SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT IN THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH by A. SKEVINGTON WOOD THIS paper was read at a conference of the Biblical Theology group of the TyndaleFellowship. The theme of the Con ference was "'Christian Involvem,ent 'in Society"; the Gos'pels had already been covered, so Dr. SkeVington Wood exam'i'nes the subject in the light of the rest of the New Testament. From October of this year Dr. Skevington Wood is serving as Tutor in Theology at Cliff College, Calver, near Sheffield. As Ernst Troeltsch has noted. the first social problem with which the Church had to deal was that of property. In Acts 1 2: 44, 45, and again in 4: 32-37. we have two accounts of what some have gone so far as to describe as the Christian communism of the primitive Church. Communalism in some sense it may have been, but such "voluntary generosity", as Dean Inge rightly called it, is widely removed from any political theory.2 The "togethemess" stressed in Acts 2: 44 arose from the believers' oneness in Christ and in the recent experience of the Holy Spirit. It tended rather to underline their separation from the rest of mankind than their involvement in society. The Greek implies that they "kept together" (epi to auto eichon)--almost that they kept themselves to themselves. as we say. It was as an expression of this intensive fellowship that the Christians had all things in common. Possessions were treated as belonging not to the individual owner but to the whole community. According to Philo. the Therapeutae of Egypt (an offshoot of pre-Christian Judaism). also resigned the claim to property. but they voluntarily handed it over to their relatives.3 The Jerusalem Christians were evidently more like the Essenes in this respect: of them it is recorded by Eusebius tciting Philo's lost Apology for the Jews): "none ventures to acquire any private property at all, no house, or slave. or farm. or cattle. or any of the other things which procure or minister to wealth; but they deposit them all in 1 Emst Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches (E.T., London, 1931), Vol. I. p. 115. 2 Cf. WiUiam Ralph Inge, More Lay Thoughts of a Dean (lJondon, 1931), p.14. ·Philo. De Vita Contemplativa, 2, 13. 18-20; cf. Eusebius. Historia Ekklesiastike lI.l7.S. SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT IN THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH 195 public together. and enjoy the benefit of all in common".4 But whereas the Essenes formed a distinct and indeed virtually monastic community. the Christians did not actually live together in such a fashion. Nor did they apparently pool their resources at once. The tense in v. 45 (epipraskon. imperfect) suggests not one big sale. but that from time to time tihe beljevers were in the habit of selling off some of their goods and distributing them (diemerizon. also an iterative imperfect) amongst the needy. But who were the recipients of this relief? It seems clear from the context that this was confined to the Christian circle. "Any" in v. 45 means "any amongst them selves". The indefinite pronoun tis is controlled by pantes hoi pisteusantes in v. 44. In the second account in Acts 4: 32-37 we have what F. J. A. Hort called "a fresh impulse towards consolidation". arising out of the hostility of the Jewish authorities.5 Charity was centralized with the aposdes as the focus. The Greek is emphatic in v. 32: "Not one of them (oude heis) claimed that anything he possessed was his own". There was no dissentient: all were of one heart and soul. As a result. we learn from v. 34, "there was not a needy person among them". The war on want within the Christian com munity was waged with complete success. Once again a present participle and two imperfects express what occurred from time to time: those who had lands or houses used to sell them and bring in the profits, so that a hand-out could take place as occasion arose. Barnabas was one amongst many. The offence of Ananias and Sappbira (5: 1-11) was not that they kept back part of the proceeds. but .that they pretended to bring all when in fact it was only a part (v. 2). What Peter said. as reported in v. 4. is quite unambiguous. While the piece of property remained unsold it was still theirs. And even after it was sold. it was still at their disposal. No one compelled them to turn in the entire proceeds. It was not a matter of rules: it was a matter of willingness. Ananias was not willing. but he wanted to get credit nevertheless. Herein lay his sin. Although. as we have seen. this distribution t{'l the poor was made within the bounds of the Christian community. it did estab lish a principle which was eventually to govern Ohristian charity in general. "As any had need" (2: 45; 4: 35) became the accepted criterion. And whilst we cannot regard this experiment as providing ·Philo. Huper loudaion Apologia, in Eusebiu5, Praeparatio Evangelica, viii. 11, 5 Fenton John Amhony Hort, The Christian Eeclena (London, 1914), p.46. 196 THE EVANGELICAL QUARTERLY a blueprint for any political organization, it is worth observing the balanced nature of the Christian approach. As Hort remarked. "the Ecclesia was a society in which neither the community was lost in the individual nor the individual in the community".6 That has something to say to us still. It is common to dismiss these distributions as a venture that failed. That conclusion can only be reached if it is interpreted in terms of a doctrinaire sociological exercise. But if it is see-n rather as reflecting the willing response of Christians to the love of God in Christ, then it has never altogether disappeared throughout the history of the Church, and supplies an incentive for today. In Acts 6: 1 we read about a daily distribution by the Jerusalem church to the needy. Evidently the apostles had superintended it. but as numbers grew it was necessary to appoint seven men to take on their duties in this respect. so that they might concentrate on the essentials of prayer and preaching. These seven were to "serve tables" (v. 2, diakonein trapezais): but what sort of tables were they? They could have been the counters or benches where money was doled out, or they could have been meal tables where food was provided. In Rome such meals were oiten conveyed by the rich to their dependents in baskets or sportulae. According to J osephus, Queen Helena of Adiabene later bought supplies from Egypt and Cyprus in a time of famine and had them distributed amongst the needy, so such a thing was not unfamiliar in Jeru salem.7 It is unlikely that the reference is to the Lord's Supper, or the Agape which may have preceded it. Amongst those who benefited by this money or food, whichever it may have been, were the widows of the church. Those who were Greek-speaking had apparently been neglected, perhaps because of the language barrier. The comment of Professor J. Rawson Lumby in the Cambridge Bible Commentary on Acts is worth weighing: It is deserving of notice that, before we find any special arrangements made for what wc now understand by "divine service", the regulation of the relief of those in need had beoome so engrossing a part of the duty of the twelve as to have thrust aside in some degree the prayers 'and ministration of the word, which were especiaily their charge. In these early days they appear to have acted according to St. James' teaching (1: 27), "Pure religion (threskeia) and undefiled before God and the Father is this, to visit the fatherless and widows in their affliction, and <to keep himself unspotted from the world".- 6 Ibid., p. 48. 7 Flavius }osephus, Antiquities of the Jews, iii.lS.3: xx.2.6; xx.S.2. 8 Joseph Rawson Lumby, The Acts of the Apostles, Cambridge Bible (Cambl"idge, 1888), p 73. SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT IN THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH 197 We find evidence of similar concern in the "good works and acts of charity" performed by Dorcas at Joppa (9: 36). It is not altogether clear whether the tunics and cloaks (chitonas kai himatia) which she made had been given to the widows who wept around her death-bed, or whether they assisted her in passing them on to others, thus forming a kind of sisterhood of mercy (9: 39). At the end of Acts 11 we read of a remarkable extension of this care for the needy. Thus far it has been confined to Hebrew Christian communities. But now we are told that, when Agabus forecast a serious famine in the reign of the emperor Claudius, "the disciples (in Syrian Antioch) determined, everyone according to his ability, to send relief to the brethren who lived in Judaea" (Acts 11: 29). This they duly did through Barnabas and Saul. Diakonia was beginning to take a technical meaning with reference to Christian aid. This is the first instance of large-scale famine relief. Barnabas and Saul were not just carriers of money. They stayed in Jerusalem, it would seem, no doubt to superintend the distribution of corn and to comfort the distressed.9 Only when they had fulfilled their mission (diakonia again) did they return (Acts 12: 25). Apparently they did not just sneak in and out, as some have rather unworthily implied10 • But of course the really significant feature of this famine relief is that the gifts came not only from Jewish but from Gentile Christians. In Acts 11: 20, 21, we learn that the gospel was preached to the Greeks, and that a great number of them believed and turned to the Lord. This was when the disciples were first called Christians (v. 26), and it is most noteworthy that the next thing Luke tells us about them is that they cooperated to launch a feed the-hungry campaign. None of this philanthrophy, however, was directed to the secular community, or even to Judaism. It was confined to the Christian body. It could not fail to be noted, nevertheless, that these followers of Jesus knew how to look after their own. But the Book of Acts records another set of merciful works which did affect those beyond the bounds of the Church itself. These are the healing miracles performed by the apostles. They reflect the most significant involve ment with society to be discovered in the narrative of the young church in action. Our Lord's own compassion for those who suffered either in mind or body found its complement in the 9 Sir WilHam MitcheU Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (London, 1908), p. 52. 10 On this famine, see Joseph Barber Lightfioot, Biblical Essays (London, \893), pp. 216-217. He thought it broke out in A.D. 45. 198 THE EVANGELICAL QUARTERLY attitude of His representatives to the sick. The story of Pentecost is immediately followed by an account of healing. The cripple at the Beautiful Gate of the temple was enabled to walk in the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth. even though he had been lame from birth (Acts 3: 1-10). He was the forerunner of others who were similarly cured-exactly how many we do not know. In Acts 5: 15 we gather that they were numerous. for as the ranks of believers increased. the sick were actually carried out into the streets and laid there on beds (these would be the better-off) and sleeping-mats (these would 'be the poor). so that even the shadow of Peter might fall on one or other of them as he passed. The Western text adds explicitly what the textus receptus implies: "for they were healed from all sicknesses such as each of them had." This was still a miracle in the name of Jesus. even though Peter was the instrument. In the case of the cripple it was his hand: here it was his shadow. Then in v. 16 we learn that people flocked in from the towns around Jerusalem. bringing those who were ill or demon-pClssessed. and all were cured without exception. When Philip took the gospel to Samaria there were many similarly harassed by unclean spirits who were delivered. whilst many (polloi is repeated) who were paralysed and lame were healed. If this city was Sebaste. the capital. then it is worth noting that half its citizens were pagans. The way in which Aeneas is introduced in Acts 9: 33 as simply "a man" is thought by most commentators to suggest that he was not a Christian before he was cured of his paralysis. The cripple at Lystra is presented to us in the same manner (Acts 14: 8 ff.). No doubt he was a pagan. like the onlookers who, immediately after he had jumped to his feet and began to walk. shouted in their native Lycaonian: "The gods have come down to us in human form!" Zeus and Hermes they knew, but they had yet to hear about Jesus. The slave-girl at Philippi who had an oracular spirit was clearly not a Christian, nor is it suggested that she became one (Acts 16: 16-18). There were both Jews and Greeks amongst those who heard the word of the Lord in Ephesus. and it was amongst these that miracles of an unusual kind were worked through Paul (Acts 19: 10. 11). Sweat rags and aprons which he used as he plied his trade as a tentmaker were taken to the sick. after 'being in contact with his skin (apo tau chrotos autou), Luke informs us. When they touched these, their diseases left them and the demons came out of them. The last of the healing miracles reported in Acts concerned the father of Pub1ius, the prefect of Malta. He was suffering from recurrent SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT IN THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH 199 bouts of fever-perhaps malaria-and dysentery: when Paul prayed with him and laid hands on him, he was healed (Acts 28: 8). After this the rest of the sick on the island came to the apostle and were also cured. A different term is used in v. 9. In v. 8 it is iasaro, but in v. 9 it is etherapeuonto. The latter implies that they received medical treatment: by noting that this is one of the 'we' passages in Acts and that Luke· the physician was present, it will be realized how they got it.n There is one more verse in Acts which must engage our attention. It has to do not with healing but with relief for the poor. We are dealing with it now, however, because it constitutes a link between our consideration of Acts and that of the epistles. In his defence before the governor Felix, Paul referred to a visit he made to Jerusalem after an interval of some years with the object of bring ing alms and offerings to his nation (Acts 24: 17). It is assumed that the apostle here was speaking about the collection which he organized in Macedonia, Achaia, Galatia and no doubt in Asia as well for the impoverished Christians in Jerusalem. This is later than the famine relief which we discussed previously as initiated after the prophecy of Agabus (Acts 11: 27-30). It may be that further famines ensued or that they never really recovered from the first. Some have suggested that the disastrous outcome of the economic experiment described in chapters 2 and 4 reduced the church to bankruptcy, but this is unsubstantiated by actual evidence. The first famine occurred during the reign of Claudius, perhaps in A.D.45. The visit mentioned here in Acts 24: 17 probably took place in A.D. 58. Were the alms and the offerings both connected with the collection, or were the latter of a sacrificial nature? Prosphora is simply something which is brought, and could be synonymous with eleemosunas. The meaning would then be: "I came in order to do alms, namely (km) offerings."12 Sacrifices would be included in the worship mentioned in v. 11. On the other hand, prosphora in the New Testament invariably alludes to sacrificial offerings: hence NEB translates: "I came to bring charitable gifts to my nation and to offer sacrifices." But whether or not both expressions have to do with relief for the poor, the first most certainly does. 11 Henry Joel Cadbwy, Journal of Biblical Literature (1926), p. 196, n. 20; Adolf von Hamack, Luke the Physician (B.T., London, 1907), pp. 15-16; James Hope Moulton and George MilIigan, The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament (Lond'on, 1930), p. 289. 12 R. C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation Of the Acts of the Apostles (Co1umlbus, 1944), p. 973. 200 THE EVANGELICAL QUARTERLY The collection Paul made is not hinted at elsewhere in Acts. nor is this aspect of his visit to Jerusalem suggested in chapter 21 where we might expect it. For further elucidation we have to turn to the epistles. and this we now do. Th~ principal passages are I Corinthians 16: 1-3. II Corinthians 8: 1-7 and 11 Corinthians 9: 1·15. After the lofty disclosures of I Corinthians 15. dealing as it does with the mysteries of the life to come. chapter 16 drops right down to earth: "Now concerning the contribution for the saints." Yet there is no sense of incon gruity. Help for the needy is as integral to Christian witness as is the resurrection of the faithful. In a hapax legomenon so far as the New Testament is concerned. the collection is here described as a logia. That is one of seven words Paul employs when referring to it. The others are charis (v. 3. and II Cor. 8: 4. 6. 7). koinoma (II Cor. 8: 4; 9: 13; Rom. 15: 26). diakonia (II Cor. 8: 4; 9: 1. 12, 13). hadrotes (II Cor. 8: 20). eulogia (II Cor. 9: 5). and leitourgia (II Cor. 9: 12). In I Cor. 16: 1·3 the apostle gives instructions as to how the collection is to be made. It is to be along the lines pre viously recommended to the churches of Galatia (v. 1). A certain sum of money is to be set aside each Lord's Day. The amount will vary according to means. This is to 'be kept until Paul himself comes to receive it: he does not want to be saddled with the fund· raising himself. The gift will be taken to Jerusalem by representa· tives of the church ~ Corinth (vv. 3, 4). It is noteworthy that there is no mention of tithing. "The New Testament knows only the spirit of voluntary giving." explains Professor R. C. H. Lenski. "and its only directive as to amount is Paul's evangelical rule. which is devoid even of the appearance of legalism: 'as he may prosper." '18 In II Cor. 8: 1·7 Paul shares with his readers the news of how generous the Macedonian churches have been in their contributions to the relief fund. They themselves were far from affluent. They had received harsh treatment from their Roman conquerors. who exploited their natural resources and reserved to themselves the benefits which accrued from the felling of timber and the mining of salt. Hence it was from the depths of their poverty (kala bathous ptocheia auton,v.2) that these commendable Christians gave with such astonishing liberality to assist their brethren in Jerusalem. They were also undergoing severe persecution for the sake of the gospel. as we learn from I Thessalonians 1: 6 and 2: 14. Yet despite all this. they gave to the limit of their resources and indeed 13 R. C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of St. Paul's First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians (Columbus, 1937), p. 760. SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT IN THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH 201 beyond it (v. 3). They even pleaded with Paul for the privilege of sharing in the contribution (ten koinonian tes diakonias). Hence Paul can call it a "gracious work" (charis), because it is a response to ihe grace that God has given in Christ (vv. 6, 7). In chapter 9 Paul turns to the Corinthians and says that it is superfluous for him to write to them about the aid programme. He knows already how eager they are to assist. Indeed the Macedonians themselves had been fired by Paul's report of their zeal. He wants them to make sure that they live up to the reputation he has given them and that when he comes the gift will be awaiting him, not as an exaction but as a bounty (v. 5). Verse 12 indicates the distinctive character of Christian aid. It is not merely an instance of com passionate good-will. It does something more even than meet the needs of those in distress. Most important of all, it "overflows in may thanksgivings to God." "Let your light so shine 'before men," urged Jesus, "that they may see your good works and give glory to your Father who is in heaven" (Matt. 5: 16). This is what is different about Christian service. There is a reference in Romans 15: 26 to this same collection. Galatians 2: 10 evidently has to do with an earlier period. James. Peter and John gave Paul the right hand of fellowship, along with Barna:bas, and commissioned them to evangelize the Gentiles whilst they evangelized the Jews: "only they would have us remem ber the poor, which very thing I was eager to do." Although their preaching was to be addressed to those outside the commonwealth of Israel, Paul and Bamabas were not to forget the needs of their fellow-Jews in poverty. But Paul required no exhortation: he was already keen to do it. The verb spoudazo (to make haste, and hence to be zealous or give diligence) carries with it the implication of active engagement or involvement.H Christian concern was not confined to the poor, however. As we read the New Testament letters, we realize that there was a wider sympathy for those in any kind of distress. The sick are included in this circle of care-we think of Epaphroditus who was on the verge of death because he had gambled his life for the gospel (Phil. 2: 26, 27), and Trophimus whom Paul left ill at Miletus (11 Tim. 4: 20). In James we read of what had evidently become the practice of the church, as the elders prayed over the patient, having anointed him with the oil in the name of the Lord (Jas. 5: 14, 15). There is no report of miraculous heatings like those in Acts. Geol'gc Simpson Duncan, The Epistle Of Paul to the Ga/atians, Moffatt 14 New Testament Commentary (London, 1934), p. 52. 202 THE EVANGELICAL QUARTERLY Prisoners, too, were visited and supplied with comforts. When persecution was rife, many Christians suffered such incarceration and were dependent on their brethren for food and other necessities. It would be a risky thing to go to see another believer in prison, for that would be to declare oneself in the presence of the authori ties and might perhaps lead to arrest. Yet despite the cost this ministry was not neglected. "Remember those in prison," writes the author of Hebrews, "as though in prison with them, and those who are ill-treated since you also are in the body" (Heb. 13: 3). Some think that "the body" there refers to the church as the body of Christ, and that this concern for prisoners is an expression of the sympathy one member feels for another. Whether that is what the writer intended or not, the principle of mutual compassion is represented elsewhere in the New Testament. In Hebrews 10: 34 the readers are reminded that shortly after they were converted there was a time of severe persecution. Some were flung into prison, and the rest stood by them in their affiiction: "You shared the sufferings of the prisoners" (NEB; the Greek is tois desmiois sunepathesate). Akin to this care for the poor, the sick and the prisoners was the widespread practice of hospitality. This was recognized as one of the most important of Christian duties from the beginning. It appears as an injunction in Romans 12: 13. Literally it means "pursuing the befriending of strangers" (ten philoxenian diokontes). The strangers, of course, would 'be Christians from other areas not known personally to those who opened their homes to them. The verb implies that such refugees or travellers were to be chased as keenly as a huntsman would go after a stag or a boar, and proudly carried home like a sportsman's 'bag'. By a curious irony, this same verb also means to pursue with violent intent and thus to persecute. Many of those who needed hospitality were victims: the authorities were hunting them, so their fellow Christians must hunt them too and bring them to the safety of their homes. Similar commands are found elsewhere in the New Testament. "Do not neglect to show hospitality to strangers, for thereby some have entertained angels unawares" (Heb. 13: 2). "Practise hospi tality ungrudgingly to one another" (I Pet. 4: 9). One of the qualities expected in a bishop was that he should be hospitable (I Tim. 3: 2; Titus 1: 8). It lent itself to abuse. Lucian satirized the gullibility of simple-minded Christians in his day who were ready to house and feed any plausible tramp who could convince them by his pious patter that he was a fellow-believer.tO The t5 Lucian, De Morte Peregrini, 11, 12. SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT IN THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH 203 Didache contains rules for detecting such imposters. All this 16 suggests that as yet there was little appreciation that hospitality might be extended beyond the Christian fold. In his History of Christianity. Kenneth S. Latourette has an intriguing paragraph on the social origins of the early Christians.17 From what strata did they come? He concludes that the only safe answer is that we do not know. It is often assumed that believers were drawn from the dregs of the urban proletariat-for churches were founded first in urban areas-and that they comprised the dispossessed. the drop-outs. the slaves and the freedmen. On this assumption. Christianity has been interpreted as a channel through which the underprivileged expressed their sense of frustration and sought to overthrow the existing order of things. That is to go too far. but it is undeniable that a considerable proportion of the first Chri<;tians must have come from the depriVed classes. What Paul wrote in the first chapter of I Corinthians is relevant here. He is speaking about the Christian's eaU in v. 26. It is not a calling in the worldly sen~e. or a matter of rank. It is a divine vocation. The NEB brings that out admirably: "My brothers. think what sort of people you are. whom God has called." Then the apostle proceeds to remind them who they were not-and this negative tactic is unusually effective. Not many wise: the intellectuals were not muoh in evidence. Not many powerful: V.I.P.s were few and far between. Not many of noble birth: blue blood was scarce. Then Paul contrasts these item for item with what God has chosen. Not many wise. but wha1 the world counts fooHm to shame the wise. Not many 'powerful, but what the world counts weakness to shame what is strong. Not many of noble birth. but what the world counts as low and contemptible. mere nothings. to bring to nothing things as they now are. No passage in the entire New Testament more trenchantly exposes the faHacy of conventional judgments on society or more unambiguously indicates the difference between human standards and divine. And. what is more germane to our present enquiry. nothing could more strikingly indicate the way in which the Apostolic Church was indeed involved in contemporary society. It was there in the persons of its members. It penetrated the world around it with people. Who knows what was the witness they bore and the effect they had? The New Testament does no more than hint at it. 16 Didache. 11. 4-6. 17 Kenneth Soott Latourette. A HislOry of Christianity (l;ondon, 1954). p.80.