QUAKERISM AND APPROACHES TO MENTAL AFFLICTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF GEORGE FOX AND WILLIAM TUKE by AMANDA LAWRENCE A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of Master of Philosophy School of Theology Department of Quaker Studies The University of Birmingham September 2009 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the following people for their support. The Friends and staff at Woodbrooke study centre for the warm and welcoming environment and especially the library staff for their courtesy and expertise. The staff at Borthwick Archives for unfailing helpfulness and providing a reader- friendly research area. The staff at Birmingham University library for a consistently high quality service. Dr. Nancy Cho, and Dr. Ariel Hessayon, for allowing access to their work and for subsequent guidance. Thanks to my long-suffering parents and especial thanks to my sisters for sharing their IT skills with me and controlling their exasperation at my inabilities. Above all to my tutors Ben Pink Dandelion and Edwina Newman for all their patience, encouragement, scholarly advice and enthusiasm and for making Quaker Studies so exciting. Contents Abbreviations CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION p 1 1. Aims of this Thesis p 6 2. Terminology p 7 3. Relationship to Previous Work p 8 4. Primary Sources and Methods. p 14 5. Thesis Outline p 20 6. Chapter Summary p 22 CHAPTER TWO: THE MEANING OF MADNESS p 23 1. The Significance of Michel Foucault p 23 2. Madness in Early Modern England p 26 2a. Puritanism and Madness p 27 2b. Magic and Medicine: Miracles and Mischief p 28 2c. Madness and Radical Religion p 32 3. Madness in the Late Seventeenth and Eighteenth p 35 Centuries 3a. Confinement p 36 3b. New Philosophies, New Science and New p 37 Understandings of Madness 3c. Faithful Understandings p 40 3d. Religious Enthusiasm and Madness p 42 4. Chapter Summary p 43 CHAPTER THREE: GEORGE FOX, A SEVENTEENTH- p 46 CENTURY HEALER 1. Miracle worker, Madman, or Witch p 47 2. Fox’s Healings p 54 3. Theologies Determining Fox’s Understanding of p 56 Madness 3a. Sin, Separation, Salvation and Perfection p 57 3b. Fallibility: Friends who Fell p 60 3c. How to Guard Against Falling and Recognise the p 64 Fallen 4. Combining the Theory of Theology with the p 67 Practice of Cure. 5. Chapter Summary p 69 CHAPTER FOUR: WILLIAM TUKE, PROVIDER OF CARE p 71 AND CURE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 1. A Quietist Quaker p 72 2. A Quaker Asylum p 78 2a Methods: Medicine and Moral Management p 80 2b Caring and Curing p 83 3. ‘Mad Quakers’ p 88 4. Chapter Summary p 94 CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION p 96 1. A Comparison of George Fox with William Tuke p 96 1a How They Defined Madness p 97 1b How They Treated Madness p 103 1c What was a ‘Cure’ p 106 1d Friends in an UnFriendly World p 108 2. Possibilities for Further Research p 110 3. Chapter Summary p 113 Appendix 1: Table of Fox’s Miracles P 115 Appendix 2: Letter to Cromwell’s Daughter, Elizabeth Claypole 1658 p 126 Bibliography p 129 ABBREVIATIONS The Description A Description of the Retreat an institution near York for insane persons of the Society of Friends contains an account of its origins and progress the modes of treatment and a statement of cases by Samuel Tuke published 1813. The Book of Miracles George Fox’s ‘Book of Miracles’ The Cambridge Journal The Journal of George Fox edited from the MSS in 2 vols edited by Norman Penney (Cambridge: the University Press, 1911) B.I.H.R. The Borthwick Institute of Historic Research CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION This thesis compares the approach of George Fox to mental illness with that of William Tuke and argues that there was considerable continuity. This was based on a shared belief in the potential of every individual to know the Divine and the responsibility of all to achieve this glorious state. The dissimilarities between the two, though obvious, are comparatively superficial. Most regard George Fox (1624 – 1691) as the founder of the Quaker Movement.1 Although firstly, a religious leader, he considered healing to be part of his work and during his first spiritual revelation, he wondered if his mission was as a physician.2 Throughout his life he was an informal healer, predominantly of physical symptoms, but also mental distress, for which he had much empathy.3 William Tuke (1732 -1822) was a prosperous Quaker tea and coffee merchant and philanthropist.4 In his sixties, he conceived, developed and managed an asylum for insane Quakers. The Retreat, founded in 1896, was run humanely, with minimum physical restraint and in accordance with the Quaker way of life. Tuke                                                              1 There are many biographies. Recent scholars recognise the complexity of power in early Quakerism but Fox’s pre-eminence is generally recognised. See for example, Jean Hatton George Fox, the Founder of the Quakers (Oxford, UK and Grand Rapids, Michigan, USA: Monarch Books, 2007) and Larry H. Ingle, First among Friends: George Fox and the Creation of Quakerism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994). 2‘And I was at a stand in my mind whether I should practise physic for the good of mankind, seeing the nature and virtues of the creatures were so opened to me by the Lord,’ The Journal of George Fox ed. by John L Nickalls (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Religious Society of Friends, 1952, reprinted 1997), p. 27. 3 Cecil W Sharman George Fox and the Quakers (London: Quaker Home Service, 1991), p. 236. 4For brief biographical details see Mary R Glover, The Retreat, York: An Early Experiment in the Treatment of Mental Illness, (York: William Sessions Ltd, Ebor Press, 1984) pp. 26-27.   1 was influential amongst early nineteenth-century reformers, who were shocked by the prevailing brutality towards the insane. Fox and Tuke were men of their times, from different cultures and occupying different social positions. Fox was an itinerant radical preacher: Tuke was an established merchant. Quakerism links the work of the two men and a comparison requires an understanding of this faith. Fox lived in early modern England. Daily life was hazardous,5 and population increase, inflation, a move to urban dwelling, and changing employment conditions contributed to social and economic instability.6 After centuries of comparative religious consensus, there had been theological strife since the time of the Reformation and long–established customs had been questioned.7 Political instability resulted in civil war and a partial collapse of recognised law and order and censorship.8 In this chaotic time, there was unprecedented opportunity for radical movements, both social and theological, to flourish.9 This time of great suffering, great hope and great uncertainty was reflected by a plethora of enthusiastic sects,10 including Quakers.                                                              5 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (London: Penguin, 1971, reprinted 1991), pp. 3-20. 6 For details regarding population, prices, the inter-action between urban and rural economies and the effects of enclosures, see Keith Wrightson, Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain, 1470-1750 (London: Penguin, 2002), pp. 87-107. 7Thomas, pp. 59-65. See also, Ronald Hutton, ‘The Battle For Merry England’ in The Rise and Fall of Merry England: The Ritual Year, 1400-1700 (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 153-198. 8 Christopher Hill, The World Turned Upside Down: Radical Ideas During the English Revolution (London: Penguin, 1972, reprinted 1991), p. 23. 9 Hill, p. 14. 10 An enthusiastic faith is one where God is believed to have directly revealed Himself to the followers. O.E.D gives the sixteenth and seventeenth-century meaning of enthusiasm as ‘possession by a god; supernatural inspiration, prophetic or poetic frenzy; an occasion or   2 They were apocalyptic radicals, proclaiming that ‘Christ is coming and is come.’11 The early years of the movement were tumultuous, marked by internal division, a changing social and political environment after the Restoration in 1660, and intensifying persecution as Quakers were viewed as a threat to social stability.12 Quakerism had to adapt if it were not to perish and it survived, tenaciously. Rosemary Moore concludes that by 1666, ‘the Quaker movement changed from being one of the most radical of the sects that were looking for the coming of the kingdom of God on earth and became an introverted body primarily concerned with its own internal life’.13 By the end of the century, dissenters had achieved some toleration.14 However although the virulence of abuse towards Quakers slackened, many continued to                                                                                                                                                                     manifestation of these.’ In the eighteenth century the word is ‘used often in a vaguer sense: ill- regulated or misdirected religious emotion, extravagance of religious speculation,’ Oxford English Dictionary, prepared by J. A. Simpson and E.S.C. Weiner, 2nd edn, 20 vols, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 5, p. 296. 11 ‘The prophetic church [Quakers] is therefore gathered and defined by the apocalypse of the Word of God – an immediate revelation whose content is the end of the world,’ Douglas Gwyn Apocalypse of the Word: the Life and Message of George Fox (Richmond, Indianna: Friends United Press, 1991), p.213. This is one of three works by Gwyn that explore the origins, expression and consequences of the beliefs of Early Friends. See Douglas Gwyn, Seekers Found: Atonement in Early Quaker Experience (Wallingford, Pennsylvania: Pendle Hill, 2000) and Douglas Gwyn, The Covenant Crucified: Quakers and the Rise of Capitalism (Wallingford, Pennsylvania: Pendle Hill, 1995). 12 For details of the development of Quakerism in its initial decades see Rosemary Moore, The Light in Their Consciences; The Early Quakers in Britain, 1646 - 1666 (University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000). Her study is based on thorough archival research and computer analysis of the literature. She examines early internal strife, especially that caused by James Nayler, pp. 35-48, and the defeat of ‘the good old cause’ after the death of Cromwell, pp. 167-179, and the persecution of Quakers that intensified until around 1666, pp. 180-192. 13 Moore, Light in Their Consciences, p. 214. 14The Eighteenth Century: Europe 1688-1815, ed. by T. C. W. Blanning (Oxford: New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 148.   3 dislike and fear them.15 If the ‘World’ continued to be wary of ‘Friends’, Friends were extremely wary of the World.16 Eighteenth-century England differed from that of the seventeenth century. After the Revolution of 1688, Britain expanded in terms of population, colonisation, industrialisation, trade and overseas markets, and overall wealth.17 In the pervasive European intellectual movement known as ‘the Enlightenment’ it was argued that humankind had the reasoning capability to understand their environment and improve their lot.18 However prosperity and optimism was not uniform amongst the population and poverty and insecurity continued among the lower orders.19 As well as intermittent homegrown disturbances,20 the breaking away of the American colonies in 1783 disturbed upper-class complacency and in 1789, the violence and implication of the French Revolution sent shock waves throughout Europe. In the late seventeenth and most of the eighteenth century, Quakers, in what is often referred to as the Quietist period, were characterised by isolation from                                                              15 ‘Now in some degree they have left off that way of levelling […] but let the conversation be what it will so long as their doctrines are heretical and blasphemous, they ought to be censured and condemned by us,’ Francis Bugg, 1704, quoted by Adrian Davies The Quakers in English Society, 1655-1725, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), p. 221. 16 Quakers did not become known as Quakers until around 1655. From the first, they referred to each other as ‘Friends’. Moore, Light in Their Consciences, p. 5. The terms ‘Friends’ and ‘Quakers’ were used interchangeably from the mid-1650s. Meetings for worship were open to all and there was a reluctance to define ‘belonging’. There was written reference to ‘members’ in 1659. By the time of Tuke, rules of membership were clearly laid out and penalties established for those who did not adhere. See Richard T Vann, The Social Development of Quakerism 1655- 1755, (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1969), pp. 129-143. ‘The World’ was all earthly establishments, practices and structures that were Non Quaker, and not part of the invisible gathered church. 17 Blanning, p. 1. 18 For detailed discussion of the meaning and effect of ‘the Enlightenment’ see Chapter 2 of this study, sections 3a, pp. 37-40, and 3b, pp. 40-42. 19 Blanning, pp. 78-79. 20 Dorothy Marshall, Eighteenth- Century England (London: Longman, 1977), pp. 470-472.   4