TThhee UUnniivveerrssiittyy ooff SSoouutthheerrnn MMiissssiissssiippppii TThhee AAqquuiillaa DDiiggiittaall CCoommmmuunniittyy Honors Theses Honors College Spring 5-2016 RReeppoorrttiinngg RRuummoorrss iinn tthhee RReeccoonnssttrruuccttiioonn SSoouutthh:: TThhee AAfftteerrmmaatthh ooff tthhee NNeeww OOrrlleeaannss RRiioott ooff 11886666 JoAnna L. Gunnufsen University of Southern Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://aquila.usm.edu/honors_theses Part of the United States History Commons RReeccoommmmeennddeedd CCiittaattiioonn Gunnufsen, JoAnna L., "Reporting Rumors in the Reconstruction South: The Aftermath of the New Orleans Riot of 1866" (2016). Honors Theses. 408. https://aquila.usm.edu/honors_theses/408 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College at The Aquila Digital Community. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of The Aquila Digital Community. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The University of Southern Mississippi Reporting Rumors in the Reconstruction South: The Aftermath of the New Orleans Riot of 1866 by JoAnna Gunnufsen A Thesis Submitted to the Honors College of The University of Southern Mississippi in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in the Department of History May 2016 ii Approved by Max Grivno, Ph.D., Thesis Adviser Associate Professor of History Kyle F. Zelner, Ph.D., Chair Department of History Ellen Weinauer, Ph.D., Dean Honors College iii Abstract At the end of the American Civil War, political divisiveness, economic turmoil, and violence plagued the South. Riots occurred across the Reconstruction South, from New Orleans to Memphis. Though scholars have examined the causes of Reconstruction violence, this study examines the role of newspapers in promulgating fear, paranoia, and violence in Southern communities in the wake of the New Orleans Riot of 1866. This thesis analyzes nine Louisiana newspapers to investigate whether newspapers published local and national rumors of violence or potential uprisings in the first three months after the riot. Though the rise of telegraphic news aided the rapid spread of information, it also enabled the pervasive circulation of rumors, gossip, and paranoia. Conservative newspapers often offered stories of mob activity, chaotic insurrections, and senseless violence, occurring within the state and in other regions of the South. The menace of Radical Republicanism appeared real to conservative editors, and publishing elaborate radical conspiracies, distorting the number of fatalities, and spreading rumors of instability seemed viable outlets for changing public opinion in favor of the Democratic Party. Key words: Reconstruction, Radical Republicanism, Louisiana, New Orleans Riot of 1866 iv Acknowledgements I owe immeasurable thanks to my adviser, Dr. Max Grivno. From very early in my college career, you saw a spark of potential in me and worked to cultivate that potential. Thank you for your advice and encouragement. v Table of Contents I. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..…1 The New Orleans Riot of 1866 and the Reconstruction South……………………1 The Nineteenth-Century American Press……………………………………...….5 The Post-war Spread of Fear, Paranoia, and Rumors……………………………..6 II. The Bloody Details …………………………………………………………………...10 III. “Excitement Should Be Avoided”: Rumors of Riots, Violence, and Insurrections….18 Rumors of Violence within New Orleans………………………………………..18 Rumors of Violence across the South……………………………………………26 IV. The Radical Plot……………………………………………………………………..30 V. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………....38 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………..39 vi I. Introduction The New Orleans Riot of 1866 and the Reconstruction South On July 30, 1866, white and black Louisianans gathered at the Mechanics’ Institute in downtown New Orleans to attend the state’s constitutional convention, which convened to discuss the contentious issue of extending suffrage to black men. While many Republicans supported the movement for black suffrage, white Democrats opposed granting black men the vote, insisting that “the loyal voters of the south are not yet prepared for political equality of the negro with the white man.”1 The convention drew a large crowd of both Republicans and Democrats eager to hear the outcome of the convention. Shortly after noon, a procession of 100 to 150 black people marched through the streets of New Orleans toward the Institute, excited about the possibility of universal suffrage. However, when words were exchanged between members of the procession, the police, and a nearby crowd of militant whites, the march turned deadly. A young white boy had begun taunting the black men, crying “Damned sons of bitches!”2 As the black men advanced toward the young boy, one of the police officers who had been surveying the scene from the corner of Canal and Dryades rushed to take the boy from the hostile confrontation. Then, the first shot rang through the crowd as one of the black men had pulled out his revolver and fired, sending the convention into a state of chaos. The whites on Canal “rushed up the street toward the institute,” and the black men of the procession retaliated, shouting insults and throwing bricks.3 Some white men carried bloody slug 1 Gilles Vandal, The New Orleans Riot of 1866: Anatomy of a Tragedy (Lafayette, La: Center for Louisiana Studies, University of Southwestern Louisiana, 1983), 112. 2 James G. Hollandsworth, An Absolute Massacre: The New Orleans Race Riot of July 30, 1866 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2001), 101. 3 Hollandsworth, 101. 1 shots and boasted of their murderous street battle victories.4 The city policemen, who had quickly lost control of the scene, joined in the violence and attacked the Institute, firing indiscriminately upon those inside the main hall. Though blacks and whites attempted to defend themselves, the results of the riot were catastrophic. The day after the riot, the front page headline of the New Orleans Daily Crescent declared the massacre “A Terrible Day” for New Orleanians, and the official report of the riot affirms these sentiments.5 The report lists 38 casualties and 146 wounded in the riot, with black participants suffering disproportionately from the massacre. Thirty-four of the 38 killed were black, as were 119 of the 146 wounded.6 At the end of the American Civil War, political divisiveness, economic turmoil, and violence plagued the South. Michael Perman’s Reunion without Compromise: The South and Reconstruction, 1865-1868 shows that discord existed across the nation as the South reentered the Union. Federal troops occupied the South, and Confederate armies were disbanded. White southerners could no longer rely on slave labor for economic support, and the South’s agriculture suffered for the new expenses of waged employment.7 After formally surrendering their political power over the South and losing the backbone of their economy to emancipation, white southerners feared they had lost their autonomy, and they were subject to the will of the North. Reconciliation between the North and the South was difficult to accomplish, especially as the question of universal black suffrage loomed in the air.8 In the summer and fall of 1865, southern 4 Hollandsworth, 102. 5 New Orleans Daily Crescent, July 31, 1866. 6 Vandal, Anatomy of a Tragedy, 215-222. 7 Michael Perman, Reunion without Compromise: The South and Reconstruction: 1865-1868 (Cambridge: University Press, 1973), 14. 8 Perman, 82. 2 politicians waited expectantly for President Andrew Johnson to release his plans for restoring the South to the Union. Despite their recent defeat, white southerners maintained their defiance to Northern rule and staunchly opposed black enfranchisement. They warned that economic disorder and anarchy would occur if the North did not administrate the process of reunification with care and consideration of the South’s demands.9 Though the New Orleans Massacre was not the first race riot to occur in the former Confederate states, it is notable for its political origins. Social and economic disturbances were familiar to the South prior to Reconstruction, but the New Orleans Massacre marked a transitional event, one where outbreaks of violence began to be based primarily on political grievances.10 Many historians, such as James G. Hollandsworth, George C. Rable, and Gilles Vandal have examined the causes and events of the New Orleans Massacre, but few scholars have attempted to uncover how large-scale political violence affected Southern communities. Recent historical scholarship has viewed the New Orleans Riot as an attempt of white southerners to disenfranchise and terrorize blacks during the early years of Reconstruction. In An Absolute Massacre: The New Orleans Race Riot of July 30, 1866, Hollandsworth provides a detailed narrative of the race riot, but he also analyzes the political and racial motives that compelled white southerners to retaliate against the supporters of the convention. Hollandsworth viewed the riot as a critical factor in establishing the “Solid South,” where white conservatives held the highest social status 9 Perman, 34-35. 10 George C. Rable, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984), 43. 3