Aigine Cultural Research Center Sacred Sites of the Southern Kyrgyzstan: Nature, Manas, Islam Edited by Gulnara Aitpaeva Bishkek 2013 УДК 908 ББК 26.891 S 13 © Aigine Cultural Research Center, 2013 The research work and the publication was supported by The Christensen Fund, 260 Townsend St Suite 600 San Francisco, CA 94107 USA Author of the project, Gulnara Aitpaeva Working group, Aibek Samakov, Cholponai U-G, Gulnara Aitpaeva, Kyial Tajieva and Meerim Aitkeeva Design by Cholponai U-G Photographs by the team of the Aigine CRC, Aibek Samakov, Cholponai U-G, Guljan Kudabaeva and Gulnara Aitpaeva Sacred Site of the Southern Kyrgyzstan: Nature, Manas and Islam, Aigine Cultural S 13 Research Center. – B.: 2013, 240 p. ISBN 978-9967-27-146-3 This publication is a result of the participatory research conducted by the Aigine CRC, together with traditional practitioners and experts, in Batken, Jalalabad and Osh provinces for the last three years. The first part of the book contains oral history of natural and historical sacred sites, as well as, sacred sites related to Manas and Islam. The second part of the book contains life stories on interconnection of people, sacred sites, animals, plants and the stars. Printed and bound in Kyrgyzstan by St.art Ltd. S 1805080000-13 УДК 908 ISBN 978-9967-27-146-3 ББК 26.891 Contents note from the editor 4 Acknowledgements 5 Introduction 6 Part 1 sacred sites in the south of Kyrgyzstan 11 Chapter 1 Natural Sacred Sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Sacred Lakes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12 Sacred Caves. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .18 Sacred Mountains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .21 Sacred Springs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .22 Sacred Rocks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29 Sacred Trees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31 Chapter 2 Traces of Manas at Sacred Sites in the South. . . . . . . . . 48 Chapter 3 Historical Traces at Sacred Sites in the South. . . . . . . . . 59 Chapter 4 Islamic Sacred Sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Sacred Sites Related to Prophets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .95 Sacred Sites Related to Azireti-Ali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Sacred Sites Related to Eshens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 Sacred Sites Related to Khoja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Sacred Sites Related to Ata – Holy Fathers and Righteous Men . . . . . 111 Sacred Sites Related to Righteous Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 Part 2 Contemporary Dimensions of Ancient Kyrgyzchylyk 154 Chapter 1 People and Sacred Sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Chapter 2 People, Sacred Sites and Plants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 Chapter 3 People, Sacred Sites and Animals . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Chapter 4 People, spirits and healing practices . . . . . . . . . . . . 196 Chapter 5 People, Stars and the Cycle of Time . . . . . . . . . . . . 214 Chapter 6 Traditional Nutrition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 Glossary 231 References 238 note fRom the eDItoR This book represents a collection of field notes and interviews. All the data were first recorded, then transcribed by the team of the Aigine CRC. Informants gave their consent to be interviewed and also agreed their interviews to be published in a book. There were cases when the informants asked not to indicate their full name; therefore, we have included only the first letter of their names. In the majority of cases, we tried to give exact pronunciation of Kyrgyz words in the English transliteration. We have used the transliteration below. The text abounds in a great number of Kyrgyz words such as apa, ata, mazar, which have been transcribed into the Latin alphabet, but not translated into English. This has been done to keep the personal titles and the nature of the Kyrgyz text. These words are italicized and explained either in the footnote or glossary. The glossary includes words and concepts mentioned in the articles, and they are important for understanding Kyrgyz spiritual culture. Definitions are based on field data collected in Batken, Jalalabad and Osh provinces of Kyrgyzstan. All verse texts in the book are translated word-for-word. There are cases when a sacred site and a village or a certain place share the same name. In these cases the names of the sacred sites are italicized, while the names of villiages/places are not. Transliteration Kyrgyz alphabet Transliteration Pronunciation notes Й iy Semivowel, as in yes Ң ng Nasal n, as in English thing Ө o Front vowel, as in German schön Ү u Front vowel, as in German für Ы y Х kh 4 ACKnowleDGements The team of the Aigine Cultural Research Center express their deepest gratitude to traditional practitioners and experts, who contributed to publication of the books dedicated to sacred sites of the southern provinces of Kyrgyzstan. Aigine CRC is also grateful to The Christensen Fund and its Regional Office for understanding the importance of studying the sacred sites and traditional spirituality and for rendering financial support to implement the projects. We also would like to express our gratitude to the team of translators, Baktygul Tulebaeva, Cholponai U-G, Gulmira Aldakeeva, Guljan Kudabai-Gallagher, and Kyial Toksobaev. And our special thanks to the team of editors, Dr. John Newman, Dr. David Montgomery, Dennis Keen, and Jennifer Webster. Aigine CRC thanks all the associates for their invigoration and help in conducting our work. 5 IntRoDuCtIon The history of the project. In 2010-2012, Aigine Cultural Research Center carried out field works on exploring sacred sites in southern provinces of Kyrgyzstan. Research studies in Osh, Jalalabad and Batken provinces included identification, description and writing down of the provenance and functioning of these sites. Whenever possible, sacred sites were also photographed. Based on the conducted research, in 2011-2012, books were published on each southern province. This publication is a collection of materials from three previous books published in Kyrgyz language. Definitions. Sacred sites in Kyrgyzstan represent areas of dry land and bodies of water, as well as constructions and items, which are spiritually or/and religiously meaningful for local people and where sacral practices and rituals are performed (Wild & McLeod, 2011). Sacredness, or divine presence, in each site are of different origin, including spiritual, religious, mythological, epic, historical and contemporary, as well as personal, family, community, ethnic and state-related. The Kyrgyz use such defining words as mazar, kasiettuu jer and yiyk jer to refer to sacred sites. The word “mazar” is derived from Arabic, and initially it meant “a place visited by people, a pilgrimage destination, usually a tomb of a Muslim saint,” while later this word gained a more specific meaning and started to be defined as a “shakhid’s burial site” (Islam, 1991). Today, in Kyrgyzstan, both in the south and in the north, the word “mazar” can mean various sites and items that are regarded as sacred by people. “Kasiettuu jer” means a site that has a special spiritual power and impact. The word “yiyk”, depending on the context, can be translated both as “holy” and “sacred”. In the very beginning, and sometimes even now, we use both terms, occasionally adding the word “sacral”. And yet gradually, as we were carrying out our work, the word “sacred” took over and is used predominantly now. As it seems to us, it conveys the meanings attached to the Kyrgyz words more accurately. They place a slightly bigger emphasis on the divine rather than human, spiritual rather than material, and unseen rather than visible. Major working principle of the Aigine CRC. While studying the country’s sacred sites throughout the span of seven years, Aigine CRC knows that the main condition and principle conducive to the effectiveness of such activities is responsible collaboration with local dwellers of different age group, social status and ethnicity. Only through establishing trust-based and long-term relations with local intellectuals and those who know the past and nature, as well as spiritual practitioners and different-level authorities, it is possible to identify, describe and study the provenance and functioning of sacred sites. In the course of participatory research activities in southern provinces more than 400 sacred sites were identified. This number includes those sites that were added to lists and depicted. In actuality, this number may be slightly vaster, particularly in Osh province. Field activities in this region commenced during the tragic summer 6 of 2010 when the Kyrgyz and Uzbeks, the two ethnic groups that have been living in this area side-by-side since long ago and making a pilgrimage to the same sacred sites, clashed in a heavy conflict. This shattered the investigation capabilities of our working group significantly. A network of sacred sites in the south. In the course of three-year participatory research, it became obvious that the south of Kyrgyzstan is permeated by a network of sacred sites. If we are to describe the main features of this network, it should be noted that it is a big, diverse, dense and solid network covering the entire region. It includes sites of absolutely different types and origin. These sites can be grouped and classified based on such basic features as the function they serve, type of origin, time of emergence, etc (Aitpaeva, 2011). In this book, on the basis of two features such as type of origin and time of emergence, we have separated the following four major groups: 1) Natural sacred sites; 2) Sacred sites related to Manas; 3) Historical sacred sites; and 4) Sacred sites related to Islam. The four chapters of the first part of this book are dedicated to these four groups of sacred sites. Natural sacred sites in the south. In the south, as well as all over Kyrgyzstan, there are plenty of natural sacred sites, or those not made by hands. The majority of such sites are an outstanding example of the fact that Kyrgyz people, like other peoples, who have been living amidst mountains since long ago, hiding from bad weather in caves and worshipping the warmth of the sun and the moon, could not imagine their existence without nature. Natural sacred sites that are densely scattered all throughout southern provinces are testimony to the fact that those inhabiting these areas had developed respectful and caring relations with the natural world. And they carry on with this tradition today. Understanding the power of nature and its grace is one of the reasons supporting the ancient tradition of worshipping special nature zones. While processing the collected information, we have made an attempt to systematize natural phenomena that, as believed by people, are sacred, namely: lakes; caves; mountains; springs; rocks and sand; and trees. In nature everything that exists is inextricably intertwined. Wherever there are naturally emerged lakes, they will be decidedly surrounded by sand or rocks, or oftentimes by both. Springs are always breaking through the mountains and caves, while the majority of sacred lakes are situated high in the mountains. Trees grow in the vicinity of or amidst rocks. Burial sites that are not perceptible by the eye are located amid rocks. Such burial places are scattered all over the country. In the 21st century there is hardly a place on earth where such sites wouldn’t exist. Grass and trees grow around or immediately upon unnoticeable tombs. Natural combinations make the abovementioned division very conditional. Systematization has been carried out to identify the main natural components of sacred sites and to emphasize their diversity. In the south of the country, as well as all over Kyrgyzstan, the number of natural sacred sites is much larger than that of sacred places erected or designed by 7 humans. And this may serve as some sort of an indicator of the type of religiosity and spirituality that exist in the country. They are inextricably interconnected with nature. Traces of Manas at sacred sites in the south. It is known from the Kyrgyz classical heroic epic, Manas1, that the main hero Manas united the fragmented tribes and created one people referred to as the Kyrgyz with their own territory. Traces of the great epic hero were identified in all areas where the research study was carried out. If we take into account stories told by pilgrims, the remains of the hero lie not only in Talas, but also in Batken, Osh and Jalalabad. In fact, all local narratives about Manas’ burial sites are based on cultural issues. According to one unwritten law of nomadic tribes, burial places of warriors and other leaders were kept secret. This rule was observed in order not to allow the enemy to open a tomb and commit sacrilegious acts against bodies placed therein. If it not known where exactly Great Manas lies, then his tomb, indeed, can be located in any part of the country. Historical traces in sacred sites of the south. History or information about the past can be preserved and reach descendants in various ways. In history, due to some reasons, certain linking events may oftentimes be lost. People who are aware of these events may pass away, not having the time or not being able to share their knowledge. Written documents about these events can be burned, torn, soaked or damaged otherwise. And yet there is one powerful source of historical knowledge that is hard to obliterate, and this is Jer Ene, or Mother Earth, and the names that people use to refer to it. Throughout the span of three years while field works were carried out, we had a chance to become reassured, once again, that this is a reliable and unique source. Oral history. In this case, a specific use of the term “history” should be highlighted. This implies oral history, or that information and knowledge that is preserved in the memory of concrete individuals. Such history is very much different from what is known as academic history. All dates, names and events are interpreted in an individual, and from the academic point of view, in an arbitrary manner. Indeed, it is difficult to verify them. At times, it is impossible to embrace them with an academic mind. And yet such information resembles springs that spout out from beneath the ground as they choose and akkan suu, or waters flowing in unknown ways. It is more effective to accept such knowledge as something that simply exists, or as springs, and to try to understand their meaning and purport. It was not our 1 Classic heroic epic trilogy, Manas, contains around 500,000 lines and is an integral part of Kyrgyz folklore. The epic itself and those who narrate it, known as manaschys, played a significant and uniting role in traditional Kyrgyz society, which is more important than its volume. The Manas Epic is one of the biggest epics in the world and contains tremendous wealth of information accumulated over centuries. Scholars and writers of the 20th century as Akmataliev A.A., Akmoldoeva B.A., Asankanov A.A., Kadyrbaeva R.Z., Moldobaev I.M., have been rightfully emphasizing the grand proportion and encyclopedic nature of the epic. The greatest word-man, Chyngyz Aitmatov, introduced the following epithet, “ocean-like Manas”. Today, along with the encyclopedic nature, reflecting many aspects of traditional lifestyle in society, another feature of the ancient epic is gaining paramount importance. The Manas Epic is not only a historical account of previous ages and storage of collective folk knowledge. The Manas epic is a living and progressively developing phenomenon. New versions of the epic are emerging that differ from classical versions, as well as, new manaschys, the epic narrators appear [ed.] 8 task to verify historical validity of narratives that were heard on sacred sites, as this could be the topic of a separate research study. We believe it is of paramount importance that the country’s sacred geography has preserved specific information which is hard to find anywhere else. Modern history. Kyrgyz land which is sewn together by sacred threads is undergoing new stages of its history, and these stages are reflected in the emergence and names of new sacred places. As one example, we can mention a sacred sited called Sheyit or Asker Kurmandygy (People Killed Innocently or War Victims) which is situated in the mountains in the Batken province. This example is unique and can serve as a basic model that was presumably used in the appearance of sacred sites in the ancient times. We can also find a similar example in the north of the country. Located in the vicinity of capital city Bishkek, a memorial referred to as Ata Beyit (Fathers’ Tomb) has gained sacredness approximately based on the same model, although it has other overtones and meanings to it. Islamic mazars. The fact that Islam is more entrenched and widespread in southern provinces as compared to, for instance, Issyk-Kul and Talas regions where we carried out our research studies earlier, can be observed through a large number of sacred sites related to this religion. Among pilgrims visiting sacred sites or mazars, faith in the Almighty – Allah – and sacred places is undivided and strong. On the basis of field materials, we have systematized mazars which are predominantly Islamic in nature, and they are presented in the fourth chapter of Part 1 of this book. It is worth mentioning that some believers are against worshipping sacred sites, insisting that it is a heavy sin, or shirk. However, on the basis of our three-year research, we can state with certainty that among the majority of Muslims living in the south of the country Islamic faith is closely intertwined with the belief in miraculous power of sacred sites. It should be mentioned specifically that the names of sacred sites and the history of their appearance, development and preservation indicate most vividly the connecting links between the north and the south, or in other words, they point to the unity of Kyrgyz land. In the south, we encountered sacred sites dedicated to such legendary heroes as Er Tabyldy, Kurmanbek and Janysh-Bayish. We detected sacred sites with the same names and similar history in the north. It may well be that the same valorous warriors were protecting northern and southern Kyrgyz territory, or maybe they were different people with similar names and destinies. Most importantly, such places unite various parts of the country into one whole in a symbolic fashion. The sacred sites related to Islam play another important role. These sacred sites unite people of different ethnic groups by being a common geographical and religious legacy of different people living in the south. For instance, we were guided by Uzbek people to Kojo-Kaiyr sacred site, while a Tadjik family accompanied us to Kojo-Bilal sacred site. The head of the Tadjik family is the guardian of that sacred site. 9 Sacred sites as accumulators of knowledge. Part 2 of this book is dedicated to a body of knowledge which is, in one way or another, related to sacred sites, or if not sacred sites themselves, then the outlook on life and vibrations found there. Narratives collected from among bearers of traditional knowledge in various parts of the South of Kyrgyzstan include stories about stars that help humans deal with their earthly matters such as sowing and harvesting crops, animals and plants to which people turn to in case of illness and difficulties, the lunar calendar that Kyrgyz nomads were using to move from one place to another in ancient times, traditional nutrition bringing health and longevity, miraculous healing and about strengthening people and health improvement through connecting with sacred sites. All this is yet a tiny portion of that wealth of information which is preserved among the people and in the depth of the earth. The last part of the book is the glossary. It is composed of those concepts used in practices related to sacred sites. Definition of concepts is based on field data collected in Batken, Jalalabad and Osh provinces of Kyrgyzstan. The work on the glossary shows that it is a high time to compose a glossary of terms used by people in the area of traditional practices. Pilgrimage to sacred sites is type of a traditional practice. Defining such terms as kaiyp duino that are found in other dictionaries do not reflect or comply with contemporary meanings, since they were defined in the paradigms of purely materialistic knowledge. Dr. Gulnara Aitpaeva Director of the Aigine CRC, Associate Professor, Department of Russian Philology, Kyrgyz National University 10