UUnniivveerrssiittyy ooff KKeennttuucckkyy UUKKnnoowwlleeddggee Law Faculty Scholarly Articles Law Faculty Publications Summer 2016 RRuubbbbiinngg tthhee RRaabbbbiitt''ss FFoooott:: GGaalllloowwss SSuuppeerrssttiittiioonnss aanndd PPuubblliicc HHeeaalltthhccaarree iinn EEnnggllaanndd DDuurriinngg tthhee EEiigghhtteeeenntthh aanndd NNiinneetteeeenntthh CCeennttuurriieess Roberta M. Harding University of Kentucky College of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/law_facpub Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Criminal Law Commons, and the Health Law and Policy Commons RRiigghhtt cclliicckk ttoo ooppeenn aa ffeeeeddbbaacckk ffoorrmm iinn aa nneeww ttaabb ttoo lleett uuss kknnooww hhooww tthhiiss ddooccuummeenntt bbeenneefifittss yyoouu.. RReeppoossiittoorryy CCiittaattiioonn Harding, Roberta M., "Rubbing the Rabbit's Foot: Gallows Superstitions and Public Healthcare in England During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries" (2016). Law Faculty Scholarly Articles. 583. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/law_facpub/583 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Faculty Publications at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law Faculty Scholarly Articles by an authorized administrator of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RRuubbbbiinngg tthhee RRaabbbbiitt''ss FFoooott:: GGaalllloowwss SSuuppeerrssttiittiioonnss aanndd PPuubblliicc HHeeaalltthhccaarree iinn EEnnggllaanndd DDuurriinngg tthhee EEiigghhtteeeenntthh aanndd NNiinneetteeeenntthh CCeennttuurriieess NNootteess//CCiittaattiioonn IInnffoorrmmaattiioonn Roberta M. Harding, Rubbing the Rabbit's Foot: Gallows Superstitions and Public Healthcare in England During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, 25 B.U. Pub. Int. L.J. 359 (2016). This article is available at UKnowledge: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/law_facpub/583 \\jciprod01\productn\B\BPI\25-2\BPI204.txt unknown Seq: 1 29-AUG-16 13:59 RUBBING THE RABBIT’S FOOT: GALLOWS, SUPERSTITIONS AND PUBLIC HEALTHCARE IN ENGLAND DURING THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH CENTURIES ROBERTA M. HARDING* I. INTRODUCTION.......................................... 360 R II. SUPERSTITIONS.......................................... 362 R A. Introduction............................................ 362 R B. Categories of Superstitions.............................. 364 R III. EXECUTION SUPERSTITIONS .................................. 365 R IV. MEDICINAL GALLOWS SUPERSTITIONS ........................ 368 R A. The Executed Person’s Corpse .......................... 368 R B. The Execution Implements............................... 372 R V. THE CREATION OF THE NEED TO USE MEDICINAL GALLOWS SUPERSTITIONS IN ENGLAND DURING THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH CENTURIES ..................................... 375 R A. Introduction............................................ 375 R B. The Criminal Justice Environment ....................... 376 R C. The Economic Environment ............................. 378 R D. The Social Environment................................. 379 R 1. Demographics...................................... 380 R 2. Living Conditions .................................. 381 R 3. Employment Conditions............................. 384 R VI. THE USE OF MEDICINAL GALLOWS SUPERSTITIONS TO ADDRESS THE HEALTH CARE NEEDS OF THE URBAN POOR................ 387 R * Professor of Law, University of Kentucky College of Law. B.S. 1981, University of San Francisco. J.D. 1986, Harvard University. This article would have been impossible to write without the assistance of a great number of people. First, I would like to thank Professor Emeritus Roger Hood of All Soul’s College at Oxford University in Oxford, England. I greatly appreciate the extraordinary research assistance, in particular, locating sources provided by librarians at the Bodelian and Law Libraries at Oxford University and at the University of Kentucky College of Law Library. I also want to thank Deborah Denno, the Arthur A. McGiveny Professor of Law at the Fordham University School of Law in New York, for the time she spent reviewing an earlier draft of the article and for her helpful comments. I will never be able to adequately thank Franklin Runge, a UK College of Law Librarian, for his help: day, night, weekday or weekend, Franklin was always there to help. I am grateful for the assistance provided by Jennifer Wade and Laura Reynolds, my former and present Research Assistants. 359 \\jciprod01\productn\B\BPI\25-2\BPI204.txt unknown Seq: 2 29-AUG-16 13:59 360 PUBLIC INTEREST LAW JOURNAL [Vol.25:359 A. Traditional Health Care ................................ 387 R B. Gallows Superstitions and Health Care .................. 389 R VII. THE DEMISE OF MEDICINAL GALLOWS SUSPERSTITIONS’ PUBLIC HEALTH CARE ROLE ......................................... 393 R VIII. CONCLUSION ............................................ 395 R I. INTRODUCTION Superstitions possess an ancient pedigree.1 Even in today’s technologically advanced and scientifically sophisticated society they continue to be part of the cultural landscape.2 Superstitions are a manifestation of humankind’s long- standing effort to comprehend the elementary principles of good and evil. For example, well-known general superstitions, such as breaking a mirror brings seven years of bad luck3 and throwing salt over the left shoulder if any is spilled,4 are designed to help people avoid misfortune. Other general supersti- tions are thought to generate good luck. Who has not heard that knocking on wood portends the continuation of good luck?5 1 See OTIS W. CALDWELL, DO YOU BELIEVE IT? CURIOUSHABITSANDSTRANGEBELIEFS OFCIVILIZEDMAN 12, 25, 27, 36 (Garden State Publishing 1937) (providing examples of the antiquity of superstitions); see also PHILLIP F. WATERMAN, THE STORYOF SUPERSTITION 12 (Ams Press 1970) (1929) (opining that “[t]he idea of luck among superstitious people has not changed much in the course of the ages”). 2 See STUART A. VYSE, BELIEVINGIN MAGIC: THE PSYCHOLOGYOF SUPERSTITION 5 (Ox- ford University Press 1997). The author concludes that superstitious behavior is common- place and notes that “everyday experience suggests that superstitious beliefs and behavior are widespread.” Id. at 5, 14. See also Chris Hutchins, Superstitions at Work, LEXINGTON HERALD-LEADER, August 13, 1999, at Weekender 8 (examining the prevalence of supersti- tions in modern society); WATERMAN, supra note 1, at 12 (“The idea of luck among supersti- tious people has not changed much in the course of the ages.”); ASTRA CIELO, SIGNS, OMENS AND SUPERSTITIONS 4 (George Sully & Co. 1918) (“There are few persons, no matter how rational or level-headed, who are not given to superstition in some form.”). See also CALD- WELL, supra note 1, at 219–41 (citing and discussing a number of studies conducted about the belief in and practice of superstitions in different cultures and eras). 3 JAMES GRANT, THE MYSTERIES OF ALL NATIONS: RISE AND PROGRESS OF SUPERSTI- TION, LAWS AGAINST AND TRIALS OF WITCHES, ANCIENT AND MODERN DELUSIONS, TO- GETHER WITH STRANGE CUSTOMS, FABLES, AND TALES 389 (Leith: Reid & Son 1880) (describing the practice of throwing salt over one’s shoulder after spilling some quantity). 4 CAROLE POTTER, KNOCK ON WOOD: AN ENCYCLOPEDIA OF TALISMANS, CHARMS, SU- PERSTITIONS & SYMBOLS 168-70 (Beaufort Press 1983) (describing the superstition that if salt is spilled, then some of it must be thrown over the left shoulder). 5 CIELO, supra note 2, at 48–49 (observing that “[o]ne of the most prevalent customs, indulged in by men of science as well as the illiterate man in the slums, is . . . knocking on wood to ward off evil or to prevent disappointment.” (emphasis added)); ELIZABETH MARY WRIGHT, RUSTIC SPEECH AND FOLK-LORE 230 (Oxford University Press 1913) (noting that people knock on wood “if they have given vent to some expression of satisfaction over their own good health or fortune, or that of any member of their family”). \\jciprod01\productn\B\BPI\25-2\BPI204.txt unknown Seq: 3 29-AUG-16 13:59 2016] PUBLIC HEALTHCARE IN ENGLAND 361 Specific thematic superstitions also developed to address health care needs. In England, for example, as far back as the fifth century, magical spells and jewels were believed to provide medical assistance.6 The adoption and imple- mentation of capital punishment also generated a body of beliefs referred to as “gallows superstitions.” This was especially the case after hanging was adopted in the tenth century as England’s primary method of execution.7 The merger of these two themes created medicinal gallows superstitions. During the eight- eenth and nineteenth centuries, medicinal gallows superstitions ended up pro- viding an unanticipated service for the poor who resided in England’s large urban centers. Monumental socioeconomic and demographic changes during this time frame helped make Britain an international economic powerhouse.8 A ready supply of cheap labor provided by those who left their homes in the rural countryside and streamed into urban areas greatly aided the nation in making this transformation.9 This progress, however, exacted a serious social cost. The transplanted population had to endure appalling work and living conditions, severely compromising the health of the urban poor.10 With little or no access to medical care, Parliament’s dramatic expansion of the death penalty facilitat- ed medicinal gallows superstitions’ functioning as a health care provider for the cities’ impoverished residents.11 The purpose of this Article is to explore how capital punishment contributed towards remedying a serious social problem that existed in England during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: inadequate public health care for the bur- geoning population of urban poor.12 The Article commences with a review of superstitions. It then explores superstitions associated with executions and re- views essential features of the medicinal gallows superstitions. The next section identifies and analyzes key aspects of Britain’s criminal justice, economic, and social environments that contributed to the heightened use of this genre of su- perstitions during the relevant time periods. Finally, the article examines the connection between these variables and the public health care function of me- dicinal gallows superstitions. It also addresses factors such as the liberalization 6 Winifred No¨th, Semiotics of the Old English Charm, 19 SEMIOTICA LA HAYE 59, 65 (1977) (noting that Old English magical spells were “a substitute for medical therapy”). See alsoJOAN EVANS, MAGICAL JEWELS OF THE MIDDLE AGES AND THE RENAISSANCE PARTIC- ULARLYIN ENGLAND 184–89, 193–94 (stating that magical jewels were traditionally used in ancient medicine). 7 See JOHN LAURENCE, A HISTORYOF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT 41 (The Citadel Press 1963) (describing executions during the Anglo-Saxon times). 8 See Part V, infra. 9 See Part V, infra. 10 See Part V.D, infra. 11 See Part VI, infra. 12 This benefit would be in addition to the death penalty’s purported traditional purposes: retribution and deterrence. See Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153, 177 (1976) (joint opinion) (noting that deterrence and retribution are the two traditional purposes of the death penalty). \\jciprod01\productn\B\BPI\25-2\BPI204.txt unknown Seq: 4 29-AUG-16 13:59 362 PUBLIC INTEREST LAW JOURNAL [Vol.25:359 of England’s death penalty laws, the progress made in medicine and improving the access to health care, which contributed to the demise of the poor’s reliance on medicinal gallows superstitions. II. SUPERSTITIONS A. Introduction Although the term superstition has been described as being difficult to define with exactness,13 superstitions developed as a response to mankind’s desire to understand its own existence, explain nature, determine what the future held, and “propitiate Fate and invite Fortune, in the wish to avoid the evils he could not understand.”14 Thus, conceptually, it promotes the materialization of a spe- cific outcome. Since the belief’s veracity is irrelevant, superstitions can be, and frequently are, premised upon unfounded assumptions or misconceptions.15 Consequently, psychological faith in the efficacy of the superstition is the first crucial component of superstitions.16 Superstitions frequently have a second, action-based component, because the believer must engage in specific behav- ior.17 This often requires the believer to interact in a specific manner with the 13 CALDWELL, supra note 1, at viii (“It is not easy to define superstition.”). See also VYSE, supra note 2, at 19 (concluding that defining superstition is “an all-but-impossible assignment” and identifying different ideas about the meaning of superstition). 14 T. SHARPER KNOWLSON, THE ORIGINS OF POPULAR SUPERSTITION AND CUSTOMS 1 (T. Werner Laurie Ltd 1994) (1930); RALPH MERRIFIELD, THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF RITUAL AND MAGIC 185 (B.T. Batsford Ltd. 1987). 15 See OXFORD MINIREFERENCE DICTIONARY AND THESAURUS 639 (1996) (includes the following definition of superstition: “widely held but wrong idea”); VYSE, supra note 2, at 19 (noting that Dr. Judd Marmor, a psychiatrist, described superstitions as being “groundless in themselves and inconsistent with the degree of enlightenment reached by the community to which one belongs”); see, e.g., WATERMAN, supra note 1, at 9 (noting how superstitions are of such a magnitude that “even when the principles on which a custom was founded cease to be accepted, the custom will none the less remain . . . .”); CALDWELL, supra note 1, at 215 (asserting that “pure superstitions” do not have a factual foundation); id. at 216 (not- ing that some superstitions are based upon misconceptions that “incorrect ideas . . . may sometimes have the appearance of factual foundation”). See generally No¨th, supra note 6, at 77 (discussing how although superstitions can be groundless, their veracity is irrelevant for them to be effective). It has been contended that a superstition can only exist if the premise is no longer logical or correct. Consequently, the false basis for the superstition becomes part of the term’s definition. SeeHOWARD W. HAGGARD, MYSTERY, MAGIC, AND MEDICINE: THE RISE OF MEDICINE FROM SUPERSTITION TO SCIENCE 13 (Doubleday, Doran & Co. 1933). 16 CALDWELL, supra note 1, at ix (noting that “[s]uperstitiousness involves an attitude of mind”). Furthermore, it is unnecessary to consciously believe in the superstition. A person’s behavioral patterns often reveal whether a person unconsciously believes in the superstition or is psychologically influenced by the superstition. See id. at 216-17. 17 See examples described supra notes 3–4; infra notes 31–32, 34. \\jciprod01\productn\B\BPI\25-2\BPI204.txt unknown Seq: 5 29-AUG-16 13:59 2016] PUBLIC HEALTHCARE IN ENGLAND 363 designated inanimate object.18 The psychic and physical components then work in tandem to achieve the desired outcome. Tangible items used as a superstition fall within the following categories: charms, amulets, and talismans.19 Charms are made from natural or manufac- tured materials, and particular powers are attributed to them.20 To effectuate the belief associated with superstitions classified in this manner, the believer must perform an affirmative act.21 Horseshoes are a perfect example because they are made from manufactured material and the practitioner must rub them in addi- tion to believing that they portend good luck.22 Amulets resemble charms but possess two distinguishing characteristics. First, amulets are almost exclusively constructed from natural substances.23 Their passivity is their second notable attribute. This means that, unlike charms the user does not actively interact with an amulet; instead, it is usually, though not always, “hung about the neck or on the wrist” of the person’s body.24 Sometimes the item can be assigned to both categories. For example, a rabbit’s foot is constructed from a natural material that can be worn around the neck or remain in a specific location, such as a pocket, and simply be rubbed when needed. Talismans, the third category, are similar to amulets because they are usually kept on the person and used to ward off evil and bring good luck.25 They differ from amulets because their central function is to attract positive influences.26 Talismans, like amulets, can also be charms.27 This dual categori- zation occurs if, in order to obtain the promised result, the adherent must inter- act with the object by touching, kissing, or waving it.28 18 See examples described supra note 5; infra notes 35–36. 19 CIELO, supra note 2, at 59–60 (discussing charms as a manifestation of superstitions); see POTTER, supra note 4, at 7 (describing amulets as a type of superstition); POTTER, supra note 4, at 185–86 (describing talismans as a type of superstition). 20 WRIGHT, supra note 5, at 230. 21 Id. 22 Id. (noting that the horseshoe is a popular type of charm made from manufactured material). 23 POTTER, supra note 4, at 7–8 (identifying different items classified as amulets). 24 CIELO, supra note 2, at 59. See also ENCYCLOPEDIAOF MAGICAND SUPERSTITION 180 (Octopus Books 1974) (noting amulets are “worn about the person”); GRANT, supra note 3, at 403 (citing a definition of an amulet as “a kind of medicament hung about the neck or other part of the body”); FANNY D. BERGEN, CURRENT SUPERSTITIONS 94-95 (Houghton, Mifflin and Company 1896) (providing a list of amulets worn around the neck, chest, in the ears, on fingers, and around the wrist and waist). 25 POTTER, supra note 4, at 185–86 (listing items considered talismans); ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION, supra note 24, at 180 (noting that a talisman is an object “usually worn as an amulet to avert evil or bring fortune to the wearer”). 26 POTTER, supra note 4, at 185–86; ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION, supra note 24, at 180. 27 POTTER, supra note 4, at 185–86. 28 Id. (compared to amulets, talismans are a “more active form of this sport”). \\jciprod01\productn\B\BPI\25-2\BPI204.txt unknown Seq: 6 29-AUG-16 13:59 364 PUBLIC INTEREST LAW JOURNAL [Vol.25:359 B. Categories of Superstitions The guiding principle of superstitions is to avoid the negative and obtain the positive.29 This precept is inherently embodied in every superstition: general and specific. General superstitions that portend an ominous future include common beliefs such as walking under a ladder,30 breaking a mirror,31 and spilling salt.32 The latter superstition contains the central tenet’s positive di- mension because the subject can prevent the ensuing tragedy from occurring by throwing salt over the left shoulder.33 Knocking on wood is another example of this duality because it thwarts evil from occurring34 and promotes and secures good fortune.35 Rubbing a rabbit’s foot or a horseshoe are examples of other general superstitions that promise good luck.36 Superstitions associated with specific contexts and themes are prevalent. Be- liefs that belong to this category also incorporate the central positive and nega- tive objectives. Sports superstitions are representative of this thematic catego- 29 SeeCALDWELL, supra note 1, at 212 (noting how “[m]any superstitions deal with signs of good and bad luck”). 30 See EDWINAND MONA A. RADFORD, ENCYCLOPEDIA OF SUPERSTITIONS 159 (The Phil- osophical Library 1949) (categorizing the belief that “[t]o pass under a ladder will bring bad luck” as a general superstition); see alsoGRANT, supra note 3, at 394 (“If one look through a ladder, he should spit three times to prevent evil consequence; and it is unlucky to hand anything through a ladder.”); POTTER, supra note 4, at 213–14 (commenting on how it is believed that walking under a ladder will result in bad luck); BERGEN, supra note 24, at 83 (“It is unlucky to pass under a ladder.”). 31 See BERGEN, supra note 24, at 86 (classifying “[b]reaking a looking-glass shows that you’ll have seven years of ill luck” as a general superstition); CIELO, supra note 2, at 96–97 (noting that to break a mirror is “considered unlucky, and the person breaking one will have bad fortune for seven years”). 32 A DICTIONARY OF SUPERSTITIONS 342 (Iona Opie & Moira Tatum eds., Oxford Uni- versity Press 1989). 33 POTTER, supra note 4, at 168–70 (noting the belief that if salt is spilled, then some of it must be thrown over the left shoulder to counteract the impending doom). See also GRANT, supra note 3, at 389 (describing the superstition associated with the spilling of salt on a table or floor). 34 CIELO, supra note 2, at 48–49 (“One of the most prevalent customs, indulged in by men of science as well as the illiterate man in the slums, is . . . knocking on wood to ward off evil or to prevent disappointment.”). This general superstition also is a charm because the believer, by knocking on wood, interacts with a natural material. See id. at 59–60 (discussing charms as a manifestation of superstitions). 35 CALDWELL, supra note 1, at 35 (observing how people knock on wood when “they speak of their success or good fortune”); WRIGHT, supra note 5, at 230 (noting that people knock on wood “if they have given vent to some expression of satisfaction over their own good health or fortune, or that of any member of their family”). 36 See POTTER, supra note 4, at 158 (categorizing the rabbit’s foot as a “good luck charm”); WRIGHT, supra note 5, at 230 (noting that the horseshoe is a charm people “hang over doors and chimney pieces ‘for luck’”). \\jciprod01\productn\B\BPI\25-2\BPI204.txt unknown Seq: 7 29-AUG-16 13:59 2016] PUBLIC HEALTHCARE IN ENGLAND 365 ry.37 For example, beliefs associated with baseball players are “legendary.”38 Another popular area of specialization pertains to gaming,39 in particular, be- liefs associated with playing cards.40 The dramatic arts also have a body of superstitions.41 For example, telling an actor to “break a leg” is believed to ensure a successful theatrical performance.42 The medical field is replete with superstitions as well.43 The critical governing duality exists in this context be- cause “many popular supernatural beliefs had as their object the cure of illness or the maintenance of health.”44 It was common for “amulets and charms [to be] employed for the alleviation of bodily suffering.”45 The ancient origins of these curative and preventative medicinal beliefs make them among the most enduring superstitions.46 III. EXECUTION SUPERSTITIONS The adoption and implementation of the death penalty resulted in the devel- opment of a number of superstitions. These beliefs can be categorized in a variety of ways. The method of execution provides one basis. At one time, beheading was an official method of execution in England.47 In the tenth centu- 37 CALDWELL, supra note 1, at vii (commenting on the prevalence of superstitions in sports); see also Potter, supra note 4, at 252–55 (describing and discussing sports supersti- tions). 38 See VYSE, supra note 2, at 5; CALDWELL, supra note 1, at vii (providing a “virulent example of the prevalence of superstitions in sports”). Examples of baseball superstitions include routines before pitching, pregame rituals, wearing a specific uniform number, not talking about a no-hitter in progress, and using a lucky bat or glove. SeeCIELO, supra note 2, at 147 (listing some of the major superstitions associated with baseball). 39 EDWARD TAYLOR, PRIMITIVE CULTURE72 (Vol. 1 1871) (describing superstitions asso- ciated with gaming). 40 See KNOWLSON, supra note 14, at 232–35 (identifying many “omens relating to card games”). 41 See CIELO, supra note 2, at 135–36 (enumerating beliefs associated with the theater); R KNOWLSON, supra note 14, at 225–29 (identifying and describing superstitions associated with the theater). 42 See POTTER, supra note 4, at 193 (listing phrases used instead of “good luck” in the R theatre). See also CIELO, supra note 2, at 135–36 (naming some of the superstitions in the R world of theater); KNOWLSON, supra note 14, at 225–29 (identifying and describing supersti- tions that exist in the theater). 43 VYSE, supra note 2, at 12–13. See also WRIGHT, supra note 5, at 235. R 44 VYSE, supra note 2, at 12–13. See also WRIGHT, supra note 5, at 235 (noting that R many superstitions address curing bodily ills). 45 GRANT, supra note 3, at 401–02. R 46 HAGGARD, supra note 15, at 16–17 (stating that the practice of medicine during ancient times was a merger of superstition and religion). 47 LAURENCE, supra note 7, at 28–30. It was, however, generally reserved for executing R members of the aristocracy and nobility. Id. In 1870, the British government outlawed be- heading as a method of execution. Id. \\jciprod01\productn\B\BPI\25-2\BPI204.txt unknown Seq: 8 29-AUG-16 13:59 366 PUBLIC INTEREST LAW JOURNAL [Vol.25:359 ry, hanging was adopted as the primary method of execution.48 The relatively early selection of hanging as the most common way to carry out executions and the longstanding practice of executions occurring in public forums resulted in the creation of a plethora of superstitions in this context,49 which can be re- ferred to as gallows superstitions. Superstitions in this context can be general or specific. The belief that a section of a rope used to hang a criminal brings good luck embodies this tradi- tional polarity.50 In a similar vein, the body parts of an executed person were considered valuable charms that would generate good fortune.51 A macabre gal- lows superstition, the “Hand of Glory,” aptly illustrates this belief. Burglars used this superstition to facilitate the successful completion of their criminal venture.52 First, the prospective thieves constructed a “Hand of Glory” by sev- ering the hand of a hanged man, drying it out, and placing it in a candlestick holder.53 After entering the targeted home, the robbers lit the fingers and thumb 48 Id. at 41 (hanging was “[t]he usual mode of inflicting death upon criminals in Anglo- Saxon times” and was substituted for mutilation). 49 Id. at 112 (concluding that the development of gallows superstitions was a conse- quence of the prevalence of hanging). See also JOHN DEANE POTTER, THE FATAL GALLOWS TREE 70 (Elek Books 1965) (noting that “[s]uperstition . . . was also rampant around the scaffold” and opining that since England had “gallows at nearly every crossroads it is not surprising that many superstitions and legends grew up around them”); JUSTIN ATHOLL, SHADOWOFTHE GALLOWS 68 (John Long Ltd. 1954) (opining that “as hanging became an accepted feature of his life, many superstitions arose associated with it”); LEON RADZI- NOWICZ, VOLUME I: A HISTORY OF ENGLISH CRIMINAL LAW AND ITS ADMINISTRATION FROM 1750, THE MOVEMENT FOR REFORM, 1750-1833 190 (Macmillan Co. 1948) (“One of the effects of public executions was to encourage the growth of the [gallows] supersti- tions.”). 50 POTTER, supra note 49, at 70 (stating a piece of rope used to hang someone was thought to bring good luck); ATHOLL, supra note 49, at 69. 51 GEOFFREY ABBOTT, LORDS OF THE SCAFFOLD: A HISTORY OF THE EXECUTIONER 67 (Robert Hale: London 1991) (noting that English hangmen “did a good trade in providing the superstitious with severed portions of their victims’ corpses for use as . . . lucky charms.”). 52 See A DICTIONARY OF SUPERSTITIONS 100–01, 142–43 (Iona Opie & Moira Tatum eds., Oxford University Press 1989) (describing the gallows superstition pertaining to the “Hand of Glory”). See also WILLIAM HENDERSON, NOTES ON THE FOLKLORE OF THE NORTHERN COUNTIES OF ENGLAND AND THE BORDERS 332–33 (EP Publishing Ltd. 1973) (reciting a short story about the “Hand of Glory”). 53 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION, supra note 24, at 179 (describing how the “Hand of Glory” could be assembled by using “the hand itself [as] a five-fold candle”). For descriptions of the various formulae used to manufacture the “Hand of Glory,” see RAD- FORD, supra note 30, at 142; HENDERSON, supra note 52, at 200–01, n. 1. For example, some variations of the formula called for using the hand as the candle holder, while with others it was essential that the candle be made from human fat and placed in the “Hand of Glory.” A DICTIONARYOF SUPERSTITIONS, supra note 52, at 100–01 (citing instances when the “Hand of Glory” was activated by placing a candle in the hand and describing how a candle made of the fat of someone who was hanged is lighted and placed in the “Hand of Glory”).