Son-Thierry Ly and Patrick Weil The Antiracist Origin of the Quota System the u.s. immigration quota system of the early twentieth century is usually represented as a linear progression of increasingly restrictive policies that starts with the establishment of federal immi- gration control in the late nineteenth century and culminates in the 1921 Emergency Quota Act and the 1924 National Origins Quotas Act. According to this interpretation, a wide range of measures adopted between 1880 and 1930—from the LPC clauses (exclusion of all catego- ries of people “likely to become a public charge”) and the Asiatic exclu- sion laws (1882 Chinese Exclusion Law, 1907 Gentlemen’s Agreement, 1917 Asiatic Barred Zone) to the literacy test and immigration quotas— were all the result of a general convergence of nativism, nationalism, and eugenics. This ideological convergence supposedly facilitated the growth of racism against immigrants, and especially against those who did not belong to the “Anglo-Saxon race.” The work of Daniel J. Tichenor is a clear illustration of this point of view: But if economic and national security were important concerns of early-twentieth-century immigration reform- ers, the primary intent and effect of their national origins The authors would like to thank Gerald L. Neuman, Mae M. Ngai and Peter H. Schuck for their fruitful comments on a first draft of this article. social research Vol 77 : No 1 : Spring 2010 45 quota system were manifestly racist. In the face of increas- ing ethnic pluralism, restrictionists saw the literacy test and national origins quotas as means of “rationally” controlling the nation’s ethnic and racial composition . . . Eugenics provided scientific confirmation of these racist conclusions, offering seemingly powerful evidence that immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe lacked the advanced hereditary makeup of earlier immigrant groups (Tichenor 2002: 147). The most studied policy of this period is the literacy test, and its passage in 1917 is described as the turning point in the struggle between restrictionists and liberals. The 1917 victory supposedly gave restric- tionists a free hand to implement all the racist and eugenicist exclusion laws they desired, most notably the 1921 and 1924 Quota laws, which, according to this logic, should have easily passed in Congress.1 However, a detailed study of the origin of Quota laws suggests that these conventional understandings of early-twentieth-century U.S. immigration policy are misguided. First, the notion of a clear split between restrictionists and liberals has to be questioned. In addition, the conflation of “restrictionist,” “racist,” and “eugenist” ideas into one homogeneous way of thinking appears misguided. As Aristide Zolberg has demonstrated, at that moment of history, “the imposition of limits on immigration was well-nigh inevitable.” But while limits were in the cards, the means of their achievement were by no means preordained” (Zolberg 2006: 200). Indeed, even if we assume that restrictionists were largely dominant from 1917 onward, there are still important ques- tions about the nature of the policy process that need to be addressed. For example, there were major disagreements among restrictionists over the means and goals of the restriction. Some wanted to exclude all “races” they deemed undesirable, others wanted to select individu- als who fulfilled specific criteria, and still others wanted to lower the overall number of immigrants regardless of their origin. These divi- sions created opposition against the bill from within the restrictionist 46 social research camp. Further evidence of these divisions is the fact that the quotas plan was originally designed as a radical but not a racist maneuver. The initial goal for the quota system was to restrict immigration efficiently and mathematically but to end racial discrimination against Asiatics by establishing a system that would include all foreign countries. Our work can be distinguished from the research of scholars like Desmond King, who attach too much importance to the role of Albert Johnson and claim he was “the key congressional actor” in the passing of the 1921 Quota law (King 2000: 201). According to our research, three other figures are at the heart of this history and should be considered the main promoters of the immigration quotas system. The first one to design the quota system was William Walter Husband, a well-known civil servant and a fervent restrictionist whose priority was to find a quantitatively reliable system of restriction grounded on “scientific” knowledge. Robert F. Zeidel’s work has already empha- sized this aspect of quotas history, and justly characterized it as a specific outward sign of the Progressive Era (Zeidel 2004). Yet, Zeidel misses the central role played by the second key figure, Sydney Lewis Gulick. As a consequence, Zeidel does not see the egalitarian and anti- discriminatory nature of the initial quotas plan, which is perhaps the most important way of understanding the plan. Gulick promoted the plan through a lobbying operation that was so successful it was able to wreck the plans of the powerful Immigration Restriction League (IRL) and became a famous example of how to lobby for policy change. The third individual highlighted by our research is William Paul Dillingham. Dillingham was chairman of the Senate Immigration Committee in 1903, chairman of the special congressional committee formed in 1907 to study the origins and consequences of immigration to the United States (commonly called “the Dillingham Commission”), and was one of the early spokespeople for the quotas system.2 To understand how diverse interests were able to steer the quotas plan into one of the most discriminatory systems ever implemented in American immigration history requires a detailed historical recon- struction of the policymaking process. The Antiracist Origin of the Quota System 47 WILLIAM WALteR huSBANd ANd the SeARCh FoR A MoRe “oBjeCtIVe” ANd “SCIeNtIFIC” SySteM oF IMMIGRAtIoN CoNtRoL Many kinds of legislative and administrative mechanisms for federal immigration control have been debated since the U.S. Supreme Court decided in Henderson v. Mayor of New York, 92 U.S. 259 (1875) that immi- gration was to be regulated by the U.S federal government. The first known proposal of a numerical limit on the number of immigrants was in the report of the so-called Dillingham Immigration Commission. The “limitation of the number of each race arriving each year to a certain percentage of the average of that race arriving during a given period of years” came among several other recommendations (U.S. Immigration Commission 1907-1910:47; Jenks and Lauck 1912:342). Nevertheless, the “reading and writing test,” known also as the “literacy test,” was considered to be the “most feasible single method of restricting unde- sirable immigration” (U.S. Immigration Commission 1907-1910: 48) by the commission and was contained in Senator Dillingham’s 1911 immi- gration bill. President William Howard Taft vetoed the bill in February 1913 and Congress failed in its attempt to overrule the veto. In response to this veto, the first systematic immigration quota plan was conceived by William Walter Husband.3 Initially a journal- ist from Montpelier, Vermont, Husband worked from 1903 as Senator Dillingham’s secretary, then as secretary of the Senate Immigration Committee and executive secretary of the Dillingham Commission from 1907 to 1910. He would later hold high-level government positions in the Department of Labor, first as commissioner general of immigration from 1921 to 1925 and then as Second Assistant Secretary Of Labor. After President Taft’s veto and the failure of the literacy test, Husband devised a new system for reducing immigration, especially from Southern and Eastern Europe: It seemed evident that if the desired end was to be accom- plished some method other than the exclusion of illiterates would have to be found. 48 social research It so happened that I had just received the Report on Population resulting from the Census of 1910 and during our discussion it suddenly occurred to me that some percentage system based on the foreign-born population of the United States might afford a means of accomplishing what was desired, which admittedly was to cut down the great influx of aliens from Southern and Eastern Europe without erect- ing any barrier against immigration on a normal basis from Western Europe. I did some computing that night which to my mind demonstrated that a percentage system would afford the desired solution of the troublesome problem with- out a logical suggestion of discrimination among the vari- ous nationalities concerned. I made a table showing how the application of the idea would affect annual immigration from the various countries of Europe, depending on the basic percentage that might be adopted (Husband 1921: 1). Husband’s plan was based on calculations of the precise number of immigrants admitted for each country of origin according to the census data on the foreign-born population. Husband saw two advan- tages to this idea. First, it could be used to generate reliable predictions of future migration, —unlike the literacy test, which was vulnerable to changing educational levels in the home countries. Second, his proposal did not involve the creation of a special discriminatory status for the Southern and Eastern Europeans but would treat every foreign nation the same way. Indeed, Husband even thought that his plan could be used to treat Asiatic immigrants the same as all other immigrants and thereby, solve what he called the “troublesome problem of Asiatic immigration” (Husband 1915: 19). In that sense, Husband does not clearly fit into the theories (Tichenor 2002: 147) that associate restric- tionism with racism and eugenics: I am not among those who believe very strongly in the inherent superiority of western European peoples over the The Antiracist Origin of the Quota System 49 rest of mankind, and in my study of immigration and the so-called races composing the movement I am more and more inclined to observe a strict neutrality in that regard. It is true that measured by some standards of western Europe the peoples of the eastern and southern countries are backward, but reverse the comparison and in some particulars the western European is at a disadvantage. I have seen something of these new immigrant peoples both here and in their native lands, and the more I see of them the stronger is my conviction that they are fundamentally good (Husband 1915: 7). It is true that Husband did not believe immigration restric- tions should be developed without considering the specific countries of departure. However, those restrictions were not necessarily based on essentialist racist ideas. According to Husband, the “new immigra- tion,” as defined by the Dillingham Commission, had to be particu- larly controlled “due in part to the character of the immigrants and in part to conditions in the United States” (Husband 1915: 7). To make this argument Husband relied on some classic stereotypes—that immi- grants from Southern and Eastern Europe being temporary industrial workers coming without their families into congested cities—but he never ascribed their problems to something inherent in their nature. On the contrary, Husband felt that these immigrants had many good qualities but that their number should be restricted because of the social and economic situation of U.S. cities. In addition, Husband was adamant that restrictions should not be imposed by legally excluding specific groups. By meeting these two requirements, the quota system Husband imagined was more than just a plan for restricting immigra- tion. It questioned the very meaning of the concept of restriction by forcing everyone to take a stand with regard to the means and goals of this restriction, and whether or not immigration restriction legislation should exclude immigrants according to their countries of origin. From then on, restrictionists were divided between those who advocated the 50 social research end of discriminatory exclusions, and those who desired their main- tenance. Husband was racialist—that is, in favor of using national or ethnic origin as the criterion for the admission of immigrants, and also a restrictionist: he wanted to reduce the flow of entrances. But he was not a racist: he did not want to exclude individuals on the basis of their supposedly “unassimilable” origin.4 The quota system idea rapidly achieved significant visibility, thanks to its famous political spokesperson: William Paul Dillingham. In its 1901 report the “Dillingham Commission” had advocated the literacy test as the most important measure for restricting immigra- tion. Yet its chairman seized on Husband’s proposal in 1913 for two main reasons. Among the restrictionists, Dillingham had a relatively moderate opinion of immigrants. For example, in his speeches in the Senate in 1912, while he was reporting his bill containing the literacy test,5 he did not hesitate to highlight Southeastern European immigrants’ quali- ties and declared that they were “the best of the class from which they come” and “the individuals who have thrift and courage and enterprise enough to assume the risk incident to such a change and the making of homes in the New World.” In the same way, he explained that immi- grants’ avoidance of farms was logical as American farmers were them- selves looking for skilled laborer wages, “each exercising the same amount of intelligence.” Dillingham thereby highlighted the degrad- ing standard of living among farmers as the primary reason for a lack of agricultural labor. Unlike other restrictionists, Dillingham did not warn about the dangers of immigrants bringing criminality or insanity to American society. Instead, he argued that immigrants were of the “highest ratio in the most highly civilized nations” and asserted that they were “not standing in fear of insanity from south eastern Europe.” In order to put Chinese immigrants on an equal administrative stand- ing with immigrants of other origins, Dillingham also proposed in the same bill to suppress some of the special administrative requirements for Chinese immigrants (Zolberg 2006: 191) and, at the same time, to apply the remaining ones to all aliens. He hoped that it would “lead The Antiracist Origin of the Quota System 51 to a satisfactory and permanent settlement of the Asiatic immigration question generally on grounds that are entirely justifiable” (United States Congress 1912: 4906-4917). Dillingham’s embarrassment about discrimination against Asians surely predisposed him to support the quota system Husband proposed. It is quite certain that Husband played a major role in Dillingham’s opinions and actions on immigration issues. They worked together from 1903 on. Starting as the senator’s private secretary, Husband became the secretary of every committee Dillingham chaired. The sena- tor took part in Husband’s professional advancement by lobbying for his nomination to the head of the U.S. Bureau of Immigration in 1921. For his part, Husband became one of the most competent administra- tive experts on immigration issues, while still working as Dillingham’s intellectual adviser on the subject. As we will see, Husband was behind Dillingham’s every move on the quota system. The senator benefited from this advice because it was a practical way to distinguish himself among restrictionists as a politician with his own well-developed plan. The literacy test had been principally proposed and defended by Senator Henry Cabot Lodge (R.-Mass.) and his Immigration Restriction League allies since 1893, whereas Dillingham had no policy plan of his own to propose despite being a well-known figure within the immigra- tion debate. Dillingham therefore had everything to gain in accepting Husband’s original idea and became the main public spokesperson of the quota system. He asked Husband to draw up a bill containing this new proposition, and introduced it on June 2, 1913 (Husband 1921). It limited the number of immigrants that could be admitted per country of birth to 10 percent of the number of residents born in the same coun- try as indicated in the last census, with a minimum quota of 5,000 per country.6 The most interesting reactions to Dillingham’s 1913 bill were those from Senator Lodge and IRL leaders, including Prescott F. Hall, Robert deC. Ward, and Joseph Lee. Despite the general discouragement caused by President Taft’s veto, it was out of the question for them to stop their fight in favor of the literacy test after 20 years of active support. 52 social research Although Husband made the trip to Boston in order to convince them, they asserted that they would take no interest in any other plan until the test was adopted, attracted as they may have been by the idea of numerical restriction.7 As a consequence, they not only postponed the debate on quotas—Dillingham’s bill had hardly been debated in Senate Immigration Committee—but they were opposed to the idea of quotas being construed and used as a means of putting an end to all racial discrimination in law. Indeed, if this feature of the plan was at this time not predominant in Husband’s mind, it was absent from Dillingham 1913’s bill, which kept all the Chinese exclusion provisions adopted in previous acts. It would take another leader and another movement to keep the idea of a quota system alive and to transform it—temporar- ily—into an egalitarian project. GuLICk’S LoBByING ANd the FoRMAtIoN oF the NAtIoNAL CoMMIttee FoR CoNStRuCtIVe IMMIGRAtIoN LeGISLAtIoN With the attention of the IRL and of its followers in the Congress dedi- cated to the passing of the literacy test, the idea of a quota system could have died in 1913. The man who kept it alive, made it widely popular, and transformed it into a weapon against all legal racial discrimination, thus giving it a whole new magnitude and a growing public visibility, was Sydney L. Gulick. A theology professor and a missionary who had spent 26 years in Japan (from 1887 to 1913), he developed strong affec- tion for this country and was an ardent opponent to all California and federal anti-Oriental laws (see “Dr. Sidney Gulick” 1945; and Taylor 1984). According to him, the United States should rebuild its relationship with Asia upon the foundation of dignity and mutual respect for two reasons (Gulick 1914). First, contrary to many of his contemporaries, he was convinced that Asians were able to assimilate into American society and he asked for scientific studies on this subject that did not rely on racist prejudices. Second, he alerted public opinion on the military and economic danger that loomed if nothing was done to quell the inter- national situation. The hostility of Asiatic countries against the United The Antiracist Origin of the Quota System 53 States and all Occidental countries more generally was growing with every discriminatory measure the latter implemented, thus unifying Asiatic countries and inevitably leading sooner or later to a disastrous Orient-Occident war. But if he favored the end of Oriental discrimina- tions in law, Gulick did not support a liberal approach to immigration control: immigration had in his view to be limited not only because of its effects on the employment and living conditions of American labour, but also for “eugenics” reasons. Surprisingly, despite his convic- tions concerning the assimilation of immigrants, Gulick greatly feared all kinds of “interracial contacts or mixing” as well as their “disastrous consequences” (Gulick 1915; 1914). Like Husband, Gulick was a racialist and a restrictionist, but he was against racism: he wanted the end of the exclusion of individu- als on the basis of their supposedly “unassimilable” origin. Also look- ing for more restriction and at the same time for the end of explicit legal discrimination, Gulick’s reasoning brought him, quite logically, in 1914 to the immigration quotas plan. He elaborated this idea into a draft that he presented before the Senate Committee on Immigration and Naturalization on January 31, 1914: “Two addresses on a new Immigration policy and the American-Japanese Problem” (see also “Limited Immigration” 1914). Gulick wanted to introduce a slightly different numerical limitation, by which the number of immigrants from a specific country would have been restricted to “five per cent of the number of native born persons of the first generation together with the number of naturalized citizens of that race in the United states at the time of the national census next preceding.” His interest in this form of calculation must be understood in the context of the reforms he planned for naturalization laws, where he sought the suppression of all racial discrimination for access to citizenship along with an increase of other requirements (specifically concerning cultural assimilation) for immigrants. In 1915 Gulick developed a “Comprehensive Immigration Policy and Program” (Gulick 1915). According to him, conditions for U.S. citizenship were unnecessarily hard for Asiatic immigrants, but far 54 social research