Grimoult du Plessis, lord of the place still called Plessis-Grimoult, in the arrondissement of Vire. M. de Gerville, in his Recherches, states that besides this Plessis the fief and castle of Plessis in the arrondissement of Coutances, also belonged to Grimoult. He does not determine which of the two gave him his name. We know nothing of his family, except that his sister married William de Albini, [Pg 14] [Pg 15] [Pg 16] [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] great grandfather of the first Albini, Earl of Arundel, whose Cotentin estates were near Plessis. William of Jumieges calls him Gallet; and says he was of Bayeux. The church of St. Clement, a commune at the embouchure of the Vire, near Isigny. The fords of Vire are also mentioned by Wace again in narrating William's rapid journey from Valognes to Arques. He seems to have crossed by the route (abandoned under Louis XIV.) called the Grand-vey (ford), by Montebourg, Emondeville, Surqueville, the Chaussée d'Audouville, and St. Marie du Mont, where the water was entered near Brucheville for Saint Clement, and thence to Rye. Froissart mentions it as the road by which the Earl of Arundel returned to Cherbourg in 1388, after ravaging the Bessin. The great Talbot narrowly escaped by the same road, from an unfortunate expedition. Mém. Ant. Norm, v. 295. Rye, three leagues north of Bayeux. The church of Rye is very ancient and curious. Hubert was the father of five sons—Ralf, Hubert, Adam, Eudo (called Eudo the Dapifer in Domesday,) and Robert, a Bishop. 'Entre li mostier es a mote,' the mound or elevation on which the castle or mansion of Hubert stood; a sense very different from that in which we use the word moat, namely, the surrounding fosse. What spot or stream is here indicated is now, we believe, unknown. It is said there is a Foupendant in the environ...