The Central and East European Population since 1850 THE SOCIETIES OF EUROPE A series of publications by the Mannheim Centre for European Social Research Series Editors: Peter Flora, Franz Kraus and Bernhard Ebbinghaus Titles in print Elections in Western Europe since 1815 Trade Unions in Western Europe since 1945 The European Population, 1850–1945 The European Population since 1945 The Central and East European Population since 1850 The Central and East European Population since 1850 Franz Rothenbacher © Franz Rothenbacher 2013 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2013 978-1-137-27389-5 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2013 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries ISBN 978-1-349-67029-1 ISBN 978-1-137-27390-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9781137273901 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 Editorial Introduction The Unity and Diversity of Europe This handbook on the Central and East European population since 1850 is the fifth in a whole series of volumes. With this series we hope to improve the empirical basis for a comparative-historical analysis of the Societies of Europe which is also the title chosen for the series. Unity and diversity Anyone who is interested in Europe, as a citizen or scientist, faces the basic question of the unity and diversity of the European societies. The question itself is characteristic of Europe; for any other region of the world, it would make much less sense. Between unity and diversity, there has been a persistent though varying ten- sion, with productive as well as destructive consequences. This tension was at the very heart of the unique dynamism of European society, of its modern achievements which have spread over the world; but it was also at the root of the unique destructiveness of the Europeans who made their civil wars into world wars. ‘Diversity within unity’, ‘unity of diversity’: questions behind such plays on words can only be studied meaningfully in a long-term historical perspective. What we call Europe today grew out of the decline of the Roman Empire which was centred on the Mediterranean, superimposed a strong military-administrative structure on the ethnic and cultural diversity of its peoples, and achieved a certain cultural integra- tion through the Latin language, Roman law, and later the Christian religion. The shift of the Roman capital to Constantinople opened up the possibility of a split of the Roman Empire between a western (Romanic, Germanic) and an eastern (Greek) part. The cultural separation came soon: while the Byzantines kept the Ro- man law and called themselves ‘Romaioi’ ((cid:2)(cid:3)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:6)(cid:7)(cid:8)) instead of Hellenes or Greeks, they soon adopted the Greek language as state language. The Greek language in the Roman Empire was never extinguished, but was esteemed as the language of the educated classes. Thus, the Roman Empire never had only one language, but was a multi-glossic empire. Since the foundation of Islam, both the eastern and the western parts of the former Roman Empire came under pressure and lost territories. In the West the Roman emperor was replaced by Germanic kings, but around 800 the Carolingians were able to erect their own empire with the support of the pope. This finally caused the separation between East and West in the East–West Schism of 1054. In the West, Latin was adopted and kept as lingua franca and language of the elites, but was transformed into national idioms in the former territories of the Roman Empire. vi Editorial Introduction Where Roman influence was too small, the Latin language was extinguished, while most of the time the Germanic languages were stronger and survived. With the breakdown of the West Roman Empire as a political entity and with the Islamic conquests in North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula, the Mediterranean as a main axis of transport was lost and became insecure. But via coastal trade posts a certain new trade system could be developed, largely benefitting the Italian sea far- ing communities (Venice, Genova, Pisa, etc.). But it took such a long time that the centre of economic gravity shifted to north-west Europe. The decisive events were the finding of the sea route westwards with the discovery of America, and the way to India around Africa. From this point on, the primary trade routes no longer passed through the Mediterranean, and the Italian trading centres declined economically. Over time, ethnicity became a dominant principle of political organization. This meant increasing diversity. The fragmentation was counteracted, however, by the unifying impact of western Christianity. The Roman Church had survived the politi- cal breakdown and was able to spread its influence over the centuries to the north and east, far beyond the former limes. Through its centralized and bureaucratic structure, the Roman Church had a standardizing effect on the organization of social life across the continent, and through its reliance on canonical law it shaped the specific role law has played in European societies in general and for their social institutions in particular. Thus, the Europe we know today was created first of all as a cultural and legal entity. Cultural unity, however, had to coexist with political fragmentation. The attempt to resurrect the Roman Empire in the Carolingian empire and its successors ultimately failed. The German-Roman empire never covered all of the then-important territories of Europe, and in the long run its internal structure proved too weak. But nevertheless it kept the idea of a politically unified Europe alive. The failures of empire-building cleared the way for the development of the modern state with a more compact territory, more clearly defined boundaries, a more differentiated centre, and closer relationships between centre and territorial popula- tion. With these developments, though they varied across time and space, European diversity acquired a clear political gestalt: it became a system of territorial states. A new map of political boundaries was drawn, overlaying the much older map of ethnic-linguistic boundaries that had been the result of successive waves of migra- tion over the centuries. The concurrence or discrepancy of these two types of boundaries set the options for the later transformation of the territorial into national states. These conditions greatly varied across Europe, and in general ethnic heterogeneity increased from the west (and north) to the east. Thus, for a long time Europe was divided between West European nation-states and East European multi- ethnic empires, with the rather different, confederated and consociational political structures of central Europe in between. The development of the European nation-state as the predominant form of politi- cal organization of today was closely linked to the earlier rise of vernaculars to lan- guages with written standards and a corresponding decline of Latin as the means of elite communication. It was also facilitated by the establishment of national Protestant churches in northern Europe, as a consequence of the Reformation, whereas the Catholic Church retained its supra-national character. The division of The Unity and Diversity of Europe vii western Christianity also produced a new map which, as in the case of ethnic- linguistic boundaries, did not always coincide with the political map. In this way, the diversity of Europe assumed a new shape: it became a diversity of varying relationships between political organization on the one hand and cultural, above all linguistic and religious, heterogeneity or homogeneity on the other. This kind of diversity was rooted in the past, but it developed in full only with the fundamental transformation of European societies since the nineteenth century: with industrialization and urbanization, with the creation of national systems of mass education, and with the democratization of the political systems. Europe became a system of nation-states and reached the highest degree of fragmentation in its his- tory, hardly contained within a common cultural frame. The democratization of the European nation-states and their transformation into welfare states added two new dimensions to the diversity of Europe: the diversity of public institutions and the diversity of intermediary structures. New institutions were created in the search for national solutions to problems and tasks connected with the development of capitalist industrial societies: not only systems for mass education, but also for social security, for health, and for other areas relevant for the life chances and living conditions of the mass population. And these institutions have greatly varied in many respects, above all in the degree of their ‘stateness’ as well as in the extent of their fragmentation or unity. This institutional diversity across Europe largely persists today, as does the diver- sity of intermediary structures. In the process of democratization, older and newer cleavages dividing the people of the nation-states were transformed into a variety of ‘intermediary’ organizations: political parties, trade unions, co-operatives, voluntary welfare organizations and many others. Many of these organizations emerged from older cleavages resulting from the non-congruence of political and cultural bounda- ries. Others were related to new cleavages generated by the process of capitalist industrialization. As the structure of these cleavages has greatly varied across Eu- rope, so have the intermediary structures. In the process of industrialization, due to differences in its timing and character, economic diversity was increasing across Europe over a long period of time, and the continent became ever more structured into economic centres and peripheries. This was not a completely new diversity, however, but one that developed out of older divisions. There was, first, the old city belt stretching from northern Italy to the Low Coun- tries and across the Channel to London and south England, a product of the revival and redirection of long-distance trade in medieval times. Industrialization added new towns and urban areas, but did not replace this dorsal spine of economic Europe with something completely new. There were, second, the trade routes through the Baltic Sea, emerging in the High Middle Ages as a loose federation of merchant towns (Hanse). Trade reached from Novgorod in Russia to Visby on Gotland, London in England and the Flemish town of Brügge. With the rise of the territorial states, the Hanse lost its power and func- tion. There were, third, the trade routes through the Mediterranean Sea. Since the High Middle Ages the Italian sea republics of Venice, Genova, and Pisa became the domi- viii Editorial Introduction nant powers in this trade. The Arabs and, on their heels, the Ottomans were competi- tors of the Italian republics. The conquests of the Ottoman Empire finally pushed Venice and Genova out of the eastern Mediterranean. As a consequence, the wealth and power of the Italian sea republics declined and the European powers (first Portu- gal and Spain, later also England, France and The Netherlands) looked for different sea routes to India. This was the rise of the Atlantic capitalism. There was, fourth, the later rise of a mercantilist Atlantic capitalism which divided Europe roughly into an advanced economic centre in the north-west, a dependent periphery in the east, and a semi-periphery in the mediterranean south. Today the diffusion of the process of industrialization and the later rise of other regions such as Scandinavia has somewhat changed and also reduced economic diversity, but older divisions still reappear in the territorial structuring of the more advanced industrial as well as ‘post-industrial’ activities across Europe. Dimensions of variation Putting together the elements mentioned above, one may try to define European diversity since the nineteenth century, the period covered by this series of hand- books, in the following way: it is first of all a diversity of societies politically orga- nized as nation-states varying in at least three crucial dimensions: 1. the varying interrelations between political organization and cultural heteroge- neity, as a result of the different political and cultural boundary-building in the processes of state formation and nation-building; 2. the variations in public institutions and intermediary organizations, as a result of the transformation of varying cleavage structures and state–society relationships in the processes of democratization and the building of welfare states; 3. the varying interrelations between the different positions of the national societies in the European world economy on the one hand, and the varying structuring of their internal division of labour on the other. Twentieth-century divisions On the eve of World War I, an observer might have gained the impression that the whole of Europe (except Russia and the Ottoman Empire) was on the road to democracy, that industrial capitalism would sooner or later shape the structure of all European societies, and that the European nations, although in fierce competition throughout the world, were somewhat held together not only by economic exchange, but also by a common belief in scientific and social progress. History took another turn, as we know today. After the first great civil war of the Europeans in the twentieth century, democracy broke down in most of central Eu- rope, and it could not develop whether in the old south nor in the new nation-states of central-Eastern Europe emerging from the breakdown of the eastern empires. This divided Europe deeply, between a democratic-liberal and a fascist-authoritarian part, building on existing and much older divisions. In addition, Europe was split even more radically by the Russian October Revolution, which led not only to a new, The Unity and Diversity of Europe ix totalitarian, political system, but also to a new form of non-capitalist industrial soci- ety. And this new political, economic, and social model was exported after the se- cond great civil war, via the Red Army, to almost the whole of Eastern Europe. This meant that after 1945, the enfeebled Europe, stripped of its leading role in the world, became more divided than ever before in its history; and this for almost half a century until the breakdown of communism in Eastern Europe. Western Europe, however, increasingly identified with Europe itself, proved able to revive the ancient idea of European unity and to base it on common institutions. Ironically, with the liberation of Eastern Europe, a historical event pointing to the future, we seem to witness the reappearance of the basic and much older structure of Europe in its unity and diversity. ‘Core’ and ‘peripheries’ The core of the European unification movement still lies in the territories of the old Carolingian empire and the old central city belt. The success of this core, above all in economic terms, and the not unrealistic hope of the other nations to use the in- creased strength of a more unified Europe for their own purposes, explains the momentum European integration has gained. The success of the core was a precondition for the democratization and economic development of southern Europe, and it probably had the same beneficial effects in Eastern Europe, or at least parts of it. The core territories have become the heart of European integration not because they have been homogeneous; quite the contrary. One might even say that their strength, beyond sheer demographic and economic weight, simply lies in the combination of a diversity typical of Europe, with roots reaching far back into history: to the limes and the great migrations which produced Romanic and Ger- manic territories with their ethnic and cultural differences; to the division of the Carolingian empire which ultimately led to the antithesis of a centralized French nation-state and a federated German empire with a delayed nation-building; and to the Lotharingian middle zone, the origin of the specific development of city states and confederations in northern Italy and the Low Countries; and to the Reformation which cut across the whole area. Around the West European ‘core’ we find territories that may be called ‘peripher- ies’, but for very different reasons. There are first of all the British Isles, only briefly and partially incorporated into the Roman Empire, never part of the German-Roman empire, breaking with Rome and establishing a national church, building its own overseas empire, on the basis of a strong domestic society as the first industrial na- tion and with a long-standing democratic tradition. This explains the distance to Europe and many of the specifics of English society. With the loss of the empire and a certain move towards ‘Europe’ this may change but will certainly not disappear. The Iberian powers, Spain above all, shared with Britain the distance-creating ex- perience of overseas empire-building, but their internal development was rather dif- ferent. Absolutism and social rigidity set barriers to political modernization, social mobility, and economic innovation. This led to a long-lasting decline and to an iso-