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The Chicago Convention: National Socialist Party Convention Held at Chicago, Ill., May 1-6, 1904: Official Report of H.F. Titus, Delegate-at-Large from State of Washington. PDF

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Preview The Chicago Convention: National Socialist Party Convention Held at Chicago, Ill., May 1-6, 1904: Official Report of H.F. Titus, Delegate-at-Large from State of Washington.

Titus: The Chicago Convention — Official Report [May 22, 1904] 1 The Chicago Convention: National Socialist Party Convention Held at Chicago, Ill., May 1-6, 1904: Official Report of H.F. Titus, Delegate-at-Large from State of Washington. Published in The Socialist [Seattle], whole no. 199 (May 29, 1904), pg. 2. Seattle, Wash., May 22, 1904. Wilson of California. It was alleged that he had sent a congratulatory telegram to Mayor Jones, of Toledo, To the Socialist Party of the State of Washington. on the occasion of his election as mayor. Comrade Wilson, in reply to questions by me, expressly disowned Comrades:— having authorized the sending of that telegram, which was sent without his knowledge of its contents by his As your Delegate-at-Large to the National Con- friend, Mr. Nelson, though he also said he believed vention of our party, held at Chicago, May 1-6 [1904], Mr. Nelson would say he was authorized by Wilson. I herewith submit a report of my ac- But in the absence of tions at such convention: Nelson and on The first work assigned me was Wilson’s explicit dis- to act as a member of the Commit- avowal, I voted for his tee on Credentials. Aside from the admission as a del- routine work of this committee, egate. there were 3 important disputed The third case cases. The first was that of [A.T.] in question was that of Gridley of Indiana, who had held for [Charles] Randall of nearly 20 years the office of city engi- Utah. The consider- neer in Aurora, a small city in his ation of this case oc- state. On this case I presented a mi- cupied the most of nority report, since the majority re- two sessions. Randall, port recommended his admission in who represented the view of the fact that no definite party Utah organization law existed for such cases. My rec- which has been pro- ommendation was that he be seated moted chiefly by Jo- only on the explicit understanding seph Gilbert, formerly that his appointment was for merit of this state, was ably only and had no political significance, thus establish- seconded by Walter Thomas Mills. A large number of ing a party precedent in harmony with the repeated sympathizers, like J. Stitt Wilson and [N.A.] Richard- vote of the party in the state of Washington. This mi- son of California and [R.A.] Southworth of Colorado, nority report was adopted by the convention. filled the committee room while this case was before The second disputed case was that of J. Stitt the committee. The facts as developed in the hearing 1 2 Titus: The Chicago Convention — Official Report [May 22, 1904] showed that the old [Utah] organization, of which Socialist platforms and I was not prepared to insist on Gilbert was a member, had refused to pay dues to the the introduction into our platform of matter that the National Office and that consequently its state char- Socialists of the world have not yet seen fit to intro- ter had finally been revoked by the National Commit- duce. As finally adopted, the Chicago platform con- tee. Then they held in Salt Lake City a State Conven- tains all that any previous platform contained — and tion, in which many “unattached Socialists” partici- more. pated. This convention resolved to offer the National Aside from my committee work, I took part in Convention the back dues, some $86, on condition several debates on the floor of the convention which that the action revoking the charter be rescinded and will appear when the verbatim report of the conven- their delegate seated; in case the national organization tion appears. I may say that I advocated and voted for refused this offer, this Utah organization would “go it the adoption of the Trade Union Resolution, which alone.” I drew repeated attention to the fact that the declared it the duty of every wage worker to join the hearing before the committee was one-sided, the 6 Union movement and which also declares for Trade Locals in Utah affiliated directly with the National Union neutrality on the subject of politics. I also sup- Office having no testimony there to meet that of ported and voted for “The Program,” which lays down Randall and Mills, and that our Washington State certain suggestions for Socialist officials elected under [National] Committeeman, [George] Boomer, who capitalism and which takes the place of the dubious was again and again attacked, was not present to speak “Immediate Demands.” for himself. Under these circumstances, the commit- On two points I found myself voting with the tee finally voted “not to seat the applicant as a delegate minority. I strongly opposed the payment of $1500 a but to allow him the courtesy of the floor without voice year to our National Secretary, as a tendency in the or vote.” Delegate Mills, of Kansas, gave notice when same direction as that shown in the labor unions which this case was reported to the contention that he would give big salaries to their “fakir” leaders. I urged that call it up later, but he never did. our dues are paid by workingmen on small wages and My next important task was to serve as a mem- that we must economize in every possible way. I advo- ber of the Platform Committee. We held sessions for cated an increase from the present salary of $1,000 to some 4 days, and the most searching discussions oc- $1,200 to meet the increased cost of living in Chi- curred in that time. Each one of the committee of 9 cago, but this amendment was voted down. In line freely told what he though should be embodied in the with this action, I also opposed the sending, at our platform. The older platforms, such as the Rochester, expense, of 3 delegates to the International Congress the Indianapolis, the Erfurt, were thoroughly gone over. and advocated 1 delegate only. This carried. The sec- [Henry] Slobodin, of New York, presented an excel- ond instance in which I advocated a measure which lent outline drawn after the above models. After all was defeated was the motion to submit the constitu- suggestions were made, [George] Herron, of New York, tion to referendum by sections instead of as a whole. was delegated to embody the sense of the committee. It was urged by those who favored submission as a Again, after he presented his draft, the document was whole, that the membership might vote down some gone over word by word and subjected to changes voted sections which were vital to the whole instrument, on by the entire committee. [Eugene] Debs and [Ben] whose absence would cripple the constitution itself. I Hanford and [Victor] Berger were particularly careful replied to this that they assumed the stupidity of the to weigh each phrase. My own part was to urge greater membership and that we must never distrust the rank brevity and terseness and the original draft was cut and file, in whose control alone rests the safety of our down about 1/3. I also pointed out that this platform movement; and that we must resist any disposition to contains no statement of the exact manner in which centralize power or to run the party from the top down the working class is exploited in the payment of wages, instead of from the bottom up. The refusal of the con- that is, the Marxian discovery of what is known as vention to submit the platform at all amazed me, and “surplus value.” But I was obliged to admit that this I can only account for it on the theory of temporary does not appear in any of the standard international aberration of mind. It occurred in the last hour of the Titus: The Chicago Convention — Official Report [May 22, 1904] 3 convention when all the comrades were tired and when nearly half had gone home. I freely said and still main- tain that the platform adopted at Indianapolis and confirmed by referendum of the party, remains our national platform until another is adopted by the party membership itself. I have urged Locals all over the country to send in demands for the submission to party referendum of 3 things: (1) The Chicago platform; (2) The Chicago constitution, by sections; (3) The Chicago resolutions. Probably a fourth should be added, namely, that $1,200 should be substituted for $1,500 in the section relating to National Secretary’s salary. Five locals in 3 different states can compel the submission of these questions. The call should be im- mediate to save time and to get the new constitution into execution as soon as possible. I have no doubt that a sufficient number of calls are already in the hands of the National Secretary, but the more calls the bet- ter. I also had the pleasure and the honor of making the nominating speech which placed Ben Hanford, of New York, before the convention as candidate for the Vice Presidency. I urged that no one but a wage worker should be thought of for a place on the ticket, as a true exponent of a party which had now first come to self- consciousness as a working class party. The nomina- tion received many seconds and Hanford was selected unanimously. I have made this circumstantial narration of my acts as your representative because you have a right to know whether you have been truly represented. Stand- ing as I did for so many delegates whom we could not send because of our poverty, though we were entitled to them, I felt a heavy burden of responsibility and I trust I have met your expectations and fulfilled your will. At any rate, I did the best I knew. Yours Fraternally, Hermon F. Titus. Edited by Tim Davenport. Published by 1000 Flowers Publishing, Corvallis, OR, 2006. • Non-commercial reproduction permitted. http://www.marxisthistory.org

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