Roots of Ambedkar Buddhism in Kanpur Maren Bellwinkel-Schempp (in: Jondhale, Surendra and Beltz, Johannes: Reconstructing the World: B.R. Ambedkar and Bud- dhism in India. New Delhi, OUP 2004, p. 221-244.) The foundation of Buddhism in Europe and the revival of Buddhism in India took place at approxi- mately the same time. It is well known, that Europeans took an active part in stimulating and en- couraging a renascent Buddhism in India, led by the Orientalist image of India as the cradle of one of the major world religions (King 1999: 147). On the other hand, the knowledge of Buddha as the great founder of an esoteric religion never subsided in Europe and was maintained even through the middle ages, miraculously to resurrect in the writings of Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1869) whose philosophy became quite popular in the 19th century. Schopenhauer set a philosophical trend for a generation of young Germans whose inner quest led a number of them to embrace Buddhism. The resurrection of Buddhism in India at the end of the 19th century through Anagarika Dharmapala was a move to fence off Hinduism and to liberate the Buddhist places in India (Ahir 1991: 17). The foundation of the Mahabodhi Society in 1891 was directly connected with his effort to reclaim Bodh Gaya for Buddhism, a still unfinished task. Although Anagarika Dharmapala was well aware of the downtrodden situation of the Dalit(s) of the time, the Mahabodhi Society mainly attracted upper-caste people (Das 1998: 13). When Dr Ambedkar embraced Buddhism in 1956, his under- standing of dhamma was founded on a radical rejection of Hinduism and the caste system and a [222] critical evaluation of existing Buddhisms (Rodrigues 1993). Dr Ambedkar was, through the example of Hinduism and the caste system, painfully aware of the entanglement of religion and so- ciety; therefore, he intended to reconstruct Buddhism not only as a religion for the untouchables but as a humanist and social religion, which combined scientific understanding with universal truth. His Buddhism projected a religion for a modern, civic society (see Fuchs 2001). But Dr Ambedkars was not the first to cast Buddhism for Dalit(s). Pandit Iyothee Thass founded the Indian Buddhist Association in 1890, which developed into a broad movement amongst Tamil Dalit(s) in South India till the 1950s. Ambedkar in his 20 year long quest for a new religion for the Dalit(s) was well aware of those developments, and tried to get in touch with most of the leaders. Fortunately, those regional and local developments of Buddhist thought amongst the Dalit(s) have recently become a focus of study (see Aloysius 1998). The following paper will be a contribution to those studies insofar, as it intends to present the biography of an early Buddhist and Arya Samaji who had considerable influence amongst Dalit(s) and backward class people in Kanpur. Although Acharya Ishvardatt Medharthi is only a local figure, he was for a short while in the 1940s Dr Am- 1 bedkar's Pali teacher. Besides, I will try to show how “Ambedkar Buddhism” developed amongst the Dalit(s) in Kanpur.1 Arya Samaj and Gurukul Kangri Acharya Ishvardatt Medharthi (1900-1971) belonged to a Gareria family of Kanpur. Garerias are shepherds and belong to the backward castes. He was born in the cantonment which was one of the three segments of Kanpur town in those days. At the turn of the nineteenth century Kanpur was a prosperous industrial town with leather and textile factories, oils mills and a thriving wholesale market. The major factories had been set up by the British, the wholesale and commodity market was in Indian hands, and Kanpur was one of the major railway junctions in north India. Ishvardatt Medharthi’s father joined the army to become a medical doctor; military medical educa- tion was an opening for [223] the backward and depressed classes, who could not afford the expen- sive English- medium medical colleges. Besides, there was less caste discrimination within the mili- tary. In exchange for the training they got, students had to commit to serve the army for a consider- able period of time. In Dr Fakireram’s case, it was a period of ten years. During that time he was stationed in Burma, away from his family. His eldest son, Ishvardatt, was born before the father joined the army, and grew up like a single child, spoiled and pampered, as his biographer remarks, as his younger brothers and sisters were born only after Dr Fakireram’s return from Burma.2 Within his family, he, as the eldest and considerably older than his younger sisters and brothers, had a very prominent position. When Dr Fakireram left the army, he set up a clinic in one of the major thoroughfares in Kanpur, where the shopkeepers were Muslims and Hindus alike. Dr Fakireram found easy acceptance into the Kanpur Medical Association, which was dominated by the Rohatgis, Dr Murarilal and Dr Jawarharlal. They were stout Arya Samajis, leading Gandhians and Congress members. Dr Fakire- ram was an Arya Samaji himself, and he got along well with these leading families. Similar convic- tions and the common nationalist cause bridged gaps of decent. The Arya Samaj had been promi- nent in Kanpur since 1879, mainly amongst Banias and Kayasthas (Nevill 1909: 124). Their influ- ence was strongly felt in Congress politics, the nationalist movement, and in the trade union move- ment. The different factions within the Arya Samaj were also reflected in Kanpur - the majority group promoted the foundation of the Dayanand Anglo Vedic College, which opened in 1911, but another faction was supporting Gurukul Kangri at Hardwar. Gurukul Kangri was an educational reform school, set up by Swami Shraddhanand (Munshiram) in 1902 to counter the Dayanand Anglo Vedic College with a radical experiment of national Hindu education. Set up in the wilderness near Hardwar, one of the famous pilgrimage places in India, its 2 educational principles were based on simple living, strict discipline, and physical training. Shraddhanand took a vehemently anti-Muslim stance in his emphasis on shuddhi and reconversion of Muslims [224] for the Hindu nation, which would enable them to fight colonialism. The purifica- tion of Hinduism from its evils such as caste and the understanding of the varnashramadharma as a merit based division of labour in society, allowed lower-caste boys entry into Gurukul Kangri. They were accepted, although not appreciated, and on principle, student’s caste was not disclosed, and caste specific names were omitted. Anonymity in caste matters and an egalitarian discipline with physical training, handicrafts and housekeeping, established a strong positive identity amongst the students. Dr Fakireram got his son admitted to Gurukul Kangri in 1908, and he stayed there for a whole pe- riod of fourteen years. Ishvardatt Medharthi studied science, English, Hindi, Sanskrit, and Pali, which was taught by a Buddhist monk from Ceylon (Gurukula Samachar 1914: 543). Although Shraddhanand did not have a high appreciation for Buddhism, because he considered the ahimsa doctrine as effeminate, an inappropriate response to the Muslim or colonial onslaught, the Pali teachers certainly sowed the seeds from which Ishvardatt Medharthi’s adoption of Buddhism devel- oped in a later period of his life. Buddhism in Gurukul Kangri was considered to be on the same level as purified Hinduism as taught by the Arya Samaj. And even from Anagarika Dharmapala’s visit to the school in 1914, it cannot be deducted that there was any prominent or specific Buddhist influence (Fischer-Tiné 2000: 17). The school drew considerable attention from the nationalist and reformist public and was visited by a number of prominent personalities, including Mahatma Gan- dhi. Ishvardatt was an excellent student, who, according to his biographer, always came first in class. The name Medharthi, given to him at Kurukul Gangri, reflects his superior intellectual powers; medha means mental power, intelligence, and wisdom; artha means purpose, the full translation would be - a person who is capable of using his mental powers. The study of Pali apart, he excelled in Sanskrit, which he knew to recite flawlessly. Knowing very well that the study of Sanskrit was usually prohibited for shudras and, according to the Ramayana and the laws of Manu, severely pun- ished, he took great pride in his scholarship. The approach to teaching at Gurukul Kangri was meant to integrate [225] the mental, intellectual, physical, and emotional aspects of the student’s personal- ity. Ishvardatt Medharthi internalised the Gurukul Kangri doctrine of life reform - convictions, teach- ings, and beliefs should also transform everyday life and lead to a reformed society. Through the purification and rectification of religion and society, finally and eventually, liberation from coloni- alism would be attained. Life reform and learning were considered to be revolutionary acts, which 3 would transform the political realm as well. On the occasion of the convocation meeting, Ishvardatt Medharthi delivered an address on behalf of the students, while the principal, Swami Shraddhanand, gave a speech himself on the importance of inter-caste marriage. Ishvardatt Medharthi took the oath that he will also marry outside his caste. He was taking that oath by the feet of his guru (Mudit 2000: 2). In 1922, Ishvardatt Medharthi passed out of school with the degree of Vidyalankar, which was not recognised by the British educational system, and so, only private schools would employ him. An- ticipating this situation, his father bought land on the outskirts of Kanpur in 1915 and set up a school there in the name of Shri Dayanand Bharatiya Vidyalaya. He wanted his son to become its principal, but Ishvardatt turned down the offer. He only stayed in Kanpur for a couple of months, during which time he was introduced to leading Arya Samajis and worked for a while with Ganesh Shanker Vidyarthi, a well-known journalist and Gandhian, in the publication of his newspaper Pratap. Soon he left for Calcutta (now Kolkata) to take up a three-year course in Ayurvedic medi- cine. But even after completing his studies, he was not yet willing to settle down according to his father’s wishes. For a year he became the private teacher of the sons of the raja of Mewar. In 1928, he married on his own accord the highly educated principal of a girls’ school in Indore. It was an inter-caste marriage, which sprang out of his convictions, that only inter-caste marriages could destroy the hold of the caste system. The seeds for that revolutionary act were planted at Gu- rukul Kangri, which “offended [226] his father, which ultimately lead to a court case between father and son”(ibid.:3). But now only that, newly married Ishvardatt, serious about his political convictions, joined the Bar- doli satyagraha of Sardar Vallabhai Patel in 1929, for which he was imprisoned for six months, but, unfortunately, we know very little of his revolutionary involvement. Just released from prison, he joined Gandhi’s Civil Disobedience Campaign and lived for a while at the Sabarmati Ashram. He took part in the salt march at Dandi for which he got imprisoned for three years. The Caste System Exposed His return to Kanpur in 1933 must have been triumphal; his father reconciled with him, and even functioned as the editor of his first book The Caste System Exposed (Medharthi 1933), and the school at Munshipuram was finally handed over to him by Dr Fakireram. However, the political scene had changed considerably and he had missed the years of the political awakening of the Dalit(s), which were fermented and canalised not only through the presence of Swami Achhutanand (1879-1933),3 but also through the discussion of the role of the depressed classes within a future constitutional framework. Being a radical critic of the caste system, it completely escaped him that 4 Swami Achhutanand, a Dalit leader, had rejected the caste system as well. He even erroneously claimed that Swami Achhutanand wanted to get the Dalit(s) back into the Arya Samaj fold. Medharthi’s book was dedicated to Dr Ambedkar, whom he addresses as the “fearless leader of the youth”. The book bore a radical title but had a less radical content. In his criticism of the caste sys- tem, Medharthi remains within the mould of Dayanand Saraswati’s teachings. In his opinion, the Vedas only distinguish between Aryans and Dasyus. He regards the differentiation between the dif- ferent varnas only as merit-based division of labour. Well aware of the burning of the Manusmriti by Dr Ambedkar in 1927 at the Mahad satyagraha, he attributed the rigidities of the caste system to Manu, claiming that the Vedas never propagated caste. Being an educated person, he repeatedly ridiculed the ignorant [227] Brahmins, who do not live up to their educational standards, who, to the contrary, work as water carriers, peons, cooks and shopkeepers. Rightly he critiqued that the exist- ing division of labour was not based on merit; a learned Bhangi (a ‘low‘ caste) would always re- main a Bhangi, and would not be able to achieve social recognition. Dr Ambedkar is praised, but not elaborated on, although he mentions that Ambedkar intends to change religion. The caste system is for him a ‘poisonous creeper’, which strangles the whole soci- ety; it creates disunity, which is the root cause of foreign domination. Nationalist and reformist ar- guments are applied together. Only when the caste system is abolished, can Hindus unite and their struggle against the colonial powers can be successful. Endlessly, he deals with names, surnames and family names as caste and identity markers; Brahmins should abolish their names as Sharma, Tiwari, Chatturvedi etc., so that they can not be identified as Brahmins. The abolition of caste is for him a prerequisite of modernity. Japan and Turkey, who also had caste like structures and graded inequality, have overcome them and as a consequence, had developed into modern, powerful, and independent nations. The three main objectives in this book are: one – the system of varnvyavastha should be abolished, because it cannot be based on the quality of work or occupation without the support of the king/government; two, all titles and names, which disclose caste, should be abol- ished; and three, inter-caste marriages between caste Hindus and shudras should be conducted. The book contents a dedication by the “Honorable His Holiness 108 Shri Swami Bodhanandji Mahasthavir, President of the U.P. Demolisher of the Caste System Association”: I consider this book named Exposure of Caste System a very important one in the present circum- stances. In this book the downfall of Hindus have been depicted truly. In fact as long as the caste system based on birth remains in practice, this country cannot make any development in any direc- tion. Unless the Dalit(s) are emancipated, the hope of swaraj would be a dream. [...] It is a very in- teresting and informative book. It is a must for shudras and untouchables. I hope that every Sana- 5 thani cum Arya Samaji, Buddha, Jain, Sikh, old and new reformers receive it well and profit from it (ibid.: 7). [228] Bodhanand’s dedication shows, that the few Dalit and backward class intellectuals were part of a common discourse. The two men were in touch with each other, knew of each other’s work and fol- lowed the same path in their endeavour to destroy the caste system. As Acharya Ishvardatt Medharthi had studied Pali at Gurukul Kangri, Buddha’s teachings must have been well known to him, although his critique of the caste system does not reveal any critique of Hinduism; to the con- trary, he considers the Vedas to be the mother of all religions. Besides, Kanpur and Lucknow, where Bodhanand resided, were close to each other, and a mutual exchange of people, goods, tal- ents and ideas between these two towns had a long tradition. Lucknow as a centre of Buddhism Bodhanand Mahasthvir (1874-1952) was born as Mukund Prakash into a Bengali Brahmin family. As his parents left him an orphan, he was brought up by an aunt, who took him to Benares. He took an early interest in religious matters, which made him become a wandering monk, before he re- turned to Benares in 1896, just at the time of famine. Deeply impressed by the Christian missionar- ies’ relief work, he wanted to convert to Christianity, but was stopped by Buddhists monks from Ceylon who happened to attend a Theosophical Conference in Benares at the time (Sathi 1961: 37). When he made Lucknow his home, he first stayed at a Hanuman temple, but got in touch with the Barua Buddhists who had established a vihara at La Touche Road in Lucknow in 1901. This was a branch of the Bauddh Dharmakura Vihara, founded by Kripasaran Mahasthvir in 1885 to serve the Barua Buddhists of Bengal. Lucknow had quite a number of them, and theywere employed as cooks, mainly by the British. In Hyderabad, Shillong and Jamshedpur, other Barua viharas were set up as well (Das 1998: 20). Mukund Prakash got ordained in 1914 in Calcutta on a boat on the Hooghly in the presence of Kri- pasaran Mahasthvir. Bodhanand saw himself as an advocate of the Dalit(s) and started preaching Buddhism in Lucknow. In 1916, he founded the Bharatiye Buddh Samiti and in 1925 he set up the Buddh [229] Vihara in Risaldar Park in Lucknow. This small monastery was to become a centre of learning, meetings and discussions. He gathered a circle of interested and educated backward-class men around him, who called themselves the “Nau Ratnas” (nine jewels). They were Chandrika Prasad Jigyasu, the founder of the Bahujan Kalyan Prakashan and a historian of the early Dalit movement, Rai Bahadur Ram Charan, Shiv Dayal Singh Chaurasia, Gauri Shanker Pal, and Chedi 6 Lal Sathi. Bodhanand’s disciples rose to prominence in the Dalit movement, which they considered to encompass Untouchables and shudra castes. Ideologically, Bodhanand was pursuing the same argument as Swami Achhutanand. For him, shudras and ‘Untouchables’ were the original inhabitants of India, who had been deprived of their land and enslaved, because they had been defenceless and peace loving. In his book Mula Bharata- vasi Aur Arya (‘Original Inhabitants and Aryans’), he elaborated on that argument. In 1928, he founded the Mul Nivasi or Hindu Backward Classes League, which gained a separate organisational form because of the British colonial policy, which considered depressed and backward classes as separate entities, very much to the dismay of Bodhanand and his followers, who out of tactical rea- sons succumbed to these organizational necessities (Kshisagar 1994: 403). The spread of Buddhism went together with the propagation of self-respect and with a conversion drive, which was moulded in the sant tradition, counteracting the shuddhi-move of the Arya Samaj. Bodhanand wrote two important books, the first on Buddhist rituals called Baudha Dvicharya and the second book, about the life and teaching of the Buddha, was written together with Chandrika Prasad Jigyasu and published in 1932. The reception of Buddhism through and with the help of Bodhanand happened before Dr Ambedkar proclaimed that he was in search of a new religion suit- able for Dalit(s). Equality, righteousness, non-violence and compassion were the main tenets of that new religion, which proved to be ideally suited for shudras and Untouchables. Chandika Prasad Jigyasu with his press served as an author and publisher, and as the ideological spearhead of the movement, working Bodhanand`s ideas into his own publications. This meant a [230] reworking of bhakti tenets under the Buddhist and Adi Hindu mould, bringing them into the broad stream of a newly developing Dalit consciousness. The influence of his BKP was great and its two-anna editions covered in a short, concise and cheap form all major Dalit topics; the press had a tremendous impact on the first generation literate Dalit(s) in urban areas of the United Provinces. As Ambedkar’s quest for religion lasted for more than 20 years, he took a keen interest to discuss religious matters with Bodhanand. They met on three occasions: In 1926. the Maharaja Sahu of Kolhapur had called for an “Indian Non-Brahmin Conference”, where they met first. The second meeting took place in 1928 in Lucknow on the occasion of the meeting of the Simon Commission and the third in 1948 after his second marriage in Lucknow as well (Keer 1990: 404). Bodhanand’s biographers mention that the two men discussed the dhamma and exchanged thoughts. There was mutual respect of each other’s learning and a high appreciation on Dr Ambedkar’s side for Bodhan- and’s undiluted fight for the Dalit cause. But Bodhanand did not withhold criticism, when he thought it necessary. He objected to Dr Ambedkar’s second marriage because his wife was a Brah- min. He feared that this would split the movement. 7 Gyan Keto and Lokanath Medharthi was a contemporary of Swami Achhutanand and he knew Bodhanand personally. Al- though in The Caste System Exposed he had not yet dared to break with Hinduism, the following years showed a considerable change in his thoughts. On the one hand he tried to conceptualise a universal religion, and on the other hand he intended to accommodate Buddhism with the sant dharm. This change of perspective was a reflection of Dr Ambedkar’s announcement at the Yeola conference in 1935, that he will not die a Hindu. The threat to leave Hinduism and to convert to an- other religion instigated a lot of activity on behalf of the Hindu Mahasabha, Christianity, Sikhism and also Buddhism to draw Ambedkar over to these respective religions. At what time Buddhism became dominant in Medharthi’s thoughts is not yet known. Nevertheless, he was considered to be [231] a Buddhist in Indian and Ceylonese Buddhist circles, because his school was visited by two European Buddhist monks, most probably in 1937, and their names were engraved at the library building. The one was Lokanath, an American of Italian descent with the name of Salvatore. Lokanath’s pamphlet dedicated to the Depressed Classes of India ‘Buddhism Will Make You Free’ was published from his Harijan Publishing Society in Panadura, Ceylon. Dhananjay Keer describes how Lokanath met Dr Ambedkar: The Buddhists, too, tried in their own way to capture him. One of their Missionaries, an Italian Monk by name Rev. Lokanath, who was founder of the Lokanath Buddhist Mission, came to Am- bedkar’s residence at Dadar on June 10, 1936. Clad in the robe of a priest and carrying a bowl and an umbrella, he interviewed Ambedkar and tried to persuade him to embrace Buddhism. After his talk with Ambedkar, the monk, in an interview to the Press, said that the leader of the Depressed Classes seemed to be impressed with the Buddhistic faith and promised to consider the question carefully, but had not given any definite reply. The Saviour – for the monk’s original Italian name was Salvatore – said that he had reason to believe that Ambedkar would come round to his view and added that his own ambition was to convert all Harijans to Buddhism. The monk then went to Cey- lon on a pilgrimage (Keer 1990: 276). The biography of the German monk, Gyan Keto, alias Peter Schoenfeldt (1906-1984), is well known. He grew up in Berlin, where he visited the Buddhist Centre in Berlin-Frohnau, which had been established by the homoepathic doctor Paul Dahlke in 1924 (Hecker 1996: 1). He got drawn to Buddhism through studying of Arthur Schopenhauer and went to Ceylon to become a Buddhist 8 monk at the monastery of Nyanatiloka, who was German as well – Anton Guerth (1878-1957). Nyanatiloka was the second European to be ordained into a Buddhist Burmese order in 1903 in Rangoon. In 1911 he set up Island Hermitage in Polgasduwa in Ceylon, which was to become a centre for European and American Buddhists, and which still exists today under the chairmanship of an American Buddhist abbot. Peter Schoenfeldt arrived in Ceylon in 1936, where he was personally received by Nyanatiloka. Af- ter a short period as a [231] layman, he got the Pali Name of Nyana Khetto on his initiation. In 1937, he was sent on pilgrimage to visit the Buddhist sites in north India (Hecker 1997: 291-93). During his journey, together with Lokanath, he visited Medharthi’s school in Buddhpuri on the out- skirts of Kanpur. When Medharthi took over the school from his father, he named it Bharatiya Ved Vidyalaya. Now, as an expression of his turning to Buddhism, he changed the name of the locality from Munshipuram to Buddhpuri. On the occasion of the visit, Medharthi was initiated into Bud- dhism by these two monks. Lokanath offered a brass Buddha statue and Gyan Keto a marble one, which are still to be seen in the school. Amongst the Buddhist community, there was a strong awareness of the spiritually and socially lib- erating qualities of Buddhism for the depressed and backward classes in India. Lokanath and Gyan Keto were not the only bhikshus to visit Kanpur at that time. In 1935, Bhikshu Uttam, who was a strong supporter of the Arya Samaj and the Jat Pat Todak Mandal, the branch of the Arya Samaj to abolish untouchability, came to Kanpur and made a vehement plea for the abolition of untouchabil- ity (Vartman, 16 May 1935). Buddhists of foreign origin, such as Lokanath and Gyan Keto, must have been aware of the religious, political, and social discourse which followed Dr Ambedkar’s an- nouncement to leave Hinduism. On 22 May 1936, the All Religious Conference was held at Lucknow. Dr Ambedkar could not attend but Jagjivan Ram, the Harijan Leaders on the side of the Congress, was there (Pioneer, 23 May 1936: 8). Muslim, Christian, Sikh, and Buddhist representa- tives presented the tenets of their respective religions in an effort to show the universal message to the untouchables. Although the visit by Lokanath and Gyan Keto was a singular event, the involvement of other for- eigners into the Dalit Buddhist cause is well-known. The German born American Paul Carus, for example became first president of the Indian Buddhist Association in south India. His book, The Gospel of Buddha (1894), is still widely sold in India. Until recently, only the contacts of interna- tional Buddhists with the nascent, savarna dominated Buddhism of the Mahabodhi society were known, but Lokanath’s and Gyan Keto’s visit to Buddhpuri throws light on an early pre-Ambedkar Buddhist endeavour which was conceptualised as a religion of the oppressed. [233] 9 Buddhism and Sant Dharm From 1933 on, when Ishvardatt took over the school, he moulded it according to Gurukul Kangri. His students were drawn from scheduled and backward castes, and it was the only school where they were taught Sanskrit at that time. The routine was strict, and there was a great emphasis on punctuality and discipline. Physical education, handicrafts, science, and languages were taught, and morning and evening prayers were conducted in the Arya Samaj tradition. The prayers were taken from Buddhism, Jainism, the Arya Samaj, Christianity and Islam. For the morning prayers, Medharthi called representatives of different faiths to conduct the service. He broke with the anti- Muslim stand of the Arya Samaj and he called a Muslim weaver to teach spinning to his students. This happened in a phase of his life when he was strongly attracted by the teachings of Kabir. He even wrote a booklet on Kabir, in which he praised the poet-saint’s anti-Brahmin stand. Caste differences were ignored and equality amongst the students was respected. In daily routine, all students had to draw water from the same bucket and did their own cleaning together. The stu- dents were only addressed by their first names; any names, which disclosed caste were forbidden. He even modelled the school on the samgha. To his favourite students—they were five altogether, like the first five disciples of Buddha—he gave names in analogy to the upasampada ceremony on entry into a Buddhist monastery. His belief in religious universalism was strong; he believed that all religions preached non-violence, brotherhood, equality and compassion. He tried to reconcile Buddhism with the sant religion, which was prevalent amongst the Dalit(s) in Kanpur. In those days Kabir panthis, Shiv Narayan sam- pradaya and Raidasis were popular. Especially Medharthi’s special veneration for Kabir made him reformulate his position away from his previous appreciation of the Vedas. In his booklet ‘The Primitives and Ancestors of India and the Sant Religion’, published in 1939, he considered the Vedas as the unjust oppressive religion of the Aryan invaders. Fully adopting the [234] Adi Hindu ideology of those days, he stated that the 150 million shudras, Untouchables and primitive people of India, who were called Harijan, depressed, backward, or pre-Hindu, were the ancient rulers of the country. They had been trapped into slavery by the invading Aryans, and the tricolour of the Congress Party still represents the savarna, the twice born, omitting the purvajana as the “men born before” or “men of pre-historic age”. Swami Achhutanand’s Adi Hindus and Bodhanand’s Mulanivasis were purvajanas for him. Equating the purvajanas with asuras, he continued his argument in daring etymological moves. He claimed that the asuras were actually been named as such by the Aryans, because they did not use to drink sura (wine), whereas the Aryans ate meat and drank wine. In his creative etymology, rak- 10