SOCIETY OF MESSENIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES HELEN G. SARADI THE BYZANTINE CITY IN THE SIXTH CENTURY Literary Images and Historical Reality ' -ד.,•.-. . ATHENS2006 To Angela and Marius Editor: P. G. Themelis Distributed by the Society of Messenian (S.M.A.S.) Archaeological Studies Psaromeligou 33, 10563, Athens, Greece tel/fax: +30 210 3251481 e-mail: [email protected] ., @ 2006 S.M.A.S. and Helen Saradi Printed by Perpinia Publications, Leontiou 9, Athens, Greece ISBN 960-87555-1-4 7 FOREWORD The impetus for this work arose from discussions with Alexander Kazhdan during the time I spent at Dumbarton Oaks as a Fellow and as an external reader. Of importance, too, was the fact that my work in Departments of Classics in Canada brought my teaching and research interests closer to the ancient world. The subject of the present book also represents a return to a topic that I had studied at the beginning of my career, the Byzantine city, at the National Research Foundation in Athens. It was there that Professor Dionysios Zakythinos kindly included me in a research group, placing me under the supervision of Professors Chryssa Maltezou and Anna Avramea who gave me guidance during my first works on Byzantine cities. Research grants from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada in 1991, 1992-1993, 1994-1997, and a Summer Fellowship from Dumbarton Oaks in 1992 allowed me to carry , out the early stages of my research at the Library of Dumbarton Oaks in Washington. I benefited great ly from the superb library resources at Dumbarton Oaks and from discussions with many scholars whom I met there. However, I would never have been able to complete my work without the help and encouragement of Professor Alexander Kazhdan. His depth of scholarship and intellectual generosity shaped many of my thoughts and widened my historical perspective. Above all, this great teacher en couraged me to continue working, when, at times, it seemed impossible to master a constantly increas ing bibliography. I am indebted to him for his guidance and encouragement. Finally, I would like to extend my thanks to Dr. A. Farrington for improving the English of the text, to Mr. J. Stavrinos for help in scanning the plans and for drawing the maps and to Mrs Maria Athanasopoulou, who worked on the illustrations. 9 CONTENTS Foreword 7 Part I. Early Byzantine urbanism: an introduction 11 Chapter 1: Methodological approaches and current state of scholarship 13 Part II. The image of the city in literature and art 47 Chapter 2: The aestheticization of the city and the historical context 49 , Chapter 3: The literary tradition and historical reality 71 Chapter 4: The Christian perspective: ascetic solitude and urban life 102 Chapter 5: The city as a visual motif in early Byzantine art 119 Part III. The dissolution of antique public space and the triumph of privatization 147 Chapter 6: The transformation of urban public space, administration and urban elites 148 Chapter 7: The process of privatization of the public space and the historical sources 186 Part IV. Changes in urban architecture: Ideological themes and socio-economic realities 209 Chapter 8: Administrative centres 211 Chapter 9: Streets and porticoes 259 Chapter 10: The spectacle buildings 295 Chapter 11: Baths and aqueducts 325 Part V. Between the city of the past and the city of the future 353 Chapter 12: At the edge of antiquity: Pagan monuments in the Christian city 355 Chapter 13: Churches in urban space and life 385 Chapter 14: The two models of the early Byzantine city 441 Conclusions 471 Abbreviations 473 Appendix I: Topographical plans of early Byzantine cities 497 Appendix II: Maps 521 Appendix III: List of figures, plans and maps 526 Index 531 PART! EARLY BYZANTINE URBANISM: AN INTRODUCTION CHAPTERl METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES AND CURRENT STATE OF SCHOLARSHIP The fear of a priorism is misplaced: any hypothesis can be modified, adjusted or discarded when necessary. Without one, however, there can be no explanation; there can be only description and classification. 1 It is only recently that the Byzantine city was established as a central theme in Byzantine history. Over recent decades, in the context of an increasing interest in Late Antiquity, the study of late antique city has become a central concern, the volume and quality of works on the subjects multiplying rapid ly.2 In the words of W. Brandes "a flood of literature which one can scarcely read, let alone master" has been produced on early Byzantine cities.3 A variety of subjects and numerous archaeological sites have been investigated in constantly increasing publications. Old questions have been answered, while others still await an answer. We now have studies on specific historical issues and archaeological sites, and some major synthetic works, besides. The following pages are not intended to offer a survey of bibliog raphy on the Byzantine cities, however, but to examine the major approaches to the subject and current scholarly debate. Emphasis will be placed on works that are relevant to the present study. It should also be stressed that the study of the early Byzantine city, in particular, the city in the sixth century, cannot be detached from the urban changes of the seventh and eighth centuries, because many of these changes were anticipated before the Byzantine Dark Ages. Until the fifties of the last century, it was firmly believed that, in contrast to the mediaeval West, urban life in Byzantium continued uninterrupted from the early period, with little transformation over the centuries. Administrative changes and Christianity had, of course, modified many ancient urban in stitutions and architectural features, but the overall picture then obtaining was that of continuity in the social and economic structure of the cities of the early Byzantine centuries. This view was so firmly rooted in scholarly tradition, that, although scholarly debate during the second half of the twentieth century on profound transformation of urban life in the Byzantine Dark Ages produced several remarkable 1 M. I. Finley, The Ancient Historian and his Sources, in E. Gabba (ed.), Tria Corda. Scritti in onore di Arnaldo Momigliano (Como 1983), 214. 2 There are various bibliographical surveys on early Byzantine cities: Brandes, Byz. Stadt, 179 ff.; idem, Stiidte, 18-22; Ch. Bouras, City and Village: Urban Design and Architecture,JOB 31/2 (1981), 611-653; L. Lavan, The late-antique city: a bibli ographical essay, LAA 2 (2004), 9-26. FIG. 1. Scythopolis. View of Palladius Street with the acropolis in the background. 3 Brandes, Byzantine Cities, 57. 14 THE BYZANTINE CITY IN THE SIXTH CENTURY METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES AND CURRENT STATE OF SCHOLARSHIP 15 studies, it is only relatively lately that the phenomenon of urban change has been included in broad Zakythinos, 10 who pointed particularly to the various forms in which the transition from the early studies of Byzantine culture and history.4 On the other hand, Roman historians approached the ques Byzantine to the mediaeval cities is manifested: some cities survived with modifications to their city tion of the late antique city from their own perspective. The major standard work on the Hellenistic, planning. Others were relocated to a new site, but maintained their ancient name, while others received Roman and early Byzantine city by A H. M. Jones, The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian, dealt a new name. Several cities, however, disappeared forever. Both Kirsten and Zakythinos placed the end mainly with administrative and financial changes in early Byzantine cities, and did so only in a brief of the early Byzantine period in the middle of the seventh century, and considered it to be a consequence chapter, while ignoring other aspects of the transformation of the urban fabric.5 The historical view that of the Arab invasions. They traced, however, the first signs of urban transformation to the late fifth cen- the decline of the Late Roman empire was caused by vulgarization of culture, the consequences of the 1u ry. Immediately afterwards F. Dolger studied the structure of early Byzantine cities in a comprehen third-century crisis and of the destruction of the traditional urban elite, as formulated by Rostovtzeff, 6 sive paper read at the IIIrd International Congress of Studies on the Early Middle Ages in 1956.11 has long dominated scholarship. With the passage of time, however, it was felt that the late Roman his Alt hough he acknowledged that profound transformations occurred in various aspects of the urban torian, detached from such mental attitudes, had to approach the sources from new different angles. structure, administrative and social, he stressed the continuity of urban centres from the early to the The impetus for a new direction in approaches to Byzantine urban history was given by A Kazh middle Byzantine period. dan in the 1950s, who formulated the theory of a dramatic urban decline in the seventh and eighth cen These initial approaches to the question of urban transformation led to further discussion of the turies. Kazhdan first discerned a change in urban life in the decline of series of coins of the seventh and value of the evidence. While Byzantinists seemed to agree that the new term kastron, and administra- eighth centuries in museum collections. He also pointed to the lack of archaeological evidence from 1i ve and social transformations clearly indicate profound changes in the cities, and the relocation and these centuries at most excavated sites, which certainly indicates a poverty of material life and decline abandonment of cities suggest the decline of many urban centres, it was particularly the value of the in urban structures. He also drew attention to the Arabic sources that offer a direct testimony to the rar numismatic evidence that was now disputed. G. Ostrogorsky, in his paper Byzantine Cities in the Early ity of Byzantine cities in this period. 7 On the basis of this evidence, he concluded that the decline of the Middle Ages,12 questioned the validity of Kazhdan's theory, arguing that, although series of bronze , urban system in the early Middle Ages was related to a ruralization of the empire.8 This theory sug coins declined over the seventh and eighth centuries, the issue of gold coins continued uninterrupted. gested that Byzantium and its cities had undergone a radically new structural change: the earlier heav Arguing that gold coins were more important for the vitality of the urban economy, Ostrogorsky inevitably ily urbanized provinces of the Eastern part of the Roman empire now suffered a decline and assumed reached the opposite conclusion. Ostrogorsky also studied the evidence of lists of bishoprics, which a new rural character. According to this picture, when Byzantine cities re-appeared in the historical show that, with a few exceptions, bishoprics continued to exist during the Byzantine Dark Ages, espe record in the tenth century, they had acquired a new socio-economic and administrative structure. This cially in Asia Minor, which, he maintained, indicated that cities survived. An objection to this argument theory, revolutionary as it was for Byzantine scholarship, shifted the focus from urban administrative was presented by E. Frances, who pointed to political considerations that made it expedient either to and religious change to change in economic and social structures. It also pointed to the value of new ev maintain bishoprics in urban centres that had declined or to elevate small settlements to the status idence derived from coins, thus opening the way to an exploration of archaeological material, which (if bishoprics.13 In the West bishoprics also survived, while most of the cities disappeared. It was evident had been traditionally excluded from historical investigation. that a bishopric was not necessarily an urban feature. Evidence from terminology marshalled by Kazhdan's theory was not challenged immediately. Instead, it provoked an analysis of the histori Ostrogorsky to indicate that urban life continued in this period has also been disputed, since terminology ographical sources. Four years later, at the Xlth International Byzantine Congress, E. Kirsten present drawn from these sources may be misleading, because the sources copied earlier texts.14 ed aspects of the changing character of the cities from the early Byzantine period and stressed their At the same time as Ostrogorsky's response, Irina Sokolova interpreted the numismatic material mediaeval structure.9 He discussed methodological approaches to the study of Byzantine urbanism, from a different perspective and reached a similar conclusion. She suggested that the reduction of and referred to the various sources that still needed exploration. This analysis was complemented by D. hoards in the eighth and early ninth centuries indicates economic and political stability. Sokolova explains the decline in coins as a consequence of the policy of the ninth-century emperors, who removed the coins of the iconoclast emperors from circulation.15 The range of interpretations of the coin evidence 4 Mango, Byzantium, 60-87. The book of A P. Rudakov, Ocerki vizantijskoj kul'tu,y po dannym greceskoj agiografii (Moscow 1917) includes a chapter on Byzantine cities. However, the book written in Russian has been largely ignored by scholars. J. Karagiannopoulos, To Bvtavuvo XQawc; (Thessalonica, 4th ed. 1994), 416-427; Aik. Christophilopoulou, Bvtavuv~ law Qia. A' 324-610 (Athens 1992), 362-367. Byzantinists from the East European countries showed awareness of the importance of the subject much earlier: M. Ja. Sjuzjumov, lstorija Vizantii II, 23-32; D. Angelov, lstorija na Vizantija I (395-867) (Sofia, 5th 10 Korreferat zu E. Kirsten: Die byzantinische Stadt, ibid., 48-51; idem, La ville byzantine, ibid., 75-90 (Diskussionsbeitrage ). ed. 1973), 236-243. For a new discussion on the reduction of cities to towns with a limited role, military and administrative or ecclesiastical see 5 Oxford 1940, repr. 1971, 251-258. The lack of emphasis on the physical aspect of cities is general in early historiographi Brandes, Byzantine Cities, 25-31. cal studies. Toynbee hardly mentions cities in his twelve-volume work. See the remarks of L. Mumford in C. H. Kraeling and 11 Die friihbyzantinische und byzantinisch beeinflusste Stadt (V.-VIII. Jahrhundert), inAtti del 3° congresso intemazionale R. M. Adams (eds.), City invincible. A Symposium on Urbanization and Cultural Development in the Ancient Near East held at di studi sull'Alto Medioevo, Benevento-Montevergine-Salemo-Amalfi, 14-18 Ottobre 1956 (Spoleto 1959), 65-100. the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, Dec. 4-7, 1958 (Chicago 1960), 241. 12 DOP 13 (1959), 47-66, repr. in Zur byzantinischen Geschichte (Darmstadt 1973), 99-118. 6 M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, 2nd ed. revised by P. M. Fraser (Oxford 1957), 13 E. Frances, La ville byzantine et la monnaie aux vne-VIIIe siecles, Bbulg 2 (1966), 4. See also P. Culerrier, Les eveches 523 ff. suffragants d'Ephese aux 5e_13e siecles, REE 45 (1987), 139-164, esp. 161-162; Brandes, Byzantine Cities, 41-44; Haldon, 7 See also later Haldon, Some Considerations, 92-94. Byzantium, 121-123. 8 Vizantijskie goroda v VII-XI vv., Sovetskaja Archeologija 21 (1954), 164-188. 14 Brandes, Byz. Stadt, 192-193; idem, Stiidte, 35-36; Kazhdan, Palis. 9 Die byzantinische Stadt, in Berichte zum XI. intemationalen Byzantinistenkongress (Munich 1958), 5, 3, pp. 1-48. 15 I. B. Sokol ova, Klady vizantijskich monet kak istorinik dlja istorii Vizantii VIII-IX vv., W 15 (1959), 50-63. 16 THE BYZANTINE CITY IN THE SIXTH CENTURY METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES AND CURRENT STATE OF SCHOLARSHIP 17 is indeed remarkable and it certainly shows how insecure the nature of this material is.16 In 1955, D. production and circulation of coins was to be increasingly recognized as a major factor, and it is currently Pallas, working independently and drawing on his experience in archaeological field work, reached a accepted in most works on the economy of the period. conclusion similar to that of Kazhdan. The decline of coins observed in all excavated sites in Greece at The XIIth International Byzantine Congress focused on Byzantine cities. For N. V. Pigulevskaja, the end of the early Byzantine period was a general phenomenon, also found in cities in other regions the transition from slavery to feudalism caused the ruralization of Byzantine cities, with a barter econ of the empire. This phenomenon could not have been caused by the Slavic invasions alone. Rather, it omy replacing a monetary one.23 At the same congress, P. Lemerle, rejecting the view that Byzantine was caused by profound structural changes, and above all by a shift of the economy from monetary to s< iciety was feudal, focused on the power and control of the state over the administrative and socio-eco barter.17 nomic structure of the empire ("etatisation"). For Lemerle, the greater emphasis on the countryside Clearly there was a lack of communication among numismatists, historians and archaeologists re and the rural economy in the Byzantine Dark Ages, a consequence of the invasions, did not bring about garding the study of the Byzantine economy in the early Middle Ages.18 Difficulties were caused be l he ruralization of the cities, and the economy did not turn to barter. 24 D. Zakythinos, in his authorita cause the conceptual framework for each of these disciplines is different and employs different tools tive article La grande breche dans la tradition historique de l'Hellenisme du septieme au neuvieme siecle ,25 and methods of research. The sources and therefore the data which are the subject of study of each dis l:stablished the notion of a break during two centuries from the middle of the seventh to the middle of cipline are so vast, that it is practically impossible for a specialist in one field to possess knowledge of I he ninth. The decline of coin finds in the excavated sites constituted the main argument in support of another field to a satisfactory degree. The inevitable result is that scholars depend on the conclusions the view that there was a dramatic decline in the economy during these centuries. Of course, the Avaro of others, instead of on the evidence itself, thus giving rise to a negative cross-fertilization.19 Over the Slavic invasions played a major role in this decline and the natural catastrophes of the sixth century course of the following years, however, while the debate continued, most scholars came to accept that were also a major factor. But above all, for Zakythinos, it was the thalassocracy of the Arabs that dis the decline of series of coins at the major excavated sites indicated reduced economic activity in the rn pted trade and brought about the collapse of the economic and urban system of the earlier period. The seventh and eighth centuries.20 Especially significant was the conclusion that, although new discoveries major manifestation of this crisis, he concluded, was the desurbanisation of the empire. Thus Zakythinos, substantially increased the number of coins found, they do not affect the proportion of coins per em following the Pirenne thesis, placed the decline of the ancient city in a much broader context, by peror established on the basis of earlier excavations.21 D. M. Metcalf expresses scepticism regarding recognizing the impact that the Arab supremacy in the Eastern Mediterranean had on the socio-eco the value of coin finds from ancient civic centres. Since marketplaces were relocated to other parts of nomic structure of the Byzantine cities. He also approached the problem of the decline of coins from the city, this, in Metcalf's view, accounts for the absence of coins in the traditional civic centre of forum another angle. He accepted that the army was a major factor in coin circulation and thus the establish or agora. Metcalf also suggested that the decline in quantities of folleis could have been caused by a re ment of the system of the themes, in which the payment of the soldiers was no longer made in cash, duction in the number issued by central government.22 The importance of the role of the state in the played a role in the reduction of the coins' circulation. 26 This view was ignored for many years, to be re vitalized by M. Hendy.27 Zakythinos' historical analysis firmly established the existence of the urban crisis and separated it from the dispute on the value of numismatic evidence. The view that ancient cities underwent a profound transformation and subsequent decline came to 16 P. Grierson argued that the composition of museum collections are based on collectors' preference for acquiring new he generally accepted and new scholarly works concentrated on various aspects of the nature, pace and and rare coins and do not reflect the amount of coins produced by excavations: Coinage and Money in the Byzantine Empire 498-c. 1090, Settimane VIII, Moneta e scambi nell'Alto Medioevo (Spoleto 1961), 445-446. S. Vryonis stressed that the numismatic causes of the change. Individual cities became the subject of case studies. For example, the literary evidence is fragmentary, since thousands of coins discovered in excavations remain uncatalogued in museums, while numerous sources on Antioch offered valuable material for the study of administrative and social structure in the other finds are never recovered for scholarship, being instead sold to private collectors: An Attic Hoard of Byzantine Gold early period.28 The decline of the curial class is fully documented in Libanius' orations and other liter Coins ( 668-741) from the Thomas Whittemore Collection and the Numismatic Evidence for the Urban History of Byzantium, ary and legislative texts. Cities were gradually deprived of this group, which for centuries had sustained ZRVI 8, 1 (1963), 291-300. building activities and urban institutions, while the cities' economic resources passed more and more 17 D. J. Pallas, Ta &QxmoAoytxa wxµiJQLa i:i'ji:; xa866ou i:&v [3aQ[3<iQWV di:;i:~v 'EAAU◊a, Hellenika 14 (1955), 87-105, esp. under the control of state administration and the Church. The first major comprehensive study on 94-97. 18 See the remarks of R. S. Lopez, Une histoire a trois niveaux: la circulation monetaire, in Methodologie de l'histoire et des Byzantine cities by D. Claude focused on the sixth century, Die byzantinische Stadt im 6. Jahrhundert sciences humaines, Melanges en l'honneur de Femand Braudel II (Toulouse 1973), 335-341. ( Munich 1969). The author collected much valuable material from both literary sources and archaeo 19 See M. I. Finley, Archaeology and History,Daedalus 100 (1971 ), 168-186; D. P. Dymond,Archaeology and History. A plea logical reports and presented it in a major synthesis, which examined urban planning and the cities' for reconciliation (London 1974); C. T. Arnold, Archaeology and History: The Shades of Confrontation and Cooperation, in administrative, social and economic structure. The focus of Claude's study, however, is on continuity, J. L. Bintliff and C. F. Gaffney ( eds.),Archaeology at the Inte,face: Studies in Archaeology's Relationships with History, Geography, rather than on the transformation of urban life and the work is of value in that it offers wide range of Biology and Physical Science (BAR Int. Series 300), 32-39; Brandes, Byzantine Cities, 57. 20 P. Charanis, The Significance of Coins as Evidence for the History of Athens and Corinth in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries, Historia 4 (1955), 163-172; idem, A Note on the Byzantine Coin Finds in Sardis and their Historical Significance, EEBS 39-40 (1972-3), 175-180; D. M. Metcalf, The Currency of Byzantine Coins in Syrmia and Slavonia, Hamburger Beitr. zur 23 N. V. Pigulevskaja, Gorod i derevnja v Vizantii v IV-VI vv., Byz. Congress XII (1961), I, 1-8. For a similar approach by Numismatik 14 (1960), 429-444; Grierson, however, expresses scepticism regarding the value of archaeological evidence: other scholars of the Marxist historical school, see, for example, E. M. Staerman, Evoljucija anticnoj formy sobstvennosti i Byzantine Coinage. For a bibliographical survey on the value of numismatic evidence for the study of urban life in Byzantium anticnogo goroda, W34 (1973), 3-14. see Brandes, Byz. Stadt, 193 ff.; C. Morrisson, Byzance au VIie siecle: le temoignage de la numismatique, in Bv!:;avuov. 24 P. Lemerle, 277-280; P. Charanis, 285-291, esp. 290-291. "Acpd:Qwµa arov °AVO(.!.sa N. LT(.!aw I (Athens 1986), 149-163. 25 in Xa(.!WTrJ(.!lOV elc; "Avaaraatov K. 'OQ,Mvoov 3 (Athens 1966), 300-327. 21 A Avramea, Noµwµai:txol «8TJOUUQol» xal µeµovwµeva voµloµai:a am':, i:~v IIeAon6vvTJOO (IT'-Z' aL), Symmeikta 5 26 Ibid, 321-322. (1983), 71-73. 27 See infra, pp. 21-22. 22 D. M. Metcalf, How Extensive was the Issue of Foiles during the Years 775-820?,Byzantion 37 (1967), 270-310, esp. p. 277. 28 Festugiere,Antioche; Petit, Libanius; Liebeschuetz,Antioch. 18 THE BYZANTINE CITY IN THE SIXTH CENTURY METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES AND CURRENT STATE OF SCHOLARSHIP 19 information drawn from the sources, although it does not always evaluate their real historical signifi refuse to recognize it) that all round the Mediterranean the cities, as they had exist cance. 29 The works of G. L. Kurbatov have advanced our knowledge of the evolution of early Byzantine ed in antiquity, contracted and then practically disappeared. This happened at dif urbanism from a different perspective.30 In his Osnovnye problemy vnutrennego razvitiya vizantijskogo ferent times in different provinces, and the immediate cause was usually foreign in goroda v W-VII vv. (Leningrad 1971 ), Kurbatov presented the transformation of the administrative and vasion. The ease with which walled cities fell to an enemy who was often neither very socio-economic structure of the cities and of the urban space as a slow process that had already started numerous nor skilled in siege warfare, and the absence of any urban resurgence af in the fourth century. In Kurbatov's view, the real crisis of the cities started not in the middle of the ter the enemy had withdrawn show, however, that military hostilities were merely seventh century, but in the middle of the sixth, appearing first in small towns and later in the large cities. the last shock that brought down a tottering edifice.36 Today recent archaeological studies prove his conclusion correct. Unfortunately, the book, written in Russian, was accessible only to a limited number of scholars. Mango's next major work on Byzantine urbanism, Le developpement urbain de Constantinople In the 1970s, scholarly interest shifted to archaeological investigation. On the basis of archaeolog ( Paris 1985), broadened the discussion by demonstrating that even the capital was affected by the crisis ical evidence alone, C. Foss gave new direction to the study of the causes of the cities' decline. After the nf the seventh and eighth centuries. The inhabited area and the size of population were reduced, destruction of Sardis by fire in the early seventh century, the city never recovered. Its series of coins was while the suburbs and aqueducts were devastated by invasion. Thus the problem was more complex and interrupted, the site was abandoned to a large degree, and there is other evidence of economic decline widespread than was generally recognized, the only variation being the degree of the crisis in each one and depopulation. The destruction of Sardis is attributed by Foss to a Persian invasion of 616, which is uf the cities. In the same year J. Baldon stressed the decline of cities in the Byzantine Dark Ages: "The not recorded in the written sources.31 Foss, however, recognizes that the causes of the phenomenon Nl'Venth century, and much of the eighth, saw, I believe, an almost total eclipse of urban life". 37 were complex, "for the reduction in the area of cities implies a great decline of the population which is Gradually more attention was paid to ideological change. In 1980 J.-M. Spieser remarked that be not a necessary consequence of war, but there is no doubt that a major transformation took place".32 sides the political and administrative factors the historian who studies the development of early Byzantine Foss looked at the city's demise in the archaeological evidence, although his attempt to explain the de urbanism should also examine the ideological aspects: "il faudrait etudier quelles ont ete les modalites cline as being due to outside factors alone did not convince.33 The importance of the archaeological ev ideologiques et pratiques qui ont rendu possible le developpement d'un urbanisme monumental avant idence and of the literary sources was once again stressed by Kazhdan, who showed that the systemati d,: pouvoir rendre compte de ce qui a cause son declin".38 However, he pointed out that the decline of cally gathered material in the Tabula Imperii Byzantini (Bellas and Thessaly), primarily from literary the monumental appearance of the cities led scholars to believe that the cities had been reduced to sources, testifies to the decline of urban life in these areas after the seventh century. 34 communities which could not be called cities. Spieser focused on administrative and ideological change C. Mango in his Byzantium: The Empire ofN ew Rome offered a more refined synthesis of the complex and the redistribution of wealth which now flowed towards the Church: causes of urban decline.35 Mango depicts the gradual abandonment of the theatres, hippodromes, and temples as a result of cultural change, as Christianity firmly manifested itself in the cityscape through C'est ce changement qui rend irreversible un declin de la ville, sous la forme qu'elle the proliferation of churches and monasteries. In Mango's view, the disintegration of the cities started avait dans le monde greco-romain, declin qui n'est done pas necessairement le reflet in the sixth century and was caused by droughts, plagues and earthquakes. Urban violence also played d'un appauvrissement de ses habitants et pas seulement celui d'un affaiblissement a role. Mango concludes: de l'Empire. La tentative de restauration urbaine de Justinien et la crise due aux invasions du vne siecle ont masque la nature profonde du changement.39 There can be little doubt that the plagues of the sixth century, combined with an unprecedented sequence of natural disasters, were a factor, perhaps the determin Baldon defined the transition from ancient to mediaeval society and economy in the context of ing factor, in the collapse of urban life. For it is a fact (though some historians still cultural change: What sort of transition was this? How is it best described? - as a shift in the whole 29 Spieser, Thessalonique, 88 n. 47 ("en juxtaposant des fiches"). structure of a social formation, involving economic, political and cultural relations? 30 Rannevizantijskij gorodskije kurii i soslovie kurialov v rannej Vizantii (W-Vl vv.) (Diss., Moscow 1956); idem, Rannevizantijskij - or as a transition within an ideological framework, in which emphases shift, and gorod (Antiochija vuWveke) (Leningrad 1962). where values and attitudes which had previously been contextually impossible now 31 Foss, The Persians, 721-747, esp. 736-738; idem, The Fall of Sardis in 616 and the Value of Evidence,JOB 24 (1975), 11-22; come to dominate and to determine the appearance of the culture? I think there idem, Byzantine and Turkish Sardis (Cambridge, Mass. and London 1976), 53-56; idem, Ephesus, 99; idem, Archaeology and can be little doubt that these two are in fact inseparable.40 the "Twenty Cities" of Byzantine Asia,AJA 81 (1977), 469-486, esp. 476-477; idem, Late Antique and Byzantine Ankara, DOP 31 (1977), 29-87; idem, Coins, Archaeology and the Decline of Classical Cities in Asia Minor, in P. Lal Gupta and A Kumar Jha (eds.), 2nd Int. Colloquium. Numismatics and Archaeology. January 8th-10th, 1987 (Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies) (Nashik 1987), 32-44. 32 Foss, The Persians, 747. 33 P. Charanis, A Note on the Byzantine Coin Finds in Sardis and their Historical Significance, EEBS 39-40 (1972-73), 175-180; 36 pp. 68-69. A Kazdan, inByzantina 9 (1977), 478-484; Kazhdan and Cutler, Continuity, 440-441; W. Brandes, Ephesos in byzantinischer 37 Haldon, Some Considerations, 77-78. Zeit, KUo 64 (1982), 611-622; Rautman, The Decline. 38 Spieser, Thessalonique, 88. 34 A Kazhdan, Byzantina 11 (1982), 432 ff. 39 Idem, L'evolution de la ville byzantine de l'epoque paleochretienne a l'iconoclasme, inHommes et richesses I, 106. 35 pp. 60-87. 40 Haldon, Some Considerations, 76. 20 THE BYZANTINE CITY IN THE SIXTH CENTURY METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES AND CURRENT STATE OF SCHOLARSHIP 21 Thus the question of cities' decline came to be formulated in a broad context of socio-economic In the 1980's more attention was paid to the archaeological evidence. This attention was driven by and cultural changes and in the framework of cultural continuity and discontinuity.41 At the same time a conviction that, since the literary sources do not clearly describe the various aspects of urban trans questions were asked about the nature of the urban change: should the phenomenon be labelled as "urban formation, particularly changes in city planning, population decline and economic crisis, the answer decline" or as "transformation"? W. Treadgold pointed to the tendency on the part of Byzantinists to was to be found in the archaeological record. This was the focus of the symposium organized by the define urban transformation as decline by comparing the mediaeval Byzantine cities with their Roman f•:wlc Fran~aise de Rome in 1982, entitled Villes et peuplement dans l'Illyricum protobyzantin. Several predecessors, which were adorned with magnificent public buildings. In the seventh and eighth centuries, papers presented archaeological evidence from the cities of Illyricum and demonstrated that decline of Byzantine cities actually shrank to the size of classical Greek cities and the number of public officers these cities is clearly documented in archaeological excavations, with their final collapse caused by the of the administration to that of the early Roman empire. In Treadgold's view, the reduced physical Avaro-Slavic invasions. In a summary of the results of the symposium, P. Lemerle substantially revised environment of early Byzantine cities should not, therefore, be taken as implying decline in other forms his earlier views of the 1960s. While the Slavic invasions played a predominant role in the decline or de of culture.42 Discussion particular to various schools of historical thought tends to debate whether the sl ruction of the cities of the Illyricum, it was obvious that the reasons for the phenomenon were to be phenomenon should be defined as decline or transformation, break or continuity.43 Thus, for example, found elsewhere: Averil Cameron favours transformation instead of decline, while J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz insists on decline, which he defines as degradation and shrinkage.44 A similar controversy is noticeable in Italian Pourquoi? Faut-il dire que la ville avait perdu, avec l'ancienne classe dirigeante, scholarly works regarding the fate of the Italian cities at the end of Late Antiquity and in the early Middle son assise ideologique, sociale, politique, economique, et se trouva incapable de re Ages.45 Even the relocation of cities, which is traditionally taken as evidence of an urban crisis, may be sister a un choc comme celui des Avaro-Sklavenes? Faut-il dire que le nouvel ordre, interpreted as "la persistenza del fenomeno urbano". Thus, having accepted the urban crisis at the level of construit autour de l'Eglise, n'avait pas eu le temps de s'affirmer suffisamment economic life and material environment, urban continuity is defined predominantly as an "ideological lorsque le choc decisif survint? Faut-il, au contraire, chercher !'explication plutot du continuity", although the physical landscape and socio-economic structure of cities was transformed.46 cote du pouvoir central? ou le tout a la fois? C'est sans doute l'archeologie, si les Yet another approach has been proposed: one should identify specific aspects of urban life that show fouilles sont bien faites et bien publiees, qui dictera la reponse. Pour l'instant, a !'ex continuity and those that reveal change from the earlier ones.47 ception de cas extremes et par consequent peu significatifs, comme ceux, opposes, J. Koder examined patterns of settlement distribution around cities in the early Byzantine period de Thessalonique et d' Athenes, trop rares sont les sites, comme Corinthe ou Stobi in the light of theories that established principles of correlation between cities and agrarian settle ou Philippes et le site a tous egards particulier de Caricin Grad, ou les fouilles per ments. Geographical factors, rich countryside, old density of settlements and proximity to the sea are mettent deja de poser des jalons. Du moins voit-on bien quelles questions il faut predominant factors in the density of settlements in the early Byzantine period. However, in some cases soumettre aux archeologues. 49 the written sources are misleading. For example, the Synekdemos' list contains settlements ranked as cities on the basis of historical tradition, rather than on the basis of their economic prosperity and Thus the crucial role of the central government in the process of urban transformation was once demographic development. 48 again recognized. Furthermore, M. Angold argued that a major factor in the crisis of the cities in Late Antiquity was their progressive dependency upon Constantinople. After the loss of Syria and Egypt, the capital could not afford financial assistance to the cities to aid their recovery.50 W. Muller-Wiener drew an overall picture of the cities' transformation from the point of view of topographical changes, namely, the closing up of porticoes, the reduced line of fortifications, and the implantation of church 41 M. Ja. Sjuzjumov, Nekotorye problemy istoril']eskogo razvitija Vizantii i Zapada, W35 (1973), 3-18; G. Weiss, Antike es in the urban fabric. The diminishing space which early Byzantine fortifications defended was taken und Byzanz. Die Kontinuitat der Gesellschaftsstruktur, Historische Zeitschrift 224 (1977), 529-560; V. Vavrinek, The Eastern at face value by Muller-Wiener, who considered it clear evidence of the cities' decline and their trans Roman Empire or Early Byzantium? A Society in Transition, in idem (ed.), From Late Antiquity to Early Byzantium. Proceed ings of the Byzantinological Symposium in the 16th International Eirene Conference (Prague 1985), 9-20; Kazhdan and Cutler, formation from ancient into mediaeval.51 Continuity. M. Hendy's studies on the Byzantine economy also focused on the role of the central government. 42 W. Treadgold, The Break in Byzantium and the Gap in Byzantine Studies, ByzF 15 (1990), 289-316. The traditional view that the Byzantine economy was monetary was modified by Hendy, who suggest 43 Ward-Perkins, Urban Continuity?, 11-13. ed that the Byzantine economic system served not private transactions, but rather the state's fiscal and 44 Cameron, The Mediterranean World, 81 ff., 128-129, 157-158, 198; idem, The perception of crisis, Settimane 45 (1998), 9- military needs. Thus, in his view, the state officers and the army constituted the basic dynamic in the cir 34; idem, Ideologies; R. Cormack, Byzantine Aphrodisias. Changing the Symbolic Map of a City, Proceedings oft he Cambridge culation of coins. The decline of coins in the seventh and eighth centuries was interpreted by Hendy, as Philological Society, n.s. 34 (1988), 28-32; A Giardina, Esplosione di tardoantico, Studi Storici 40 (1999), 157-180; J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, Late Antiquity and the Concept of Decline, Nottingham Medieval Studies 45 (2001), 1-11; idem, The uses, and it was earlier by Zakythinos, as a consequence of the change of the system of military payments from the response of A Cameron (pp. 238-239), B. Ward-Perkins (pp. 239-241), M. Whittow (pp. 241-243), L. Lavan (pp. 243-245). 45 Ward-Perkins, Urban Continuity?, 12-13; idem, Continuitists, catastrophists, and the towns of post-Roman Northern Italy, PBSR 65 (1997), 157-176. 46 A Carile, La citta bizantina: aspetti e problemi, Rivista di Bizantinistica 2 (1992), 104-106. 47 A Augenti, Continuity and Discontinuity of a Seat of Power: the Palatine Hill from the Fifth to the Tenth Century, in 49 Villes et peuplement, 519. Also Mango, La vita, 236 stresses the importance of archaeology for illuminating the cities' decline Smith, Early Medieval Rome, 43. after the sixth century. 48 J. Koder, The Urban Character of the Early Byzantine Empire: Some Reflections on a Settlement Geographical Approach 50 M. Angold, The Shaping of the Medieval Byzantine 'City',ByzF 10 (1985), 1-37, esp. 2-7. to the Topic, Byz. Congress XVII (1986), 155-187, esp. 169-170. 51 MUiler-Wiener, Von der Polis.