Journal of Research in Peace, Gender and Development (ISSN: 2251-0036) Vol. 2(3) pp. 60-71, March 2012 Available online@ http://www.interesjournals.org/JRPGD Copyright ©2012 International Research Journals Review Same-sex marriage in Argentina tolerance and discrimination in political culture José Eduardo Jorge Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social Universidad Nacional de La Plata – Argentina E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; Phone: +54 221 4250133 Accepted 23 March, 2012 The fact of Argentina being one of the first countries to legalize gay marriage has been studied all over the world. A not-so-mentioned cause is that, according to survey data, discriminatory attitudes towards homosexual people decreased noticeable in Argentina since the restoration of democracy in 1983. The evolution of these attitudes, considered as a key indicator of the value of tolerance in any society, suggests that at least some central components of political culture may change as a product of democratic exercise and not only of economic modernization. The article also revises the attitudes towards people suffering from AIDS and people with criminal records. Keywords: Same-sex marriage, tolerance, diversity, political culture, democracy. INTRODUCTION Democracy and diversity history. In most of the societies which have existed, powerful minorities have imposed to others their own One of the tasks of democracy consists in guaranteeing conceptions and interests. Conversely, in the history of the freedom of the various groups and individuals to have the same democracies, the social and cultural pluralism – their own life projects while, at the same time, making beyond the one strictly political – has made its own way possible for them to take and feel part of the development with difficulty, when the majority groups’ views has tried of collective life. Democracy can in this way be conceived to obstruct or eliminate the ones belonging to the as a particular way of living together which minorities that contradicted them. And, in some cases, simultaneously values and looks for diversity and unity. If the same minorities have exposed their demands in society tries to overcome its differences from a unique terms which meant a permanent breaking-off with the rest conception of ‘the good life’, diversity suffers on behalf of of the society, blocking, in this way, the road to their own unity. If, on the contrary, the different groups limit integration. themselves to recognize and accept their differences, but Diversity is becoming a central normative value of the they do not commit with the common construction of the 21st century’s democracy, after many countries started to collective life, society tends to split up in a group of experiment it with increasing intensity in the second half closed communities: it is the unity, at this point, the one of the preceding century. As a result of the flows of that suffers on behalf of diversity. Minorities, particularly, immigration and the internal diversification of the Nation- will find themselves ‘tolerated’, but not completely states itself, they tend more and more to recognize ‘integrated’. Democracy, then, means to live together – themselves as multicultural societies. The new and not merely coexist – in the difference. democratic ideal does not ask the State for working to It is inferred from this that democracy is a hard-to- create a homogeneous society, deleting the ethnic, reach form of common life. It is no surprise that it has linguistic, religious or life-style differences, but it asks for only been able to be accomplished – and in a really their recognition, value and protection. Social and imperfect way – in brief and specific moments in human economic equality keeps on being a general aspiration, Jorge 61 but it now shares its place with cultural democracy freedom of expression of Muslim minorities in Europe rely (Touraine, 1998). on the weight of intolerance attitudes towards these The task that democracies have ahead is not easy, as groups in the rest of the society. The most virulent it is shown, in the first place, in the fact that this xenophobic attitudes are used to finding concrete political normative ideal – as it happens with all emerging views – expression in extreme right-wing parties, such as the moves forward with intense opposition and controversy. National Front in France. The institution of marriage between people of same Now, the fact that culture has a strong impact on sex, which is nowadays in force in ten countries – among institutions does not mean that there is no influence on them Argentina, since its sanction by the Congress in the other direction. Most scholars assume that between July 2010 –, keeps on finding opposition in several the cultural and political-institutional spheres there is industrialized democracies and in most Latin American causal interaction. But due to the fact that culture ones, although civil unions and other ways of recognition changes slowly, the key question is to what extent the of same-sex partnership are more extended. institutions – particularly, the democratic ones – In democracies such as France, Germany, Great contribute or are able to contribute to that change. Is it Britain and Spain, between 60% and 80% of citizens possible that, for instance, societies with widespread support the prohibition for Muslim women to wear a veil in attitudes of discrimination towards certain groups become public places, including schools, hospitals and more tolerant as a result of life in democracy? government offices (Pew Research, 2010). In April 2011, In this matter, the experience of the third wave of France put this prohibition legally into effect. The democratization – the process of global spreading of government based it on the ‘damage’ that the practice democracy which started in the mid 70s – has given rise produces ‘on those rules which allow the life in to mixed interpretations. community, ensure the dignity of the person and equality For some scholars, the change’s driving force in between sexes.’ The organisation Amnesty International political culture is economic development (Inglehart and considered it, on the contrary, a violation to the freedom Welzel, 2009). The failures of several new democracies, of religion and expression, but several European the fall of some of them as well as the persistence of countries are studying similar measures (See, for authoritarian regimes obey to, from this perspective, an example, The Guardian: ‘Full-face veils outlawed as economic development which is still insufficient. The France spells out controversial niqab ban’, 3 March, citizens that belong to these societies, according to the 2011. CNN.com: ‘French senate approves burqa ban’, argument, logically give priority to the satisfaction of their September 14, 2010. El País: ¡Cómo legisla Europa material needs, rather than to the satisfaction of higher- sobre el velo’ [How Europe legislates on the veil], 20 level needs, as greater freedom of choice and political April, 2010). participation – to which tolerance would be also associated. Only when economic modernization – nowadays in progress almost everywhere – increases Formation and change in political culture sufficiently the material well-being, the rise of these higher priorities – or postmaterialist, in terms of this In issues such as the recognition of same-sex marriage, theory – will foster changes in political culture and, as a the use of the Islamic veil and other cases associated to consequence of that, institutional changes that improve the value of diversity, the task of democracy is developed or deepen the existing democracy, or establish it where it in two levels: the sociocultural and the institutional ones. does not yet exist. (Also the xenophobic reactions in Both dimensions, though interdependent, have their own European countries would be owed to a step backwards dynamics. – possibly temporary – of postmaterialist priorities, The political culture belongs to the first dimension and generated in a now prolonged economic crisis, in the has a deep influence on the functioning of the institutions. perception of immigration as a threat to the material The political culture approach implies that the beliefs, welfare of those societies, and in the feeling of insecurity values and patterns of behaviour of ordinary citizens caused by terrorist attacks). have a crucial influence in the course of democracies. Therefore, according to these authors, the political The system’s stability, depth and effectiveness depend dynamics of the third-wave democracies, though it has upon the ordinary people – neither only nor mainly on the some effects on political culture, is not enough to change elites’ doings (Inglehart, 1997; Putnam, 1993; Inglehart it significantly, in contrast with the big forces of economic and Welzel, 2005). development and technological change. It is not likely that, for example, the political institutions When concluding his two-decade study about the treat and pass a same-sex marriage law if a considerable differences of performance between the Italian regional part of the electorate rejects the unions between people governments created at the beginning of the 1970s, of same sex. In a similar way, the restrictive measures of Putnam (1993) observed likewise that the influence of 62 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev. institutional structure on culture was barely visible after transition was completed, through a process of ‘adult twenty years. On the contrary, it was the particular civic resocialization’ which produced a global and permanent culture of each region the one that seemed to give its change in the Spanish people’s attitudes. According to stamp to the way its government worked. However, in Torcal, this attitudinal shift was a result of the consensus Putnam’s interpretation, what shaped the regional politics adopted by the main political actors during the cultures was not economic development. The different democratic transition and consolidation period, which was associative tradition of each region – specially the one particularly characterized by the fact of leaving the from the North in contrast to the one from the South of government ‘issue of regime type’ out of the electoral Italy – had derived, after several centuries, in very battle. The hypothesis assumes that the political elites’ different ‘civic communities’ or ‘social capital stocks’, strategies may have a fast and deep impact on, at least, which produced in turn marked contrasts of institutional some citizens’ attitudes – in this case the support to performance. According to the author, the impact of democracy. institutional change on culture could only have substantial In more general terms, the concepts of ‘political effects in the long term. learning’ and ‘adult resocialization’ mean that political The transitology paradigm, which arose from the culture may change as a product of the purely political myriad of studies on the democratic transitions of the experience and not only as a result of economic third wave, emphasized almost exclusively the development. calculations and actions displayed by the elites Nevertheless, since not all the components of political (O’Donnell and Schmitter, 1991). Culture was not culture have the same importance, there arises the postulated as a factor of great importance. More question about whether the citizens’ political experience explicitly, Schmitter and Karl (1991) considered the ‘civic is capable of changing or shaping its central political culture’ subject ‘misleading’. The functioning of the new attitudes – not only the peripheral ones. democracies would be based on ‘rules of prudence’ Inglehart (2003) believes that in our era of global applied by rational, antagonistic and suspicious actors, spreading of the democratic ideal, citizens from almost all rather than on ‘deeply ingrained’ habits of tolerance, trust, countries – even those with authoritarian regimes – and so. The latter would be a product of democracy, express, when being surveyed, a majority support to rather than a producer. According to this approach, democracy. According to Inglehart, this kind of support is democratic institutions will be the ones shaping, in the a necessary but not sufficient condition for democracy to end, a democratic political culture – although, according be able either to emerge, stabilize, deepen or be to what Schmitter and Karl seem to suggest, they could effective. In order to achieve this, other central attitudes either work without it. would be essential, namely tolerance, trust and especially Other authors have a different viewpoint. Diamond liberty aspirations (See also Inglehart and Welzel, 2005 (2009) stresses the fact that all democracies – and and 2009). From the late 20th century, the stagnation – especially the new ones – need equilibrium between and, in some cases, the retreat – of the processes started conflict and consensus. Democracy is a system based on in the third wave – which have led some political the institutionalised competence for power, but a too scientists to talk about a democratic ‘recession’ – as well intense competence may destabilise it. The system, then, as the survival of authoritarian regimes seem to requires mechanisms able to mitigate conflict through acknowledge him to be right. consensus. This is the role that the ‘civic culture’ may Isn’t it possible that, in virtue of the same democratic have in the long term – as it was suggested by Almond exercise, the citizens learn to be more tolerant, to trust and Verba (1963) half a century ago. each other more, and to wish more freedom? The answer By making a balance of the third wave at the end of to this question depends on the one we give to the the 20th century, Diamond (1998) highlighted that in following question: does the individual’s political many of those countries the popular support to socialization finish essentially in the early stages of life? democracy relied on, beyond the economic problems, a Or is it feasible that some central attitudes change during positive evaluation of the political goods provided by the adulthood due to learning? The panel’s studies, based on system. The citizens especially valued the new freedoms repeated interviews to the same people at different they enjoyed. There were, then, signs of ‘political moments of time, say that what prevails is attitudinal learning’, based on the experience of living under the stability. Neither are the results completely conclusive nor new system. The cultural and political spheres seemed to there are many studies of this type, which need to be have a dynamic of their own, with some degree of prolonged for decades (Krosnick and Alwin, 1989). autonomy regarding the economic dimension. It is not infrequent that, for instance, the government In a similar way, Torcal (2008) comes to the and the political system try to promote within the society conclusion that the ‘unconditional’ support to democracy greater levels of tolerance towards minorities or groups in Spain could be achieved within a few years, after the that suffer discrimination. In several cases, these affected Jorge 63 groups and the ones who support them normally develop, Tolerance among Argentineans through civil society’s organizations, actions that intend to change the attitudes of defined population segments or of The analysis of the evolution of some tolerance indicators the majority of the citizens. In a more general way, a wide among Argentineans since the restoration of democracy variety of government and civil organizations promote will enable us to clear up a bit the discussion which was various types of causes with goals which assume a set out above. Both the postmodernization theory – change in the attitudes – quite deep-rooted at times – of developed especially by Inglehart and, more recently, the sectors which are the target of their campaigns. It is also by Welzel – and the social capital theory, whose the case of the ecological, pacifist, human rights main author is Putnam, consider tolerance as one of the associations, and the like. Are these efforts forced to central components of the democratic political culture achieve superficial changes or, in either case, to activate (For a general explanation of these theories, see Jorge, or reinforce the support of those who already have a 2010, especially Chapter 2). favourable predisposition? It is clear that, as it happened when dealing with the This type of actions addressed to specific aims are matter of diversity, tolerance is not enough to make integrated to the more general process of public opinion democracy work. Trust among people – another central formation, in which a broad group of social and political element highlighted in both theories – contributes to actors with diverging viewpoints take part, and in which unity. In their most recent works, Inglehart and Welzel the media decisively participate. Conceived as a (see, especially, 2005) consider liberty aspirations as the mechanism of ‘collective deliberation’, this process – if most important component in democratic culture. To the working reasonably well – can promote, according to three aspects already shown, they add elite-challenging, Page and Shapiro (1992), the people’s ‘political self-directed participation, among whose main education’. From this perspective, political leaders, expressions we can find petitions and demonstrations. experts, government officials, social movements, and The four of them are integrated in an interrelated system journalists can contribute to the citizens’ education called self-expression values (In addition to trust and providing information and interpretations about the issues tolerance, Putnam adds civic engagement, political of public interest. equality, solidarity, and civil associations (1993, pages It is true that the preferences which are formed in this 86-91). Other social capital scholars also highlight way in general tend to be consistent with the individuals’ respect for the law and civic norms. Some democracy previous values and beliefs, since people find themselves theorists consider that the main cultural elements are likely to be exposed to the messages that agree with their unconditional support to the system – i.e., its legitimacy – points of view, to perceive and to retain from them the and confidence in institutions). elements which are also concordant, and to interpret the Tolerance is particularly interesting for us since it has information within their acquaintances, with whom they not taken part in the political tradition of Argentineans. have many things on common. However, the research on Briefly after democracy was restored, Portantiero (1984) attitudes has set out various mechanisms by which these wrote that, although immigration made Argentina an can change as a result of new data and of social egalitarian society, it was not enough to ‘shape a influence processes (De Montmollin, 1985; Perloff, 1991). democratic political culture, self-sustained in tolerance’ Heifetz (1997) correctly observes that, in times of fast (page 142). Cavarozzi (1983) did not thought of the changes, entire groups or societies have the need to outlook which was marking the beginning of the new-born learn new methods to solve problems or crisis which are democracy as ‘so promising’, since at the moment of the framed in complicated and interactive systems. He coup d’état which took place in 1976 ‘the Argentinean suggests a set of strategies which political and social society was deeply imbued in antidemocratic values and leaders can apply in order to promote and provide such habits: the cult of violence, (…) the lack of tolerance to learning. The strategies are based on giving people back dissident behaviours and ideas and critical thinking, and what Heifetz calls the ‘adaptive work’. Since several disdain for consensus’ (pages 69-70). social crisis or problems involve inconsistencies between Our analysis will focus on the trajectories followed by reality and people’s values, or even a conflict of values, three specific indicators, oriented to tolerance towards this work usually requires changes in the latter. homosexuals, people suffering from AIDS and individuals To summarize this section, we can postulate three with criminal records. The selection does not only come main processes of formation and change in political from the availability of time series of data about these culture: 1) the cultural tradition and specific historical indicators for relatively long periods. It also relies on the trajectory of every society; 2) economic development and fact that the contrasts and similarities of its courses technological change; 3) political experience and enable us to reach to significant hypothesis about some learning. In order to figure out the real influence each one key mechanisms which seem to influence the increase has, it is necessary to carry out empirical research. and decrease of tolerance. 64 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev. Figure 1. Evolution of Tolerance Indicators in Argentina Groups that people would not like to have as neighbours % of population 50% People with criminal records 40% 30% Homosexuals 20% 10% People suffering from AIDS 0% 1984 1991 1995 1999 2006 Gran La Junín 2010 Plata 2008 Source: 1984.2006: own calculations for the whole country from the World Values Survey’s database. 2008 and 2010: Research Projects PID-P001 - Universidad Nacional de La Plata (UNLP) and P-0415 - Universidad Nacional del Noroeste de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (UNNOBA). N: 1984=1.005; 1991=1.002; 1995=1.079; 1999=1.280; 2006=1.002; 2008=400; 2010=400. Moreover, as it is one of the most discriminated as neighbours. Figure 1 shows the evolution in the groups in most countries, attitudes towards homosexuals percentage of population who mentioned the three are considered one of the best ‘acid tests’ of tolerance groups analysed in this article. The data from the period within a society (Inglehart, 2003). In international 1984-2006 represent the whole country and they arise comparative studies, tolerance towards homosexuals from our calculations which were taken from the World shows a strong positive correlation with democracy’s Values Survey’s databases coordinated by Inglehart. The stability and effectiveness. percentages of the years 2008 and 2010 belong, When examining the reasons for Argentina being one respectively, to the region of Gran La Plata and the city of of the first countries in the world – the second in the Junín, both located in the province of Buenos Aires (The Americas – to include in its own civil code the figure of city of La Plata is capital of the Province of Buenos Aires, same-sex marriage, Corrales and Pecheni (2010) the most populated state and the one with more particularly highlight the existence of a catholic population economic weight in Argentina. The Gran La Plata region, which in its majority is not active, the absence of religious which comprises the city and the two neighbouring towns parties or parties closely related to churches, the tradition of Berisso and Ensenada, has a population of 750 of importing legal rules and the rich internal legislative thousand inhabitants. The city of Junín, the most agenda associated with human rights. important one in the northwest of the same province, is But at the same time we can see a cultural long-term located in the core of the intensive agricultural area of the change associated with the spreading of tolerance country, and has 86 thousand inhabitants). These come attitudes in the Argentinean society, which is possible to from two research projects about political culture directed check over the last three decades. There are, however, by the author of this article (The Projects are PID-P001 particular cases which deviate from that general trend – ‘Comunicación y Cultura Política en la Región del Gran and which are also instructive about the mechanisms at La Plata’ [Communication and Political Culture in the stake. Gran La Plata Region] (Universidad Nacional de La In order to measure tolerance, a list of social groups is Plata, 2006-2008) and P-0415 ‘La Cultura Política en el shown to the person surveyed, and he/she is asked Noroeste Bonaerense’ [Political Culture in the northwest whether he/she would not like to have any of such groups of Buenos Aires] (Universidad Nacional del Noroeste de Jorge 65 la Provincia de Buenos Aires, 2008-2011). of democracy. The extension of wealth reduces social We can clearly see a deep and sustained drop in the distances; education is generalised; the mass media’s proportion of Argentineans who pick homosexuals and development provides everyone with information about people suffering from AIDS, which is a trend that reflects Politics, which in the past used to be kept only for the a noticeable rise of tolerance in a term of two decades. In elites; the citizens, who have at their disposal more 1991, the time series’ starting point for both groups, 39% education, information and organisation skills acquired in of Argentineans did not want to have homosexual more and more sophisticated workplaces, develop a neighbours. The figure had dropped to 16% in 2006 and greater capacity for political and civic action. in our survey studies it had further declined to 5% in Gran The theory which we are dealing with particularly La Plata (2008) and to 9% in Junín (2010). This studies the pro-democratic cultural changes which significant change is the background of the same-sex economic development produces when entering its most marriage law’s treatment and approval in the middle of advanced phase, i.e., the postindustrial society (Inglehart, 2010. 1997 and 1990; Inglehart and Welzel, 2005). The main Attitudes towards people suffering from AIDS show a mechanism which links economic transformation with similar course. The percentage of people who did not value change is based on the Maslow’s hypothesis about want them as neighbours drops from 32% in 1991 to 7% the individuals’ needs, which are organised in a in 2006. In 2008 and 2010, it was 4% in Gran La Plata hierarchy. Survival needs – both physiological and and 6% in Junín. physical-safety – must be reasonably satisfied before The phenomenon observed in relation with people people give priority to higher-level needs, such as with criminal records is totally different. In that case, esteem, belonging and self-expression. Once tolerance tends to decrease. While in 1984, 36% of development has sufficiently improved material well- Argentineans pointed at this group, in 1999 – last point in being, in a way which a growing number of individuals the national series – that figure went up to 43%. In 2008, take their survival for granted and develop a sense of 40% of people from La Plata picked this group and in security, materialist priorities will start to lose ground to 2010, 46% of people from Junín did the same. The postmaterialist ones. background here is undoubtedly the rise of the issue of Now, since the individuals’ personality nucleus – insecurity and crime in the public agenda. including their basic values – is shaped in their pre-adult This latter fact is significant since there are just a few life and remains stable from that moment on, the fact of social groups or categories with so high levels of an individual’s priorities being materialist or discrimination. For example, 36% of Argentineans postmaterialist will depend upon the degree of subjective pointed at the alcoholics in 2006, and 31% of people from security or insecurity with which he/she grew up. La Plata pointed at the drug-addicts in 2008. With not at The notion of a needs hierarchy, combined with this all insignificant, but much lower figures, there appear socialization hypothesis, implies that if a society moves Korean and Chinese people – which record 12% in Junín forward in terms of a sustained economic development, in 2010 and 9% in Gran La Plata in 2008 –, while young and old generations will have different value Muslims record 6% in 1999 all over the country. priorities. The change in society’s values – from the As regards the international aspect, tolerance towards materialist priorities to the postmaterialist ones – is going certain social groups is associated with the particular to be produced as younger generations replace the old history and culture of each society, but also to its ones. There will be short-term fluctuations: an economic economic development levels. The postmodernization crisis will cause a general and temporary drop of theory underlines especially this point. According to this postmaterialist priorities, but the long-term trend will not approach, economic modernization is closely associated be altered, unless society reverts its material course with stable and effective democracy through the changes permanently. it produces in culture and social structure. The fact of perceiving the own existence as secure or It is necessary to refer back to this theory – which insecure has a wider impact on a broader set of cultural approaches democracy from the long-term social change norms: Politics, religion, family, work, lifestyles are deeply perspective – both due to its high degree of formalization affected. The value of the new and exotic – and therefore and predictive power and due to the extraordinary the tolerance towards individuals and groups seen as database – the World Values Survey – on which it such – is one aspect of this cultural shift. supports: 350 thousand interviewees with standardized The change oriented towards the postmodern values – questionnaires from 1981 to 2008, belonging to more of which the postmaterialist values are part – became than 90 countries from every continent. visible in several countries from the 1960s. The young As different authors have highlighted from the 1950s, people at that time transformed habits, challenged economic modernization generates a set of authority and asked for a more participative democracy. transformations which are favourable to the emergence Materialist and postmaterialist priorities have been mea- 66 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev. Figure 2. Postmaterialists and Materialists in Argentina % of population Postmaterialist Mixed Materialist 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1984 1991 1995 1999 2006 Gran La Junín 2010 Plata 2008 Source: 1984.2006: own calculations for the whole country from the World Values Survey’s database. 2008 and 2010: Research Projects PID-P001 (UNLP) and P- 0415 (UNNOBA). sured in surveys from the 1970s and make up a well- are: maintaining order in the nation, giving people more documented process. say in important government decisions, fighting rising According to Inglehart, postmodern values are prices, and protecting freedom of speech. People who essentially pro-democratic. Industrialisation may or may choose participation in government decisions and not lead to democracy, but advanced economic freedom of speech – both related to freedom aspirations development, which makes this value system emerge, – are classified as postmaterialist; the ones who pick makes highly probable its establishment or deepening. order and prices are materialist; the others are Aspirations of freedom, individual autonomy or self- considered mixed. expression, which arise from the experienced feeling of The evolution of this index in Argentina, since 1984, is safety at early age, are the core of such system. shown in Figure 2. The percentage of postmaterialists Existential insecurity leads the individuals to take refuge traces out a parabola. In 1984 it is 13%, goes up to a in relatively closed groups made up of similar people who maximum of 30% in 1995, and goes down to 14% in tend to mistrust and discriminate strangers. On the 2006. The proportion of materialists has an inverse contrary, certainty leads us to see the world as a safe trajectory in a concave way. It goes from 33% in 1984 place, to trust others and to see them as intrinsically down to a minimum of 16% in 1995 and increases again valuable individuals. In this way, generalised trust and up to 31% in 2006. The percentage of mixed people – tolerance arise. People establish social links which are which combines a postmaterialist and a materialist goal – not motivated by group conformity, but by their free remains constant around 55%. In our surveys, in 2008 choice. Peculiar ways of civil and political organisation the society from Gran La Plata appears a bit more emerge, such as elite-challenging, self-directed political postmaterialist than the previous national average, which activity. is similar to the one registered in the city of Junín in 2010. Here, we will not go deep into all these relationships, According to the theory’s predictions, we should but we must investigate whether tolerance among expect the postmaterialists to be more tolerant – and the Argentineans is or is not related to postmaterialist materialists to be less tolerant – towards the different priorities. The most widely used indicator to measure the social groups, while the mixed groups are in the middle of postmaterialist/materialist dimension is an index which both. From the transnational surveys we can see that, for arises from showing the interviewees a list of four goals instance, postmaterialists are more open-up to which the country should set for the next ten years, and homosexuals in almost every society. We will ask him/her which one, in his/her opinion, is the most immediately prove that, indeed, this is the case. important as well as which one follows it. The objectives However, we can henceforward notice that the trajec- Jorge 67 Figure 3. Argentina: People who would not like homosexuals as neighbours % of population 60% 50% Materialists 40% 30% Mixed 20% Postmaterialists 10% 0% 1991 1995 1999 2006 Source: Own calculations for the whole country from the World Values Survey’s database. tories followed by our three tolerance indicators do not contrary, the percentage of population who discriminates coincide with the one followed by the postmaterialism homosexuals drops constantly, and it also does so in the index. In Figure 3 we can see the evolution of the three categories of the postmaterialist / materialist percentage of Argentineans – classified according to the dimension. postmaterialism index – who would not like homosexuals The same phenomenon has taken place in the case of ‘as neighbours’. the attitudes towards people suffering from AIDS, as we Three aspects from the graphic are especially can see in Figure 4. In 1991, 44% of materialists and noticeable: a) the tolerance systematic differences 19% of postmaterialists discriminated this group; in 2006, among postmaterialist, materialist and mixed groups in only 9% of materialists and 4% of postmaterialists did so. the period from 1991 to 1999, which coincide with the It is remarkable that both groups have dropped by 79%. theory’s predictions; b) the continuous decrease of the The attitude towards people with criminal records percentage that discriminates homosexuals in all three follows a different, but not less suggestive, pattern categories; c) the virtual disappearance of tolerance (Figure 5). Here, the points to highlight are: a) differences between postmaterialist and mixed groups in discrimination increases in the three categories of the 2006 while the materialist group being just slightly less postmaterialist/materialist dimension; b) there are clear tolerant. In 1991, 53% of materialists did not want to have tolerance differences among the three categories, homosexual neighbours, opposed to 26% of according to the theory’s predictions; c) but the increase postmaterialists. In 2006, the figures had reduced down of intolerance among postmaterialists (48% between the to 20% of materialists and 16% of postmaterialists. This starting and ending points) is much higher that the one means that the postmaterialists who discriminate registered among materialists (25%) and mixed (23%). In homosexuals dropped by 40% while the materialists by 1984, 39% of materialists and 26% of postmaterialists did 63%. not want neighbours with criminal records; in 1999, the It is absolutely clear, then, that the substantial fall of figures were 49% and 38%, respectively. the percentage of Argentineans who discriminate In our survey studies carried out in Junín and Gran La homosexuals is not explained by a rise in postmaterialism Plata, we can find similar patterns to the ones found in or a reduction of materialism in the long term. The the national level as regards the tolerance differences postmaterialist / materialist dimension follows, as we among postmaterialists, materialists and mixed (Figure have seen, a curvilinear trajectory, which in 2006 ended 6). In Gran La Plata, these differences are really slight – up making the proportions of postmaterialists and although they do not disappear – for homosexuals and materialists go back to the levels of 1984. On the people with AIDS. In both communities, however, post- 68 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev. Figure 4. Argentina: People who would not like people suffering from AIDS as neighbours % of population 50% 40% 30% Materialists 20% Mixed 10% Postmaterialists 0% 1991 1995 1999 2006 Source: Own calculations for the whole country from the World Values Survey’s database. Figure 5. Argentina: People who would not like people with criminal records as neighbours % of population 70% 60% Materialists 50% Mixed 40% Postmaterialists 30% 20% 1984 1991 1995 1999 Source: Own calculations for the whole country from the World Values Survey’s database. materialists discriminate people with criminal records a lot impact of economic development on the cultural sphere. less than materialists do. And this, undoubtedly, constitutes a factor of enormous importance when analysing the emergence, stability, depth and effectiveness of democracy. The task of democracy In his historical assessment about democracies in Latin America, Rouquié (2011) has pointed out the way in The postmaterialist / materialist dimension reflects the which those ‘non-tocquevillian republics’ – in which the Jorge 69 Figure 6. Junín 2010 and Gran La Plata 2008 Groups that people would not like ‘as neighbours’ % of population Postmaterialist Mixed Materialist People with criminal 59% 45% records 19% 16% Homosexuals 7% 2% Junín 2010 People suffering from 11% 5% AIDS 0% People with criminal 52% 40% records 27% 7% Homosexuals 5% 4% Gran La Plata 2008 People suffering from 6% 4% AIDS 1% Source: Research Projects PID-P001 (UNLP) and P-0415 (UNNOBA). ‘equality of conditions’, which according to De Tocqueville essential part of democratic exercise since the restoration was a feature of a democratic society, has never of Argentinean institutions in 1983 – which gradually prevailed – have always shown the tension existing changed the discriminatory attitudes towards such between their long tradition of the principles of freedom groups. and pluralism – no others were the ones proclaimed in Postmodernization theory captures an important order to legitimize the independence movements – and aspect of reality, as it is reflected on the systematic their ‘non-egalitarian and hierarchical, eminently adverse differences that are present in the tolerance attitudes we for democratic practice’ social structures (page 346). If can see among postmaterialists, materialists and mixed. democracy is nowadays moving forward in the region – Likewise, in another work (Jorge, 2010, pages 173-176), Rouquié adds –, it is ‘because societies are we have pointed out that the successive Argentinean transforming’. They are more urbanized and secularized, generations differ in the relative weight of postmaterialists class divisions are less pronounced, exclusion is and materialists, following, in general terms, the theory’s decreasing, education and information are spreading predictions. In the period between 1984 and 2006, (ibid.). covered by the World Values Survey, the cohort of But modernization, although it is probably the most Argentineans who were born between 1970 and 1979 is important force, does not explain it all. On one hand, also more postmaterialist than the group born between 1950 cultural tradition exerts influence. In this way, Rouquié and 1959, which is, in turn, more postmaterialist than the points out that, despite the turbulences which distinguish cohort born between 1940 and 1949. This age- the two centuries of existence in Latin American decreasing postmaterialism pattern continues with the countries, ‘the flame of democracy never extinguished’. Argentineans who were born in the 30s, 20s and 10s. On the other hand, democracy is also ‘an uncertain, The 1960-1969 cohort is the most postmaterialist of all, complex cultural construction which moves forward by until 1995, but later it is less postmaterialist than the ones trial and error’ (page 345). who were born in the periods 1970-1979 and 1950-1959. Our analysis about the evolution of tolerance in As we can predict, the different Argentinean Argentina, though only approached in some indicators, generations show tolerance differences, which partly shows that the task of cultural construction of democracy reflect the weight postmaterialists and materialists have. has tangible effects. In the case of homosexuals and In Figure 7, which illustrates this fact in the case of people suffering from AIDS, the increase of tolerance is homosexuals, the youngest Argentineans –though the clearly related to a process of collective deliberation – an lines intersect at some points – tend to be more tolerant