(Continued from front flap) J Based on an ethnographic study spanning e four years, George H. Jensen’s Storytell- n s Storytelling in ing in Alcoholics Anonymous: A Rhetorical nae as practicing alcoholics to adopt a new e Analysis calls upon Bakhtinian theory to ana- n identity within AA. Turning back to Bakhtin, lyze storytelling in AA. he describes the moments of discourse dur- Jensen introduces his study with an analy- ing which individuals confess past wrongs to S Alcoholics sis of “Bill W.’s Story” as it appears in the God and to another person. Drawing further t first chapter of AA’s central text, Alcoholics o on Bakhtin, he examines the autobiographi- “This book will become an important part of [AA] literature be- r Anonymous. Drawing on Walter Ong’s work cal moments of AA talks, stressing that these y on orality and literacy, he argues that “Bill cause it not only describes typical AA practices but offers con- moments never become fully autobiographi- te W.’s Story” as it appears in print cannot fully cal. AA talks, Jensen argues, are fragmented vincing hypotheses about the difficult question of why these prac- ll Anonymous capture the oral tradition of storytelling as yet achieve coherence through the interweav- tices are effective, hypotheses that are not medical, psychologi- in it occurs in AA meetings. In his first section, ing of two important chronotopes. Finally, cal, or even strictly spiritual but theoretical.” g Jensen discusses storytelling as practiced by using Bakhtin’s discussion of heroes in auto- i the Washingtonians, a temperance organiza- —John R. Edlund, director of the University Writing Center n biography, Jensen discusses the kinds of he- tion much like AA. He contrasts AA story- roes one typically finds in AA talks. at California State University, Los Angeles A telling with the temperance literature of the lc Washingtonians. He also discusses the influ- George H. Jensen is a professor of English o A Rhetorical Analysis ence of the spiritual program of the Oxford at Southwest Missouri State University. His h Group (an international and interdenomina- o books include Personality and the Teaching tional religious movement seeking to recap- l of Composition and The Rhetorical Turn in ic ture the enthusiasm and dedication of first- Twentieth-Century Thought. s century Christianity) to the development of A AA’s Twelve Steps. The remainder of the first n section, which is an introduction of the cul- o ture of AA to outsiders, begins with a hypo- n thetical speaker meeting. Jensen introduces y m the Twelve Steps and examines the special re- lationship between sponsor and sponsee and o the ways in which key texts function as a uni- u s fying force within the oral tradition of AA. In the second section of the book, Jensen A covers Bakhtin’s theory of the relationship R between the author and the hero of a text, h e using Lillian Roth’s autobiographies as coun- t o r terexamples of AA talks. He discusses “rig- i c orous honesty” within AA programs and a l provides a detailed analysis of the rhetori- A n cal act of stating “I am an alcoholic” in the a l context of an AA meeting. He devotes an Southern Illinois University Press y s entire chapter in this section to explaining i s P.O. Box 3697 how AA meetings provide an example of what Bakhtin meant by carnival, a process Carbondale, IL 62902-3697 through which humor, irony, and parody sup- www.siu.edu/~siupress ply a mechanism for questioning commonly ISBN 0-8093-2330-3 USo held beliefs. He shows how newcomers to Printed in the United States of America nu iveth George H. Jensen AA move away from their egocentric perso- ,!7IA8A9-dcddac! rser ityn I Prllin (Continued on back flap) essois Storytelling in Alcoholics Anonymous Storytelling in Alcoholics Anonymous A Rhetorical Analysis George H. Jensen Southern Illinois University Press Carbondale and Edwardsville Copyright © 2000 by the Board of Trustees, Southern Illinois University All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 03 02 01 00 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Jensen, George H. Storytelling in Alcoholics Anonymous : a rhetorical analysis / George H. Jensen. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Alcoholics Anonymous. 2. Alcoholics––Rehabilitation. 3. Communication in rehabilitation. 4. Storytelling. 5. Self-disclosure. I. Title. HV5278.J45 2000 362.295'86––dc21 ISBN 0-8093-2330-3 (alk. paper) 99-059912 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences––Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992. ∞ Contents Preface vii Introduction Bill W.’s Story: An Ethnography of Reading 1 Part One: History and Culture 1. The Washingtonians: Telling Stories to Teetotalers 15 2. The Oxford Group: The Stories of Saints 26 3. Coming to Alcoholics Anonymous: Hearing One’s Life in the Voices of Others 33 4. Ritualized Reading: The Voices In and Around Sacred Texts 42 5. The Twelve Steps: Finding One’s Voice among the Other Voices 50 6. The Twelve Traditions: Bringing a Little Order to Chaos 58 Part Two: Storytelling 7. The Author and the Hero: Uncertainty, Freedom, and Rigorous Honesty 69 8. I Am an Alcoholic: The First Confession 78 9. Carnival: A Parody of Self 84 10. Taking On a New Identity: Faking It to Make It 94 11. Confessional Self-Accounting: Speaking Before Rather Than To an Audience 103 12. Autobiography: Moving from Isolation and Finding Boundaries 110 13. Chronotopes: The Order Behind Fragments of a Life 120 Conclusion Moving from Newcomer to Old-Timer 129 Notes 139 Works Cited 151 Index 157 Preface Long after I was an adult, my mother told me that my father had gone to Alcoholics Anonymous for six months. One day, he came home from a meeting and said, “I don’t think I’m an alcoholic.” I suspect that it was less than a year later—I was six—when my mother reached her breaking point and asked my father to leave. He eventually drifted to New Orleans, where he slowly drank himself to death. I have little doubt that my family was better off once my father left, even though my mother struggled to support us on a teacher’s salary, but we were still an alco- holic family. I certainly thought of my own family when I read the fol- lowing anecdote from Alcoholics Anonymous: The alcoholic is like a tornado roaring his way through the lives of others. Hearts are broken. Sweet relationships are dead. Affections have been uprooted. Selfish and inconsiderate habits have kept the home in turmoil. We feel a man is unthinking when he says that sobriety is enough. He is like the farmer who came up out of his cyclone cellar to find his home ruined. To his wife, he remarked, “Don’t see anything the matter here, Ma. Ain’t it grand the wind stopped blowin’?” (82) The wind had stopped blowin’ once my father left, but we had not ex- perienced what members of AA or Al-Anon call recovery. Alcoholics Anonymous describes alcoholism as a family disease, and it is ultimately the families—not just the alcoholic—who recover from an “abnormal” or “neurotic” life (122). And those families who experi- ence recovery in AA and Al-Anon seem to move from being highly dys- functional to being exceptionally close and well adjusted. For many years, I had respected AA as I watched close friends or relatives find sobriety by working the program, but I have been even more fascinated by the broader goals of AA. Members of AA often speak of the “dry drunk,” the person who has stopped drinking but continues to be a tornado in the lives of others. Members also frequently say, “There is nothing sad- der than an alcoholic who doesn’t drink and is not in AA.” I thus began this project because I was intrigued by the difference between alcoholic families that were in recovery and those that were not. vii viii Preface When the drinker attended AA and the spouse attended Al-Anon, some- thing dramatic happened, something that could not be accounted for simply by the absence of alcohol. The purpose of this study is to explain how such dramatic changes occur. In other words, how is it that being a member of Alcoholics Anonymous and telling one’s story can contrib- ute to the formation of a new identity? It is this transformative effect of storytelling within Alcoholics Anony- mous that is the theme of this book. As I began this project, I wanted to understand how telling life stories in AA was different from writing per- sonal essays or autobiographies for print. I began by attending open AA and Al-Anon meetings for about three years, an average of about two a week. I wanted my rhetorical analysis to be founded on an ethnographic study of the “culture” of AA. Early in this process, I was struck by how extensively AA has entered the consciousness of popular culture (virtu- ally everyone has heard of AA and the Twelve Steps) while relatively few people have any knowledge of what actually goes on in a meeting (they only know that someone stands up, says “Hello, I’m Bill. I’m an alco- holic,” and then talks about drinking). Many people even repeat AA slo- gans, phrases from the Twelve Steps, or passages from AA literature, without any apparent contact with AA meetings, yet they think it’s sad that members of AA have to go to so many meetings. I remember my own shock, as the son of an alcoholic, when I first heard someone say, “I am a grateful alcoholic.” The most important message of this study is that the culture of AA and its storytelling are both crucial to the transformation of identity that occurs within the program. The introduction, “Bill W.’s Story,” analyzes the print version of the story told by Bill Wilson, cofounder of AA, in the first chapter of Alcoholics Anonymous. By employing an ethnogra- phy of reading, I will demonstrate that while Bill W.’s story serves as the paradigm for storytelling in AA, it does not adequately represent story- telling as it occurs at meetings. In other words, we cannot understand AA and its tradition of storytelling by reading and analyzing printed texts. In order to move the reader of this book (most of whom will be outsid- ers, not members of AA) closer to the position of an insider (someone who understands the culture and rituals of the program), I will move in- ductively through the next section of the book to build a sense of his- tory and culture. In the first section of the book, “History and Culture,” I will begin with a discussion of two organizations that preceded AA: the Washing- tonians and the Oxford Group. The Washingtonians, or the Washington Temperance Society, was a temperance movement that began in 1840 and was virtually defunct by 1858; the society was considered a historical lesson for AA. Bill W. believed that the Washingtonians, by becoming in- Preface ix volved with political issues, had failed to remain focused, but other les- sons can also be learned from this group. Unlike AA, they told their sto- ries to a general public, most of whom were teetotalers. In this chapter on the Washingtonians, I will explain how appealing to a broad audience altered the organization’s storytelling. In the next chapter, I will explain how AA developed within and eventually split from the Oxford Group, an interdenominational religious group that wanted to recapture the en- thusiasm of first-century Christianity. Storytelling was also an important part of this organization, but its goals were to save the world and create saints. In contrast, the storytelling of AA is more about accepting one’s imperfections. As readers move through these chapters, I hope they will understand something of the history of AA (common knowledge to mem- bers) as we begin to understand how storytelling in AA is quite different than that of similar movements. They will also begin to understand the storytelling of AA through counterexamples. In the remainder of the first section, I will lead the reader through a number of chapters that will explain the culture of AA. This section, which will draw most heavily upon my experience of attending AA and Al-Anon meetings, differs stylistically from the rest of the book. Its goal is to explain important aspects of the culture of AA, to move the reader closer to the position of an insider. It is my hope that the reader, as he or she learns how meetings are structured, how printed literature is ritual- ized, how the Twelve Steps are worked, and how the Twelve Traditions provide unity, will undergo an initiation similar to that experienced by new members of AA during their first few weeks in the program. Of course, reading about meetings is not the same as attending them, but the reader will learn about the program and start to appreciate how its culture and rituals frame and support a unique approach to storytelling. In “Storytelling,” the second section of the book, I will use Bakhtin’s theory to offer a rhetorical analysis of storytelling as it occurs within the culture of AA. By rhetorical analysis, I broadly mean any interpretation that accounts for the transactions of author, audience, and text. Bakh- tinian theory is inherently rhetorical (see Bernard-Donals; Klancher; Mc- Clelland; and Schuster). Bakhtin writes of the author, the relation of the author to the text, the author’s presence within the text, the hero that the author creates, the relation of the social and cultural context to both au- thor and text, the text as an utterance in a string of utterances, the reader’s interpretation of the text, and the reader’s affect on the author. In addition to his perspective on rhetorical transactions, I thought of using Bakhtin because he has written so extensively about monologic and dialogic discourse. In short, monological discourse is “single voiced” in that a particular speaker attempts to silence other speakers; it is what we most frequently encounter in our daily lives. Dialogic discourse allows