THE ALGERIAN ARMED FORCES: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGES Carlos Echeverría Jesús Working Paper (WP) Nº 8/2004 1/4/2004 Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 The Algerian Armed Forces: National and international challenges ∗ Carlos Echeverría Jesús THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES: FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIRST STEPS TOWARD DEMOCRACY (1962-1988) The Algerian Armed Forces arose from the National Liberation Army (ALN), particularly from the so-called ‘border army’ which, as General Jaled Nezzar recalls in his Memoirs, began to play a dominant role under the command of Colonel Houari Boumedienne in late 1959: this army relentlessly waged war on the French forces deployed on the borders of Morocco and Tunisia until the conflict ended in 1962 (1). Although the creation of the ALN itself dates back to 1954, it was not until the Summam Congress, on August 20, 1956, that its structure was determined and it became considered an instrument for implementing the policies developed by the party: the National Liberation Front (FLN). The internal struggles within the FLN-ALN tandem, both in and outside Algeria, have been described by many authors: both the confrontations within the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) and those at the various FLN congresses during and immediately after the war –the Summam Congress (1956), Tripoli Congress (1962) and Algiers Congress (1964)– aimed at taking control of the embryo of the future Armed Forces. According to Mohamed Harbi, the session of the CNRA held in December 1959 – January 1960 was crucial, as it abolished the Ministry of the Armed Forces, replacing it with an Inter-Ministerial War Committee (CIG), directed by military officers of a General Chiefs of Staff (EMG) led by Boumedienne, who went on to become Defense Minister of the first independent government and, starting in June 1965, President until his death in 1978. At the time, the EMG directed its efforts mainly at reorganizing the ‘border army’, which was to a large extent escaping the control of the CIG and the movement’s other political authorities (2). It is clear that, at the time of independence, the ALN was by its very nature the best organized and, therefore, main instrument for beginning to build the new State. Independence and the Ephemeral Presidency of Ahmed Ben Bella The referendum of July 1, 1962, showed that of 6.5 million electors, 6 million were in favour of independence, which was declared on July 3 of the same year. Two days after the first provisional government was formed the first of several internal struggles among factions occurred, and this continued until 1965. The Constitution of August 1963 reinforced Ben Bella’s presidentialist bent. In this context, one of the main original merits of the ALN may have been to prevent the outbreak of a civil war immediately after having won independence (3). As Minister, Boumedienne began to establish the new State’s basic rules for defence: any national liberation movement must have the capacity to engage in combat and take action; and after achieving victory and creating a State, it must transform itself into a professional army devoted to guaranteeing national security and internal order. The ALN arose from the original guerrilla movement of 1956, becoming the embryo of the Armed ∗ Lecturer of International Relations at the open University of Spain (UNED) and Deputy Director of the Department of Research into International Security and Cooperation (UNISCI) Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 Forces. These were predominantly ground forces, with the Air Force and Navy added later (4). President Boumedienne’s Military Reorganization After Ben Bella was removed from office on June 19, 1965, and Boumedienne was shortly after named president of the Council of the Revolution, the FLN became the instrument of the Armed Forces. In fact, after that point they became identified with each other, the latter becoming the real backbone of power. Many authors have paraphrased Harbi’s famous comment that ‘in most countries the State has an Army; in Algeria the Army has its State’ to illustrate the description of the military omnipresence in the political life of the first decades of independent Algeria (5). In the opinion of the political scientist Abdelkader Yefsah, with the confusion between State and Party typical of the Ben Bella period, Boumedienne’s arrival in power changed the duo to a trio: State-Party-Armed Forces (6). From an organizational standpoint, after the coup of 1965 the Chiefs of the Military Regions, with political and military responsibilities, and the General Secretary of Defence, who commanded the Central Offices of Land, Sea and Air, were all directly responsible to Boumedienne. No General Staff existed, since it had been dissolved after the coup attempt in 1967 by Colonel Tahar Zbiri, who was then its Chief (7). The role of the Armed Forces as a People’s Army was also a determining factor in the implementation of some of the most important development projects launched in Boumedienne’s socialist period: the construction of the Trans-Saharan highway (2,500 kilometres) to the borders of Niger and Mali, the construction of the Great Green Wall, designed to slow the northward advance of the Sahara desert towards the productive north of the country, and the construction of the railway along the northern coast. Its humanitarian and reconstruction work is also noteworthy, supporting civilian authorities and services in contexts such as the great El Asnam earthquake in 1980 (8). Military intervention in this context was recently referred to by the president of the Commission for the Defence of the Council of the Nation (Senate), Abdelhamid Latrèche: on October 11, 1980, immediately after the earthquake, five companies of the University Militia of Blida – headquarters of the 1st Military Region–, the equivalent of a thousand officers, arrived at the scene of the disaster even before it was declared a catastrophe and other Armed Forces personnel under the command of General Abbes Gheziel arrived. This swift reaction was similar, according to Latrèche, to that of November 2001, during the dramatic flooding in the Bab-El-Ued district of Algiers (9). The second Algerian Constitution, approved by 98% of the votes cast in the referendum of 1976, demonstrated how power had been concentrated in the FLN and in the Head of State, whose role was clearly established as President, Supreme Chief of the Armed Forces and head of national defence, as well as presiding the High Council on National Security, an advisory body for all matters affecting national security (10). An amendment introduced in 1979 reduced each Presidency to a five-year term. In its preamble, it recalled that Algeria owed it independence to a war of liberation that would go down in history as one of the epic struggles in the revitalization of the peoples of the Third World (11). In other references to national defence and to the security and defence of the State, it stipulated that the People’s National Assembly could legislate on all matters except national defence. Meanwhile, the role of the ALN was clearly established in a specific chapter (VI: articles 82 to 85), as an ‘instrument and shield of the Revolution’ and as a safeguard for national independence and sovereignty, as well as participating in the development of the country and in the construction of socialism (12). The Presidency of Chadli Benjedid When Boumedienne died on December 27, 1978, his successor was also from the military: Colonel Chadli Benjedid, until then Commander of the Oran military region, Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 elected by his companions according to the Armed Forces hierarchy, he being the most veteran. This was confirmed by a referendum on February 7, 1979, and he was re-elected on January 12, 1984 (13). In Algeria, men from the ranks of the military, particularly the Army, have traditionally taken the most prominent positions in the leadership of the FLN and of the State and for many years have been presidents –like Boumedienne, Benjedid and Zerual– ministers, governors of wilaya (administrative units equivalent to provinces), ambassadors and general managers of state enterprises, among others (14). This practice has become less common in recent years: as a result, since the removal of Lieutenant Colonel Mulud Hamruche from the office of Prime Minister on June 5, 1991, no commander or officer of the Armed Forces has taken this position, which has been occupied by technocrats from the public industrial sector –Sid Ahmed Ghozali, Abdessalam Belaïd and Ahmed Benbitur–, by diplomats such as Smail Hamdani and Ahmed Uyahia, and by high-ranking party members such as Ali Benflis (15). The role of the Armed Forces in the repression of the so-called Couscous Revolt, from its outbreak on October 5, 1988, in a difficult political and social context, was such that, for the first time, an institution that was the repository and guarantor of the nation’s highest values, began to lose credibility in the eyes of part of the population. Starting in 1989 there were a number of important movements in the top military ranks: in July of that year, the presidential advisor on military affairs, Major General Belhouchet, went into retirement and was not replaced until some time later; also, General Atailia, general inspector of the Armed Forces, was made responsible to the new Minister of Defence, General Jaled Nezzar, who was then close to President Benjedid and was a key figure in understanding to the role of the Algerian Armed Forces throughout these years (16). Also responsible to General Nezzar was the General Office for Security and Defence or Military Security, reorganized in September 1990 as the Information and Security Department (DRS) whose director, General Mohamed Medien Tawfik, had until then been responsible to the President (17). From the start, Benjedid set out to reorganize the Armed Forces. He reduced its revolutionary stamp and operational workings, reinstated the General Staff, created the ranks of General and Major General –under the previous revolutionary model the highest rank was Colonel–, created operative commands for the three branches of the Armed Forces, reorganized the Military Regions and, in the spring of 1990, created the first large unit along the lines of a division. In addition to the two authorities mentioned above, the following were also responsible to the Minister of Defence: the Chief of General Staff (of Defence) in the early nineties, General Abdelmalek Guenaïzïa, and in turn, to him, the Chiefs of Staff for Land, Sea and Air, considered Deputy Chiefs of Staff, commanding their respective areas (18); the General Secretary of Defence, the top ministerial administrative authority in charge of directing the Central Departments and, in fact, exercising ministerial functions in routine matters; and, finally, the High Commissioner for National Service (Military Service), in the early nineties, General Alleg. In a broad sense, the Armed Forces began to become less revolutionary in structure and also began to lose their role as a supporter of revolutionary movements considered ‘just causes’ around the world(19). As we will see later, the Armed Forces, having begun in the new constitutional framework to adapt their missions to strictly military defence, were forced in the early nineties to shift their attention to new threats inside the country (20). Previously, their main function was to guarantee the security and defence of Algeria against exterior risks and threats –a role they still retain today–. At the time of independence there were already major security challenges: in the sixties these were mainly the bloody ‘Sand Dune War’ against Morocco in 1963 and the foreign participation of Algerian units in 1967 and 1973 in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict (21). In the seventies, the situation in the Maghreb was once again a determining factor: there were clashes with the Moroccan Royal Armed Forces Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 (FAR) in late 1977 in the context of the Western Sahara conflict, while the lack of a clearly defined border with Libya made it necessary to establish permanent garrisons in Tamanrasset and in Djanet (22). In the eighties, the Armed Forces also had to assess a number of events that were important in terms of an evolving sense of threat. These events, still seen in a Cold War and North-South context, as well as in Arab-Islamic terms, included: the various bombings of Libya by units of the US 6th Fleet between 1981 and 1983, in the context of the Lebanese civil war and its internationalization; Israel’s bombing of the General Headquarters of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Tunisia in 1985, and the assassination by Israeli commandos of PLO leader Abu Yihad in Sidi Bou Saïd, near the Tunisian capital the same year; the bombing of the Libyan cities of Tripoli and Bengazi by units of the US 6th Fleet in April 1986; and Israel’s progressive broadening of its concept of national security to include from Morocco to Pakistan (23). Meanwhile, Algeria’s diplomatic activism in areas such as the Non-Aligned Countries Movement (NAM), third world solidarity through the Group of 77, initial leadership of a front rejecting the Camp David accords between Egypt and Israel and solidarity with the Palestinian cause, also determined to a great extent the design of Algerian security and defence policy. As a result, years later, when Algiers was the scene of the crucial meeting of the 1988 Palestinian National Council, where the PLO began its pragmatic journey towards the peace agreements signed with Israel in Oslo in 1993, it is understandable that the Armed Forces activated its maximum alert plan to prevent scenarios such as that in Tunisia in 1985. On the domestic front, the Armed Forces had yet to define threats or risks from inside the country’s borders and, as a result, did not develop a doctrine or take measures to face them. In fact, the guerrilla-terrorist experience of Mustafá El Buyali, which began in August 1985 with an attack on the Gendarmerie Nationale headquarters, combined with the radical Islamic agitation that caused riots in Constantina and Setif in November 1986, as well as other problems in and around Oran, seemed to have been cut short with the death of El Buyali himself in an ambush in January 1987 (24). Experience would later show that two years of activism had left a deeper imprint than could have been imagined at the time (25). THE DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS AND THE ARMED FORCES On February 23, 1989, the Algerian people voted in favour of a new Constitution that would establish a multi-party system in the country (26). Drafted in only a few weeks, it focused the role of the Armed Forces on the ‘defence of the unity and territorial integrity of the country’ (article 24-C) and took away any specific role in the future of national political life (27). In fact, shortly afterwards, on March 4 of the same year, the Armed Forces voluntarily and officially withdrew from the Central Committee of the FLN at a congress of a party that was soon to lose its single-party status (28). Another important decision was to separate the functions of the President from those of the Minister of Defence, a measure taken by the government of Prime Minister Hamruche. This had not been the case since Ben Bella was removed from office. In September 1990, Benjedid appointed Major General Nezzar, the highest-ranking officer, as Defence Minister. Nezzar immediately went to work to create the administrative structures to make the new Ministry of Defence operative (29). The Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) and its Insurrectionist Activities The democratic process in Algeria led to diverse reactions abroad: King Hassan II of Morocco publicly expressed his approval of the ‘democratic process in Algeria’ while the Tunisian president, Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, was quick to request the cooperation of all Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 Arab countries against the ‘fundamentalist subversion’ that was beginning to appear in Algeria, especially after the legalization in September 1989 of the FIS, a party that in Algiers in 1990 brought together Islamic fundamentalists from around the world to determine the role of Islam in the world. It must also be kept in mind that terrorism had already existed only a few years before when El Buyali, the leader of the so-called ‘Fighting Group for the Prohibition of the Illicit’, kept the authorities at bay until his death on January 3, 1987, after which more than 200 of his men were judged at a spectacular trial in the city of Medea (30). Two years later, during the Hamruche government, when the General Secretary of the Ministry of Defence, General Mustapha Cheloufi, protested an amnesty for Abdelkader Chebuti, El Buyali’s second-in-command, accused of the murder of several police officers, he was immediately removed from office (31). The early experience with radical Islamic insurrection, quickly noticed by some observers both inside and outside of Algeria, soon proved a serious challenge to the system, in particular to the Armed Forces. After the FIS won the municipal and regional elections of June 13, 1990 –thus controlling 32 of the 48 regional assemblies and 853 of the 1,539 local councils–, the municipalities under its control replaced the FLN’s republican emblems with purely Islamic ones: Balladi Islamiya (Islamic Municipality) and Madinat Islamiya (Islamic City). In January 1991, commanders and officers of the Armed Forces were criticized by the FIS for not training their volunteers to go to Iraq to fight against the multinational coalition that had been fighting the regime of Saddam Hussein since January 17 of that year (32). Also, the manifesto published by the FIS in early 1991, calling for civil disobedience, only served to make the Islamists appear more subversive (33) and attempts by the Hamruche government to change the electoral code to prevent a second victory –a project deemed ‘high treason’ by the FIS– led to riots in May. On May 25, the FIS called for an insurrectionary general strike for an indefinite period to demand early presidential elections, took control of key points around the capital and began its attacks on institutions, kicking off ten straight days of total chaos. The backdrop to this was the call by their leader, Abasi Madani, at the end of May, for party militants to take up arms. In early June, several police officers were murdered in riots in Belcurt, a district of central Algiers known by the press as ‘Kabul 2’ due to the strength of radical Islamism there. This was what finally led Benjedid to break up the concentrations of people, to arrest the top FIS leaders, to cancel the first round of general elections scheduled for June, and in a June 5 decree to declare four months of martial law until October 5, as had been done in 1988 (34). Declaring martial law meant the second direct confrontation between the people and the Armed Forces in less than three years (35). The military, having obtained full powers, ordered on June 24 that all State symbols be put back in place if they had been replaced by those of the FIS (36). Madani, who had already threatened to call a ‘Jihad’ on June 14, did so again on June 28, while Ali Benhadj called on FIS members to gather arms and violate the martial law. On June 30, six of the main leaders of the FIS were arrested, setting the stage for a great spiral of violence that had been preluded by the FIS’s initial insurrectionist efforts (37). The Crisis of the Democratization Process (May 1991-June 1992) By then, the Armed Forces. that had withdrawn together from the Central Committee of the FLN began to come to what would soon be the dominant conclusion: that civilian power had not been able to deal with the country’s progressive political deterioration. The key aspects of this posture were clearly expressed in the professional magazine El Djeïch in April 1991: the Armed Forces were confident that the Algerian elites and masses would help stand up against ‘nebulous fundamentalism’; they defended access to science, technology and development in the country, in a changing world context marked by the end of the Cold War and the second Gulf War, a path that the Islamists would surely put in peril if they took power (38). For some analysts, the fact that after the riots of May and June 1991 Sid Ahmed Ghozali was entrusted with the organization of clean elections, both the general elections postponed until December 25 and 27, and the presidentials Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 scheduled for 1992, indicated that the military elite was beginning to hold Benjedid responsible for the negative developments in events. It must be kept in mind that Ghozali was appointed after June 30, when the Armed Forces had arrested the top FIS leaders including the most charismatic ones, Madani and Belhadj, as a step prior to lifting martial law and continuing with the electoral process (39). At the end of October of that year, Benjedid appointed Major General Hocine Benmaalem as General Director of the presidential cabinet, a post vacant since 1989, when General Larbi Belkheir, who then held it, was named Secretary General of the President’s Office (40). On November 28, before the first round was held, an especially violent act highlighted concerns about an increasing spiral of violence: radical Islamists attacked the border police station at Guemmar, in the wilaya of El Ued, on the Tunisian border, slashing the throats of 24 people (41). On December 26, 1991, the FIS won the first round of the general elections (188 seats). With only 59% of votes cast, abstentionism was a strong ally of the Islamists. The poor results of the FLN (16 seats) and the Socialist Forces Front (25) are also significant in this context. However, the defeated parties contested the results and there was a possibility that a third round would have to be organized in three months. But the second round, planned for January 16, 1992, never happened: if the FIS had obtained 28 seats through it –which was more than likely at the time– it would have obtained an absolute majority. A High Council of State (ACE) presided on January 14 by Abdelmalek Benhabiles took on the functions of the President’s Office in the context of the crisis caused by Benjedid’s resignation after the results of the first round were known, and given the direction events were taking (42). It must be kept in mind that if the FIS had obtained the necessary two thirds of the votes, it could even have amended the Constitution; meanwhile, FIS leaders like Abdelkader Hachani had begun calling for early presidential elections after the first round. The fact that the Presidency –which to the greatest optimists both in and outside of Algeria was the only possible place from which to stop the unchecked expansion of a possible fundamentalist Islamic victory– could quite likely be occupied by the FIS, led certain sectors of Algerian society to clamour for the Armed Forces to intervene and prevent such a scenario (43). Finally, on March 4, 1992, the FIS was dissolved by government decree and Mohamed Budiaf, an historical figure in the struggle for independence and who lived in Morocco, was invited to return to assume what was to be a short-lived presidency. THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES IN THE CONTEXT OF THE INTERNAL ALGERIAN CRISIS At the start of the crisis that continued throughout the nineties, the Armed Forces were made up of a solid corps of 125,500 men: the largest group was the Army, with 107,000 men –70,000 of them conscripts– and a group of reliable and very disciplined non- commissioned officers. In 1990, a budget of 1.01 billion dollars was allocated to the Armed Forces (44). It is curious to observe how even when growing internal pressures were becoming clear, the inertia of certain defence mechanisms aimed at facing external threats or risks continued; precisely four years after the birth of the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), in 1993, Algeria organized major manoeuvres on its border with Morocco (45). Action Against Terrorism by the High Council of State (1992-94) Ali Kafi, a former colonel in the ALN, temporarily took power between the assassination of President Budiaf on June 29, 1992, and the investiture of another former military officer, Brigadier General Liamin Zerual, on January 31, 1994, after being appointed by his companions in arms. Zerual, who had been the youngest general in the Armed Forces, left them in October 1988 and returned in July 1993 as Minister of Defence and as Head of State in January 1994. His post was ratified at the ballot box on November 16, 1995. Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 After the assassination of Budiaf, terrorism became widespread. The attack against the ‘Huari Boumedienne’ international airport in Algiers on August 26, 1992, which caused nine deaths and numerous injuries, was among those that caused the most impact both inside Algeria and internationally. As for the Armed Forces, in July 1992 General Nezzar remained in charge of the Ministry of Defence; he made Major General Guenaïzïa the Chief of General Staff, thereby quashing rumours at the time that the latter was going to take command of the Ministry. On December 16, 1992, Prime Minister Belaïd Abdessalam visited the commanders of the General Office for National Security (DGSN, Police), at their general headquarters in Hydra, and on December 21 he visited the Gendarmerie Nationale (National Police) in Cheraga: his speeches during both visits provided detailed descriptions of the main lines of his government’s anti-terrorist policy (46). It is important to note that at first only the Interior Security Forces –the Gendarmerie Nationale (23,000 men in 1991) and the General Office for National Security (20,000 men in the same year)– combated terrorism with means that were certainly limited, considering the size and experience of the adversary (47). In April 1993, a contingent of 15,000 men of the Army’s special forces joined the fight against subversive activity –commanded directly by Mohamed Lamari– and the Coordinating Committee for the Fight against Subversive Activities (CCLAS) was created. By 1995, the size of the new contingent had risen to 60,000, up from 15,000 in 1993. Until late 1994 the main activity of this personnel was to control the cities, particularly the Greater Algiers area, but in 1995 they began to make a greater effort to recover control of cities in delicate situations, such as Blida, headquarters of the First Military Region, but especially vulnerable due to its location in a mountainous area. From 1993 to 1995, various radical Islamic groups terrorized Algeria, launching daring attacks: both the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) and the Islamic Salvation Army (EIS) –heir to the MIA– assaulted villages and small towns, where they carried out bloody attacks using urban guerrilla methods that forced the Armed Forces to update their ideas and their doctrines (48). In 1993 and 1994, cities like Blida were considered ‘liberated cities’ by the radical Islamists. It must also be noted that during these years the terrorist groups were clearly associated with criminal groups and with smuggling operations that made their actions even more lethal (49). In the context of the terrorist offensive, it is important to note some especially violent attacks aimed at the Armed Forces in this initial stage: the attack on the Admiralty in Algiers in February 1992 with the inside collaboration of two sergeants who were later executed (ten people were killed, six of them recruits); the assassination of President Budiaf, the only accused to date being Second Lieutenant Lembarek Bumarafi of the Special Intervention Group (GIS); and the attack on the Bugzul police station about 150 kilometres south of Algiers on March 22, 1993, during which 18 soldiers were killed (50). Challenges of this nature led Armed Forces commanders to return to the key State posts that they had begun leaving in October 1988. Although since early 1993 General Nezzar’s delicate health made it clear that according to hierarchical principles, the post would correspond to the then Chief of General Staff of the Armed Forces, Major General Guenaïzïa, in April of that year the appointment was given to Major General Mohamed Lamari, considered the leader of a new generation of commanders and officers close to General Nezzar. His position as head of the CCLAS had put him in an advantageous position. The relocation of other high commanders such as General Abbes Ghozaiel to the head of the Gendarmerie Nationale and, above all, General Mohamed Medien Tawfik Mediene’s posting at chief of the DRS illustrate this return to power (51). On February 13, 1993, only two days after Prime Minister Abdessalam’s speech, there was a car bomb attack against Major General Nezzar attributed to the MIA explosives expert, Seddiki, who had escaped weeks before from the Military Prison in Blida (52). Also, on March 27 of that year, diplomatic ties with Iran were broken and the Algerian Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 ambassador in Sudan was recalled (53). Months later, against the backdrop of the so- called National Charter of Rome, signed in the context of an initiative by the Community of San Egidio in late 1994, and General Zerual’s aforementioned victory in the presidential elections of November 1995, it must be noted that these elections were held in an especially hostile atmosphere: on the one hand, the GIA was threatening to slit the throat of anyone who went out to vote, the EIS remained on the offensive and, on the other, the political parties meeting in Rome had called for a boycott of the elections (54). With the participation of international observers from Mali and other African countries, and supervised by the UN, there was a rate of participation (76%) higher than ever seen before in Algeria, and Zerual received 61% of the votes, followed by the Islamist Mahfud Nahnah (25%), by the Berber candidate Saïd Sadi (10%) and by Nuredin Bukruh (4%). The contribution both of the Armed Forces and of other Security Forces, backed by numerous reserve units totalling 400,000 men, was an important factor in the normality of the elections held. The Presidency of General Liamin Zerual (1994-1999) and the Development of the Fight Against Radical Islam Zerual, President and Minister of Defence from January 1994, appeared to public opinion and many analysts, especially outside Algeria, to be the leader of the most moderate faction in power: the ‘dialogists’ as opposed to the ‘eradicators’ opposed to any understanding with Islamism; in fact, Zerual was able to promote a new generation of Armed Forces officers, as well as attracting young civil servants and technocrats to a commitment with the State. In any case, at the time, both ‘eradicators’ and ‘dialogists’ agreed to assign the Armed Forces a ‘Turkish’ operating scheme: formally independent of political power, they would be obliged to intervene only when vital national interests were at stake. In fact, Manichean schemes have largely been too simplistic to describe the Algerian Armed Forces, particularly in those years. Although certain high military commanders began returning to politics in 1992 it is important to consider this phenomenon free of rash or over-simplistic analyses. Only a few months before Zerual became president, several Armed Forces commanders and officers had taken key posts: Zerual as Minister of Defence, Mohamed Lamari as Chief of the General Staff at the Defence Department (in July 1993), and retired Colonel Selim Saadi as Minister of the Interior of the Reda Malek government. However, equally or more important was the role played by the Armed Forces in organizing and leading the dialogue with the opposition, as was reflected in the fact that of the eight members of the newly-created Commission for National Dialogue, three were generals: General Mohamed Tuati, General Tayeb Derradji (General Inspector of Land Forces) and General Ahmed Senhadji (Chief of Military Infrastructure) (55). To make a quick assessment of Zerual’s term in office, he began dialogue and negotiations and undertook the first phases of the implementation of amnesty with the so- called ‘Rahma (Clemency) Law’. In 1994, he put the top FIS leaders, Madani and Benhadj, under house arrest and in late October promised presidential elections for the following year (56). After taking power, he announced his intention to organize legislative provincial and municipal elections within two years, a commitment he met as follows: the constitutional referendum on November 28, 1996 (57), legislative elections on June 5, 1997 (58), and local elections on October 23, 1997 (59). The legislative elections were won by Zerual (32%), who then allied with the FLN (14%) and with the Islamists of the Social Movement for Peace, the former Hamas of Mahfud Nahnah (14%), to form a government. Regarding the attitude of the Armed Forces as an institution to the elections, an example is that, just before the legislative elections of June 1997, the Communications, Information and Orientation Office (DCIO) of the Armed Forces, publisher of El Djeïch, met in Sidi Fredj with all its collaborators and officers to receive instructions from the director, Colonel Abdessalam Buchareb, aimed at making all Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 members of the Armed Forces aware of the need for them to meet their obligations in the context of helping build the constitutional institutions of the State (60). In opposition to the process of normalization encouraged by the authorities, in September 1995 the GIA had called for an Islamic caliphate in Algeria from which to liberate the rest of the Muslim world –a goal that mobilized hundreds of terrorist cells in various wilayas around the country–. This uncompromising position was also held by a number of top leaders of the old FIS: while Rabah Kebir congratulated Zerual from Germany, Anuar Haddam in the US called his fellow Islamist a traitor and said the ‘holy war’ would not be stopped by an electoral farce, and in December the FIDA assassinated the Navy’s second-in-command, General Mohamed Butighane. But in fact, little by little, the combined efforts of the Armed Forces, the Gendarmerie Nationale and, starting in 1995, private security groups contributed to re-establishing normality. In this context, between November and December 1995, about 1,000 members of the GIA and the EIS deserted. Furthermore, after the constitutional referendum of November 1996 the activism of armed groups became progressively less a political threat and increasingly a question of security. The authorities began to look for a way to militarily crush these groups in the way the Peruvian government managed to do with the Sendero Luminoso terrorists in 1993 (61). Objectively, the conditions for such a victory were certainly not favourable. Western countries were neither supportive nor understanding. For example, in Washington, some influential analysts drew parallels between the mistakes made by the US in Iran in the late seventies and those that should not be repeated in Algeria (62). Shortly before Zerual’s victory in the presidential elections of November 1995, the US had held manoeuvres with Tunisia to deal with a hypothetical emergency evacuation of Westerners living in Algiers in the context of an Islamist insurrection –for much the same reason, the multinational ‘Tramontana 94’ exercise was held in late 1994 on the coasts of Almeria. This is clear evidence that the idea had become widespread that the radical Islamists could possibly even overthrow the Zerual regime (63). But that was not the direction of events and although the violence continued –on October 3, 1997, the GIA launched its first attack on a city, Blida, located 40 kilometres south of Algiers, with 19 homemade missiles only hours after killing 89 people in different locations in the region–, the situation was in fact more affected by the truce achieved in negotiations with the EIS led by Madani Mezrag (64). Precisely, the GIA’s actions were a response to the capitulatory attitude of the EIS and were carried out during a convenient power vacuum in the 1st Military Region. This power vacuum existed because the post of 1st Region Chief had been vacant since Zerual had removed General Saïd Bey, who was close to General Lamari, holding him responsible, according to some observers, for not intervening sufficiently to prevent the latest massacres and, according to other, for rather carelessly handing out 60,000 weapons for citizen self-defence and not having prevented the theft of weapons in the Greater Algiers area. The Presidency of Abdelaziz Buteflika (1999 to the Present) In February 1999, an editorial in El Djeïch reaffirmed the neutrality of the Armed Forces as the April 15 elections approached. Buteflika received 73% of the votes in these elections, which were a further step toward normalization in Algeria, both internally and internationally and which were followed three years later by parliamentary elections on May 30, 2002. The new president immediately began to work on security. With the passing of the ‘Civil Harmony Act’ on July 13, 1999, and its ratification by referendum on September 16 of the same year, about 1,200 terrorists surrendered in the six months that this law was in effect. Another effect was the definitive demobilization of EIS members, who at the time had respected two years of truce negotiated directly in 1996-97 with representatives of the Armed Forces and in effect since October 1997 (65). In the