The BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGIST .of. ur*q* Publishedb y THE AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH (Jerusalem and Bagdad) Drawer 93-A, Yale Station, New Haven, Conn. VOL. XXVI May, 1963 No. 2 2 9;,6~ 7 ii~` ?, Fig. 1-4. Athenian Tetradrachm( 1) and Yehud coins (2-4). Contents Ancient Jewish Coins and Their Historical Importance by Baruch Kanael .........................................38 The Posture of the Ancient Scribe, by Kenneth W. Clark ......................63 Announcemento f a ScripturalI ndex to the BA ........................................................72 38 THE BIBLICALA RCHAEOLOGIST (Vol. XXVI, The Biblical Archaeologist is published quarterly (February, May, September, December) by the American Schools of Oriental Research. Its purpose is to meet the need for a readable, non-technical, yet thoroughly reliable account of archaeological discoveries as they relate to the Bible. Editor: Edward F. Campbell, Jr., with the assistance of Floyd V. Filson in New Testament matters. Editorial correspendence should be sent to the editor at 800 West Belden Avenue, Chica- go 14, Illinois. Editorial Board: W. F. Albright, Johns Hopkins University; G. Ernest Wright, Harvard University; Frank M. Cross, Jr., Harvard University. Subscriptions: $2.00 per year, payable to Stechert-Hafner Service Agency, 31 East 10th Street, New York 3, New York. Associate members of the American Schools of Oriental Re- search receive the journal automatically. Ten or more subscriptions for group use, mailed and billed to the same address, $1.50 per year for each. Subscriptions run for the calendar year. In England: fifteen shillings per year, payable to B. H. Blackwell, Ltd., Broad Street Oxford. Back Numbers: Available at 600 each, or $2.25 per volume, from the Stechert-Hafner Service Agency. The journal is indexed in Art Index, Index to Religious Periodical Literature, and at the end of every fifth volume of the journal itself. Second-class postage PAID at Peterborough, New Hampshire. Copyright by American Schools of Oriental Research, 1963. PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES or AMERICA, BY TRANSCRIPT PRINTING COMPANY PETERBOROUGH, N. H. Ancient Jewish Coins and Their Historical Importance by BARUCH KANAEL Jerusalem, Israel Ancient Jewish coins are an important source of information for Jewish history from the late Persian period until the time of the Bar Kochba revolt. They throw much light on the cultural, political, and economic aspects of this stretch of time. From them we can learn of the political situation, and of certain trends of thought, prevailing during the little known decades preced- ing the conquest of Judea by Alexander the Great. They are of special im- portance for the understanding of the Late Maccabean period. They depict the efforts of the rulers to take an active part in contemporaryi nternational politics while still preserving the special character of a Jewish state. They reflect the constitutional struggles of the day, as the rulers tried to establish a monarchy with characteristic Hellenistic traits, to which the Pharisees objected. The civil war which broke out under Jannaeus is also reflected in contemporaryc oinage. And finally, coins throw much light on the policy of the Herodians and that of the Roman procurators. During revolts in ancient times, coins were about the only means by which the leaders of the revolts could assert that a new independent state had come into being. The coins of the two Jewish revolts tell us of the aims of the insurgents and of their hope for freedom. Some important information about the Bar Kochba revolt may be inferred by combining the numismatic evidence with that of the literary sources and the recent discoveries in the desert of Judea (see BA XXIV, numbers 2 and 3). 1963, 2) THE BIBLICALA RCHAEOLOGIST 39 Coins also contribute to the study of the history of Jewish art and sym- bols, of epigraphy, and of course simply of chronology. Often archaeological strata can be dated quite closely with the help of coins. However, the inter- pretation of the symbols and legends on coins is often rather complicated and requires considerable acquaintance not only with archaeological and numismatic method, but also with the problemso f Jewish history and religion. One must be careful neither to overestimate nor to underestimate the evi- dence. Indeed the number of articles and books in this branch of inquiry is extensive, and the interested reader will sometimes find it difficult to dis- tinguish the writings of well-meaning connoiseurs from the work of serious students.' The interpretationsp resented here do not claim to be final solutions to the problems involved, and the attempt has been made to indicate the degree of certainty7o f the conclusions presented. Further research will gain new insights in this fascinating field, for its very fascination attracts continuing and mounting interest. Coins in Old Testament Times Coined money had not been invented in pre-Exilic times. When Abra- ham bought the cave of Machpelah from Ephron, the Hittite, he paid him 400 shekels of current weight (Gen. 23:15), which suggests that silver had to be weighed for every sizable payment. However, for the convenience of commerce and trade, the metal was usually available in pieces of fixed weight. So, when Saul went to look for his father's asses, his servant had "the fourth part of a shekel of silver" with him (I Sam. 9:8), a piece weigh- ing about 3 grams. This is a clear instance of pre-coinagem oney. It is now agreed that coins were first struck in Lydia in Asia Minor in the latter part of the seventh century, B.C. The first coins were struck from electrum, a natural alloy of gold and silver found in Lydia. On the obverse of these coins appears the head of a lion, the coat-of-armso f the Lydian Kingdom. It was no longer necessary to weigh silver at every major transac- tion. Coined money rapidly became common throughout the ancient world. Governments soon realized the importance of the right of coinage and re- stricted this right to themselves. Not long after the invention of coinage, the Persians also started to issue gold and silver coins. Since in the fifth century Judea formed part of the Persian empire, the first coins mentioned in the 1. Comprehensive works on Jewish numismatics are F. W. Madden, Coins of the Jews (London, 1881, still indispensable); G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine (London, 1914); M. Narkiss, Coins of Palestine, I-II (in Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1936-38); A. Reifenberg, Ancient Jewish Coins, 2nd edition (Jerusalem, 1947, second impression, 1963). Much ground is also covered in P. Romanoff, Jewish Symbols on Ancient Jewish Coins (Philadelphia, 1944); in the relevant sections of E. R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Rotan Period, I-VIII (New York, 1953 to present); and in The Dating and Meaning of Ancient Jewish Coins and Symbols (Jerusalem, 1958), in which are included A. Kindler's treatment of the Hasmoneans and the Second Revolt, J. Meyshan's of the Herodians, E. W. Klimovski's on symbols and L. Kadman's of the First Revolt, as well as a general summary. 40 THE BIBLICALA RCHAEOLOGIST (Vol. XXVI, Bible were Persian ones. "Accordingt o their ability they gave to the treasury of the work sixty-one thousand darics of gold . .. " reads Ezra 2:69 - that would be about 1130 pounds of gold. The Yehud Coins The Persians did not interfere much in the internal government of the distant Provinces of their enormous empire. During the last generations of Persian rule, before the conquest of their empire by Alexander the Great (331 B.C.), Judea enjoyed a certain amount of independence concerning internal affairs. At the head of the community was the High Priest, while the central government was represented by its satrap. Judea formed a part of the Fifth Satrapy, "The Satrapy Across-the-River,"w here "the River" is the Euphrates. In Judea, Persian coins, on which the effigy of the Persian king ap- peared, were current. Athenian coins, which circulated widely through the Near East, were also used in the country. On the obverse of these coins (Fig. 1) appears the portrait of the goddess Athena, and on the reverse an owl, the symbol of the goddess. However, after the end of the Pelopon- nesian War in 404 B.C., Athenian coins were not issued for a considerable time. Since these coins had readily been accepted for payment between Syria and Egypt, they were imitated in this region. At the beginning the original design of these coins was copied. Later on, changes in the types and legend of the coin appear. And ultimately some coins bore only slight resemblance to the original Athenian series. On some of these, the types were struck in such a primitive way that they look like caricatureso f the original. Other types of coins were issued during the last decades of the Persian Empire. Coins which were mainly destined for the payment of mercenaries bore types current in the countries of origin of those soldiers and their com- manders. Many of these, and similar, coins, known as Philisto-Arabian, were issued, many being struck at the important mercantile town of Gaza. In Judea, a few silver coins of such types were issued, numismatically form- ing a part of the Philisto-Arabian series. These Judean exemplars are ex- tremely rare, known specimens numbering about a half a dozen altogether. They bear the legend Yehud, the Aramaic name of the Province of Judea (Ezra 5:1, 8). One of these coins was found over a century ago and con- stitutes one of the cherished treasures of the Department of Coins and Medals at the British Museum (Fig. 2). On the obverse there appears a male divinity, bearded, wearing a himation (a Greek-style outer cloak) leaving the upper part of the body bare. He is seated on a winged wheel, his right arm wrapped in his garment; on his extended left hand sits an eagle or hawk. Above appears the inscription Yehud in ancient Hebrew characters. In the 1963, 2) THE BIBLICALA RCHAEOLOGIST 41 field to the right, a bald-headed mask appears. On the reverse of the coin a bearded male head wearing a crested Corinthian helmet is seen. This coin is of the "mercenary"t ype. It weighs 2.08 grams. The inscription was form- erly read "yahu" and taken as the name of the Lord. It was Professor E. L. Sukenik who rightly suggested the reading "Yehud".2 Who is the divinity portrayed on the obverse? Since there exists no identical contemporaryp ortrayal of divinity, some students assume that the artist, who most probably was not a Jew but perhaps was either a craftsman accompanying the Persian army or a resident of one of the heathen towns in the periphery of Judea, here probably tried to portray the Lord in a syn- cretistic way. He may have been influenced by the descriptionso f the divine chariot by the prophet Ezechiel (see Ez. 10:16 and especially 10:19). We may have in this coin evidence of assimilatory and syncretistic tendencies among the Jewish aristocracyi n the fourth century. It seems likely that this coin confronts us with the forerunners of the Hellenizers, who will try to abolish the established Jewish religion some two centuries later. Unfortun- ately only a single specimen of this coin has been discovered, which renders it difficult to establish clear historical conclusions. The next series,3o f which two specimens are published, are indirect off- shoots of Athenian coins. On the obverse appears the Athenian owl, with the Hebrew inscription Yehud superseding that of Athens as the issuing mint (Fig. 3). The portrait on the reverse does not seem to depict anyone in par- ticular, such as the High Priest of Judea or the Persian Satrap; the figure is a male nortraitw ithout any special meaning and is similar to the portrait on the reverse of the preceding coin. Perhaps the latest of the Yehud coins is the one shown in Fig. 4. On the obverse is the Athenian owl, now even more primitively executed than on the two preceding coins. On the right we again read Yehud, while on the left we may presumably read Yhzkyh, that is Hezekiah. The reverse was left blank. This coin was discovered at Beth-Zur in 1931. Hezekiah has right- ly been identified with a high priest of this name mentioned by Josephus in his work Against Apion, I, sections 187-188.4 We are there told that Heze- kiah encountered Ptolemy Lagos, who founded the Ptolemaic dynasty in Egypt after the death of Alexander the Great. The fact that the name of a high priest appears proves that these coins were issued by high priestly authority.5 And the Yehud coins as a whole constitute additional evidence 2. E. L. Sukenik, "The Oldest Coin of Judea," Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society, XIV (1934), pp. 178-184. 3. Sukenik, "More about the Oldest Coins of Judea," ibid., XV (1935), pp. 341-343. 4. 0. R. Sellers, The Citadel of Beth-Zur (Philadelphia, 1933), pp. 73-74, referring to A. T. Olmstead. 5. On this coin see especially N. Avigad, "A New Class of Yehud Stamps," Israel Exploration Journal 7 (1957), pp. 148-149. 42 THE BIBLICALA RCHAEOLOGIST (Vol. XXVI, that the Judean temple-state enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy during the Persian period, a conclusion for which we possess only scanty literary evidence. In addition to the coins, however, one can cite an ever- increasing number of seals and seal impressions which bear the name Yehud. tipt ?U21 ~ IT Figs. 5-12. Mlaccabean coins: Hyrcanus I (5), Alexander Jannaeus (6-9), Hyrcanus II (10-12). 3laccabean Coins (ca. 115-37 B.C.) Following the conquest of Palestine by Alexander, a sufficient amount of currency was made available through the mints of the conquerors. Until the Maccabees came into their own, Judea used coins issued first by the Ptolemies and then by the Seleucids (see for the contemporary Shechem examplesB A XXV, 3 (1962), pp. 87-96, in the articleb y Dr. Sellers). When the Maccabees succeeded in establishing their independent realm, they naturally wanted to issue their own bronze coinage with Hebrew in- scriptions and appropriates ymbols. Coins now meant much more than they did under the Persians; the right of coinage was jealously guarded by the central authorities, and the gradual weakening of the Syrian (Seleucid) Empire is clearly seen in the coinage of towns to which the king had to 1963, 2) THE BIBLICALA RCHAEOLOGIST 43 grant the right of coinage. One can discern the varying degrees of autonomy, culminating in independence. When the last energetic Seleucid ruler, Antiochus VII Sidetes, while still a pretender, tried successfully to enlist the help of the Maccabean High Priest Simon (142-135 B.C.) against the ruling usurper Tryphon, he pro- mised Simon (along with other favors like territorial concessions): "I give thee leave to coin money for thy country with thy own stamp" (I Macc. 15:7). Formerly, scholars were of the opinion that Simon actually made use of this permission, and attributed to him the shekel and half-shekel silver coins then known. However, since the beginning of this century both his- torians and numismatic scholars have agreed that the shekels were actually struck during the first Jewish revolt against the Romans in 66-70 A.D. Still, some tended to attribute to Simon the bronze coins bearing the Hebrew in- scription "Year four . . . of the delivery of Zion" (Figs. 47-49). However, Albright and Sellers in 1931 observed that these coins were not represented at Beth-Zur and other excavated strongholds which had belonged to Simon, and they therefore could not have been issued by him, while in addition both style and epigraphy point to the first revolt.6 We will deal with these coins, then, under the coinage of the First Revolt. Why, then, did not Simon make use of the privilege granted him? It is likely that Antiochus withdrew this permission together with his other concessions to Simon as soon as he has seized power in Syria (I Macc. 15:27). It would appear that Simon did not have sufficient time to make use of his prerogative.7 The first Maccabean ruler to strike coins was John Hyrcanus I (135- 104). While formerly it had been thought that he issued coins from the beginning of his reign, it has been suggested that, owing to his prudence in relation to Syria, he probably started to issue coins only during the latter years of his reign.8 A. Kindler has succeeded in classifying these coins by palaeographicc riteria.9T he coins of Jehohanan the High Priest, formerly at- tributed almost exclusively to John Hyrcanus I, are now divided between Hyrcanus I and his grandson Hyrcanus II (High Priest from 76 B.C. under Queen Alexandra and ruler for a short time in 67 and then in 63-40 B.C.) The standard series of Maccabean coins have a rather dull appearance. On the obverse those of Hyrcanus bear an inscription in ancient Hebrew characters which reads "Yehohanan the High Priest and the Council of the Jews," within an olive wreath. On the reverse appear two jugate and filleted 6. O. R. Sellers and W. F. Albright, "The First Campaign of Excavation at Beth Zur," BASOR 43 (Oct., 1931), p. 13. 7. B. Kanael, "The Beginning of Maccabean Coinage," Israel Exploration Journal 1 (1951), pp. 170-175. 8. Ibid., p. 174. 9. A. Kindler. "Epigraphic Table of the Hasmonean Coinage," Israel Exploration Journal 4 (1954), pl. 14. 44 THE BIBLICALA RCHAEOLOGIST (Vol. XXVI, horns of plenty between which a pomegranate is seen (Fig. 5). The ancient Hebrew script saw only very limited use in the Maccabean age. Some Phoe- nician towns used similar lettering on their coins during this period, however. The inscription clearly reflects the constitution of the realm: at the head of the state stood not the High Priest and Ethnarch alone; he shares his rule with his council. Judea was not a monarchy but a diarchy. This council obviously is the continuation of the Great Assembly, which dated from the Persian period. Later on, with changed and curtailed powers, it became the famous Sanhedrin. The cornucopiae (horns of plenty), though a heathen symbol connected in Greek mythology with Amalthea, the nurse of Zeus, had by this time be- come a widespread symbol of prosperity on coins of the region, and was no longer considered as having distinct heathen implications. The pomegranate was a symbol universally used, but it was of special significance in Jewish tradition. But the interpretation of ancient symbols is a complicated matter. It is possible that the pomegranate in Maccabean Judea served as a symbol both of prosperity - thereby forming a counterpart to the horns of plenty - and of the High Priest (Ex. 39:24-26). Coins with the same formula of the legend, and with similar types, were struck during the short rule of Yehudah Aristobulus I (104-103) and in the first years of the rule of Alexander Jannaeus (103-76). However, probably after the conquest of the important town and harbor of Gaza, when Jannaeus stood at the peak of his power, he assumed the diadem, which was the formal confirmation of the fact that the state had become IMaacabean an autocracy like the neighboring states, and was no longer a diarchy. This writer has suggested seeing in the obverse type of Jannaeus' first regal series (Fig. 6) a star encircled by a diadem. Within the star there ap- pears the inscription Yehonathan hammelek, King Yehonathan. (Yannai, the Hebrew form of Jannaeus, is an abbreviation of Yehonathan). On the reverse there appears an anchor, symbolising the fact that Jannaeus had by now conquered the coast from the boundaries of Egypt in the south to the confines of Acre in the north, and that the state had become a naval power; the anchor is circled by the Greek inscription "of King Alexander." I suggest that the design on the obverse, which is rather too complicated and detailed for such a small bronze coin and is therefore only seldom pre- sent in all details, reflects the ideology of the Maccabean monarchy; the star is the Jewish symbol of monarchy, derived from the song of Balaam (Num. 24:17: "There shall come a star out of Jacob, and a sceptre shall rise out of Israel"), while the diadem presents the Hellenistic symbol of kingship. The council is not mentioned in the legend of these coins; it had either been abolished or been reduced to insignificance. 1963, 2) THE BIBLICALA RCHAEOLOGIST 45 The autocratic regime and the suppression of the Pharisees caused the outbreak of civil war in Judea soon after Jannaeus suffered a defeat at the hands of the Nabateans east of the Jordan. The civil war is clearly reflected in the coins; the series now issued still bear a star on the obverse and an an- chor with Greek inscription on the reverse. However, the design on the obverse is much more schematic and the Hebrew inscription is illegible. While still reflecting the original legend, it contains a meaningless group of signs including circles, distorted Hebrew characters, and other signs. True, ancient Hebrew charactersw ere no longer in much use, but this "barbarous imitation" shows how much all orderly administration had suffered during the uprising against the Sadducee king (Fig. 7). The fabric of the coins deteriorateds teadily in weight, size, and design. The weight, originally as much as 3 grams, was reduced to less than one gram, and fell to as low as 14 gram. The design, too, became most schematic; of the star only a few or even a single ray remained. These wretched coin, have only recently been studied adequately.10T hey show how greatly the war affected the finances of the state (Fig. 7a). The next series (Fig. 8) bears a flower and the Hebrew inscription "King Yehonathan"o n the obverse, and the anchor with the Greek inscription as before on the reverse. It is possible that by substituting a neutral symbol for the star, Jannaeus in this series intended a gesture to the Pharisees. At this time a series of smaller coins was also issued. Jannaeus was to go further in his efforts to win the favor of at least the moderate Pharisees; a large part of the flower-anchor series were overstruck while still in the mint. The original inscription bearing the regal title in both Hebrew and Greek, and the accompanying symbols, were overstruck by a Hebrew legend "Jonathan the High Priest and the Council of the Jews," together with the former types (a wreath around the inscription, and cornu- copiae with pomegranate) (Fig. 9). In other words, Jannaeus seemingly gave up his royal dignity on coins and returned to the earlier inscriptions and symbols. No similar development is known in ancient numismatics; here is striking evidence of the vehemence of public feelings in this constitutional matter. The next series retained the "reformed"le gend and types, and was struck on new flans (the technical name for the metal "slugs" which are minted into coins). However, these concessions in formalities could not eliminate the deep-rooted antagonism of the Pharisees towards the loyalists, and civil strife continued unabated until the end of the dynasty. Queen Alexandra (76-67) apparently did not strike coins. Coins again appear under John Hyrcanus II (63-40). He was a devout Pharisee, an ideal 10. A. Kindler, "The Jaffa Hoard of Alexander Jannaeus," Israel Exploration Journal 4 (1954), pp. 170-185. 46 THE BIBLICALA RCHAEOLOGIST (Vol. XXVI, High Priest, but hardly a man of action. He had come to power with Roman help when Pompey favored him against his resolute brother Aristobulus. The meaning of the Roman "liberation"w as soon felt in Judea; the country was divided, its area reduced, and heavy tribute imposed. It appearst hat Hyrcanus was bent on meticulous observanceo f Pharisaic religious commandments,a nd seemingly he was keen on painstaking regard to detail in legal matters, as one may infer from literary sources. This is corroboratedb y the coins, where the legend on most series is rather complete and exact. It reads again (Fig. 10) "Yehohanant he High Priest and the Council of the Jews." On his coins, the rise of the family of Antipater, father of King Herod, is probably re- flected. First, the initials of Antipater (either as the letters "A" or "P" or as monograms) can be detected on the reverse of some of these coins. These all seem to representa bbreviationso f the name Antipater, who had succeeded in becoming Hyrcanus' chief minister. Julius Caesar appointed him Epi- tropos (Procurator) over Judea in 47 B.C. It is probable that it was Anti- pater who put the letter "A" above the inscription of Yehohanan (Fig. 11) to indicate his growing importance." Other interesting coins were struck under Hyrcanus II. Some have the Hebrew inscription "Yehohanan the High Priest, Head of the Council of the Jews," which perhaps refers to his being elevated to the rank of Ethnarch by Caesar. His last series consisted of large bronze coins which are extremely rare. They foreshadow the large bronzes of Antigonus Mattathiah. On the obverse one sees (Fig. 12) a crested helmet with visor and cheek pieces; on the reverse, double cornucopiae filleted, and the inscription as just cited. This, unfortunately, was by now a completely empty title - even the shadow of power he had had was gone. Antigonus Mattathiah (40-37 B.C.) Antigonus had waited for his hour, hidden away in Chalcis in the Lebanon. In 40 B.C., the Parthians for a short time succeeded in conquering Syria, Judea, and Asia Minor. The nationalistically-minded loyalists had put their hopes on the Parthians, who now helped Antigonus to gain the Judean throne. Hyrcanus was taken prisoner. Herod saw his chance, hurried to Rome, and was appointed rival king of Judea by Anthony and Octavian, an understandable thing for Rome to do with Syria and Asia Minor in the hands of the Parthians. Finally in 37 B.C., Herod succeeded in conquering Jerusalem with Roman aid, and Antigonus was executed by the Romans at his behest. Most coins of Antigonus are big bronzes. Their technique is inferior, as is to be expected in such a period of emergency. On his standard series, 11. B. Kanael, "The Greek Letters and Monograms on the Coins of Jehohanan the High Priest," ibid., 2 (1952), pp. 190-194.