PUBLISHED VERSION Miller D, Skuse AJ, Slater D, Tacchi J, Chandola T, Cousins T, Horst H, Kwami J. Information Society: Emergent Technologies and Development Communities in the South (Final Report). 2005. Information Society Research Group (ISRG). 1-118 (Report for an external body Published version: http://r4d.dfid.gov.uk/pdf/outputs/mis_spc/r8232ftr.pdf Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. PERMISSIONS http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/legal/crown-copyright-website.htm http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/ 12 May, 2015 http://hdl.handle.net/2440/91048 ISRG FINAL REPORT Information Society: Emergent Technologies and Development Communities in the South Daniel Miller, Andrew Skuse, Don Slater, Jo Tacchi Tripta Chandola, Thomas Cousins, Heather Horst, Janet Kwami June 2005 Information Society Research Group (ISRG) ISRG is a UK Department for International Development (DFID) funded university consortium that comprises University College London, Queensland University of Technology, The London School of Economics and The University of Adelaide. The research group draws together institutions and researchers with an interest in producing qualitative insights into the digital divide and processes of communications for development. Background and Objectives The DFID SSR-funded research programme, ‘Information Society: Emergent Technologies and Development Communities in the South’, began in June 2003 and has run for two years. The project started with the premise that sustained qualitative research into the access and use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) by poor people in the South is significantly absent in discussions of the digital divide, information inequality and poverty. Critically, the research took a broad view of communications technologies and sought to reveal the extent to which processes of electronic, mass mediated and everyday social communication practice converge in distinct and localised ‘communicative ecologies’. Though considerable attention has been given in recent years to the role of ICTs in development, broad assumptions tend to be made about the perceived social and economic benefits in low-income communities. A further goal then was to highlight, through long-term qualitative research, how poor communities use ICTs and what this use facilitates. This echoes DFID policy that requires ICT interventions to be ‘based upon a thorough understanding of the social, economic and political dynamics and constraints that can variously enhance and negate the developmental potential of ICTs’ (McNamara, Marker and Wallace 2002). Moreover, the research approach stressed the need for detailed local knowledge of location-specific configurations of ICTs and poverty, and for comparative analysis of differences and similarities between different development contexts. In response to both the gap in qualitative knowledge relating to ICTs and development, and the need to generate more detailed accounts of the social, cultural and political dynamics that constrain or facilitate ICT interventions and pro-social communication more broadly, a team of researchers (Daniel Miller, Andrew Skuse, Don Slater and Jo Tacchi) came together and established a research group (Information Society Research Group). This group works in partnership with local institutions in pursuit of its research agenda in the four countries chosen for the study, India, Ghana, South Africa and Jamaica (see Appendix 1). In each country, in order to gauge differences in uptake and use of ICTs, an urban and rural research site was chose. The purpose of this strategy was to ensure some basic comparability between the four countries. Details of the individual contexts of research, as well as country specific summary findings can be found in Appendices 4-7. Methods The methods used in the research were principally qualitative, though limited quantitative survey work was undertaken to establish basic indices of ICT ownership, use and household income levels. The research was structured over two years, with a six-month organisational and background research phase, followed by a minimum of one year of intensive fieldwork in each country, split variously between the chosen urban and rural sites. Within each country a researcher (Thomas Cousins, Janet Kwami, Tripta Chandola, Heather Horst) was recruited to conduct research for a year. This research was complimented by regular intensive work in the urban and rural field sites conducted in conjunction with the lead researchers. Broad comparability between the four projects was ensured by working in both rural and urban sites in each country; by conducting semi-structured surveys with comparable questions in all sites; by agreeing and regularly revising a list of key themes which were addressed in interim reports on each country; and through discussion during research and analysis phase, both on-line and in face-to-face meetings of the researchers. The research employed a bundle of qualitative research tools that can be collectively referred to as ‘ethnography’. Well-established in the social sciences and particularly anthropology, ethnography implies the long term and embedded study of communities, with the researcher usually residing in the community in which work is being carried out. The approach uses a combination of methods (participant observation, semi-structured interviewing, informal interviewing, focus group discussions and biographical surveying, as well as participatory techniques such as role-playing, community mapping and transect walks) to build up a data-rich picture of society, economy and polity. This project deployed the concept of ‘communicative ecology’ to organize ethnographic research and analysis: in each community, we studied the full range of available communicative resources and the social networks that assembled and used them in different ways. This allowed us to define ICTs broadly to include not only new mobile and digital media, but also radio, television, video, print and visual media; and to look at their embedding in specific and closely studied poverty contexts. Specific ICTs were not separated off from either other media or social contexts of use. This approach allows us to identify ICT opportunities and constraints in terms of how people actually understand, use and integrate different media in their communications and livelihood strategies. We can then connect these findings to specific policy concerns by indicating, for example (i) how poor people and communities maintain social networks and manage remoteness, itself a key factor in chronic poverty; (ii) the extent to which ICTs and social communication facilitate disease prevention through awareness raising or through the provision of support to carers; (iii) the extent to which ICTs enable more efficient community organisation and the realisation of certain rights to goods and services; (iv) the extent to which ICTs support the delivery of education at all levels; (v) the extent to which ICT access and use is gendered or facilitates greater gender equality; (vi) the diversity of livelihood strategies in which poor people engage and the extent to which these are informed or facilitated by ICTs and social communication. More broadly, the ethnographic approach allowed us to study the actual uses and understandings of media and communication with which development initiatives have to engage in order to be effective in specific poverty contexts. Summary findings Ethnographic method informs research in a number of broad categories of relevance to the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals and to DFID’s related global poverty reduction agenda. These categories are replicated in the summary findings for each country to enable broad comparability: i. New networks and the management of remoteness ii. Health and welfare iii. Civil Society strengthening and rights iv. Education v. Gender Equity vi. Livelihoods and economy Before presenting findings under these specific categories, there are a number of general findings that emerge particularly from the comparative framework of the research: • Mobile phone uptake is rapid, even in very poor communities, and this is based in large part on immediate perception of its practical uses in managing kinship, social and business networks; in three countries (India, Ghana and South Africa) network coverage of rural areas – rather than poverty per se – was the major impediment to adoption. Moreover, in all four countries, telecoms has generally provided a basis for extensive micro-enterprise and employment. By contrast, internet adoption was notably lacking in both practical uses and enterprise opportunities even in the one country (Ghana) with extensive urban adoption. • More generally, poor communities tend to frame and adopt new media in relation to communications functions rather than information access. They do so on the basis of their perceived needs for social networking and connection; and by extrapolation from existing media that are understood and valued, such as phones and radio. Governmental, donor and NGO ICT policies – which are generally focused on the information diffusion capacities of new media – need to connect with and build upon these actual media uses and understandings. • We note – in all sites - that it is critically important to identify ICT opportunities and constraints in terms of the complete local structure of communications (communicative ecology), investigating how newer media can be connected up with older ones and embedded in local social networks. Above all, there was a general tendency for both populations and policy-makers to identify ‘ICTs’ with internet and mobile phones, disconnecting them both from each other and from radio, TV, video and face-to-face communication. This often contrasts with local innovation (for example, in rural Jamaica, the combination of mobile phones and taxis to create ad hoc ambulance services). However, again, this seems to involve mobile phones more than internet, which is frequently treated separately from other media. • Close attention to the locally specific structure of poverty is as important as the local structure of communication. For example, although remittances proved integral to livelihood strategies in all sites, the use of available media to manage them differed markedly in terms of features such as kinship structures, domestic versus international migration, and the importance of individual as opposed to kinship identities. • Although ICT policies often rely on notions of community and citizenship, there are profound location-specific differences in the potential social bases for using ICTs for local empowerment. For example, while the Jamaica research indicates that the very notion of ‘community’ is inappropriate in a society marked by extreme individualism, in the South African urban case, civic activities are often a primary context through which new media are understood; the Ghana case lies somewhere in between, with recently emerging self-help groups now found alongside strong kinship networks, while in India extended families, gender and caste play important socially defining roles. • ICTs had marked impacts on rural-urban relations, with the capacity either to widen gaps and exclusions or to increase connection and reduce the social and economic costs of maintaining rural-urban networks. Despite important differences between sites (particularly over governance strategies for managing this tension), this was an important theme in all countries with the partial exception of Jamaica (with a smaller geographical and population scale). However, as is the case in India, other factors such as gender determine the actual use of ICTs and their impact in managing such relations. (i) New networks and the management of remoteness • The availability of private and commercially operated cellular phones or public call offices in the majority of contexts researched has facilitated a level of inclusion for poor and remote communities into regional, national and international economic flows, particularly in the form of remittances. • Increased access to telecommunications in all contexts has allowed new social networks to emerge and allowed for the easier maintenance of existing networks, which are often built around extended kin relationships and patterns of regional, national and international economic migration. • Migration issues emerged as central to ICT uses and understandings in all countries, but with marked local and media differences in how this theme is developed. For example, international migration is central to Jamaica and Ghana; South Africa and India are defined by internal and largely rural-urban migration. These differences lead to the assemblage of different (or differently understood) repertoires of media resources. Use of ICTs for managing dispersed social networks always involves locally specific assemblages of different media and movements of people. • This theme leads us to stress the importance of building on the communicative functions of ICTs for which there is perceived need and use, as well as popularity; and for integrating explicitly informational objectives into the use of ICTs for social networking. There are many opportunities to link existing and emerging technological networks with socially appropriate articulations of ICTs for development purposes. (ii) Health and welfare • In some cases, mobile phones were already found to mediate many aspects of health and welfare within the aforementioned networks, from routine calling to inquire about day-to-day health, to dealing with medical emergencies, deaths and burial arrangements. Issues of social welfare, such as interacting with the state for various grants, were not mediated by technology, but by interpersonal communication, often making it difficult for poor people or those living in remote communities to access the state and its institutions, often mediated by state or self- appointed gatekeepers. In communicative terms, the state remains a difficult ‘interface’ for poor people. • Inadequate medical and welfare facilities frequently leads to ad hoc or traditional healthcare and support arrangements that depend on local networks and intermediaries. ICTs – in particular mobile ICTs such as mobile phones and PDAs as well as the existing infrastructure provided by radio – could facilitate the more efficient and integrated use of these networks and could make use of them to spread health information more deeply into communities. • Health and welfare issues highlight the need to integrate a range of media and information intermediaries into communication systems (rather than to focus on single technologies – such as websites – for delivery of information). For example, in both Ghana and South Africa, there were numerous health education groups and NGOs, using face-to-face networks as well as existing media (such as posters and performance). In India health and welfare services and information are largely located in physical spaces that are difficult for low income and excluded groups to access (for various reasons) and could be enhanced by such multimedia communication systems. • Mass mediated and interpersonal communications interventions into health, such as those centring on HIV and AIDS, were found in South Africa in particular to often be countered and confounded by rumours that encouraged sexual risk taking behaviour. Such diseases are particularly stigmatised in India with culturally sensitive awareness raising activities conspicuous by their absence. (iii) Civil Society strengthening and rights • Each communicative ecology researched displayed very specific aspects of social and community organisation. In South Africa a strong civil society sector is engaged in struggles over rights and services, many of which are facilitated by a complex confluence of electronically and socially mediated communications. Ghana, by contrast, showed low levels of ICT use by community organizations. In India the civil society sector would be aided by greater integration of electronic media, improving the circulation of information and better coordination of activities. • Across all sites, we stress the need to go beyond a conventional, web-based e- governance style of information provision to build systems that combine (diverse) technical and social networks, and to do so in locally appropriate ways. (iv) Education • The field sites displayed different orientations to ICTs in education. However, there was throughout a marked lack of creative and coherent ICT educational policy appropriate to poor communities. Most educational ICT use was confined to conventional ‘computer literacy’. Even where extensive internet access was available (urban Ghana) there was virtually no formal educational use of this or any other ICT. There is an urgent need to think through ICT in education interventions from the standpoint of educational goals rather than the deployment of specific technologies, and therefore to focus on the coordination of diverse technologies and social networks to source and distribute teaching materials, skills and educational experiences. • There is a widespread popular belief that ICTs are part of everyone’s future (socially, politically, economically). Although this is understood very differently in different places, there is an equally widespread lack of guidance and knowledge within education systems as to how ICTs and ICT skills might be connected to future employment and livelihood strategies. In some sites, this gap was filled by private computer schools which can represent considerable financial investment by poor people. • Use of ICTs within informal education was more diverse across sites, partially related to levels of civic organization. In South Africa ICTs played a significant role in health, well-being and conflict reduction: Mass mediated television and radio ‘edutainment’ formats were found to be used extensively, as well as emerging uses of SMS messaging for things such as drug regime compliance for people on anti- retroviral therapy for HIV or TB chemotherapy drugs. In Ghana radio played a central educational role, not matched by any other medium. In the rural site in India radio offered the potential to play such a central role, but is currently limited in its effectiveness by legislation concerning community radio licensing. (v) Gender Equity • Symptomatically, gender is one of the most difficult areas for generalization, varying by site, country and specific ICT. There is considerable evidence from the study that ownership and access to technologies such as mobile phones displayed less of the typical gender bias around technologies than one would expect, with the exception of India, although even here there is the possibility of considerable re-negotiation of gender roles in and through new technologies. Where there was extensive internet access, there was a marked gender bias but nonetheless significant levels of internet use by (young) women, with impacts on their autonomy and social connection, in some cases in ways that challenged their position in society and raised a raft of issues to be addressed. • In certain contexts, mobile phones are already becoming central to women’s livelihood strategies and activities: eg, in South Africa, where a significant feminisation of the workforce is occurring; in Ghana, where poorer women are almost universally engaged in trade; and in Jamaica, where women in single parent households depend on social networking for their resources. The importance of mobile phones extends well beyond women’s economic and kinship roles to issues of social isolation and autonomy. (vi) Livelihoods and economy • In all contexts ICTs represented a major boost to the small enterprise sector, with numerous entrepreneurs seizing the opportunities afforded by deregulation to start public cellular phone services, repair outlets and battery charging facilities. In several sites, a combination of deregulation and support to small enterprise services has facilitated a new range of livelihood possibilities and extended the reach of cellular phones, and to a lesser extent Internet to even remote areas. Dissemination Dissemination activities have been building since the end of fieldwork in January 2005. A period of intensive writing has been undertaken that has yielded a number of initial written outputs, particularly in the form of an emerging Working Paper series (see Appendices 8- 12). In addition to written outputs the research group has established its own website which can be viewed at www.isrg.info and which contains summaries of the research, profiles of the researchers as well as written outputs. In addition to this site, the working paper series, which provides a rapid pathway for dissemination, is being targeted at other high profile sites such as Eldis, The Communication Initiative and ID21. In addition to the Working Paper series, work is proceeding on a collaborative book which thematically integrates all four country studies. We are in negotiation with Columbia University Press, which has expressed a keen interest in publishing this book, and a proposal is in preparation (Appendix 13). A full list of ISBN-referenced working papers, as well as articles and books submitted to referred journals and publishers, is found in Appendix 3. In addition, each research team will develop a single country study. The Jamaica team has already delivered a book that examines the social impact of mobile phones, to be published by Berg Publishers in 2006 (see Appendix 13). The South Africa team is in discussions with the Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa to publish the South Africa simultaneously as a book and online at the ‘free to view’ www.hsrc.ac.za website. The India team is in negotiation with Sage India to publish Connections in Disconnected Spaces: An Ethnographic Exploration (see Appendix 15). Don Slater has signed a contract with Polity Press to produce a book entitled, Development, Globalization and New Media, which will develop themes and research material from this project (see Appendix 16). In addition to written outputs the research group has been actively involved in disseminating its findings through a number of national and international workshops and seminars, as undertaken in the original project proposal. Appendix 2 details a full list of presentations completed and events yet to occur, such as the ISRG International Workshop to be held on 6 July 2005 at the London School of Economics. Appendices: 1. Collaborating institutions 2. Dissemination activities 3. Forthcoming and submitted publications 4. Ghana Summary Findings 5. India Summary Findings 6. Jamaica Summary Findings 7. South Africa Summary Findings 8. ISRG Working Paper 1: ‘Managing Distance: the Social Dynamics of Rural Telecommunications Access and Use in the Eastern Cape, South Africa’ 9. ISRG Working Paper 2: ‘Understanding Demand: A Proposal for the Development of ICTs in Jamaica’ 10. ISRG Working Paper 3: ‘Finding a Voice: The Potential of Creative ICT Literacy and Voice in Community Multimedia Centres in South Asia’ 11. ISRG Working Paper 4: ‘Embeddedness and escape: Internet and mobile use as poverty reduction strategies in Ghana’ 12. ISRG. Working paper 5: ‘The Jamaican Internet: Supply, Demand and Education’ 13. Submitted book: Horst and Miller, The Cell Phone: Summary contents and preface 14. Book Proposal: A Suddenly Changed World: A Comparative Ethnography of New Media in Ghana, India, Jamaica and South Africa 15. Book Proposal: India team: Connections in Disconnected Spaces: An Ethnographic Exploration 16. Book Proposal (accepted): Don Slater, Development, Globalization and New Media Appendix 1: Collaborating institutions South Africa Chronic Poverty Research Centre, University of Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa School of Public Health, University of Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa Environmental and Geographical Sciences, University of Cape Town, Cape Town South Africa City of Cape Town Council, Cape Town, South Africa Lovelife (NGO), Khayelitsha, Cape Town Social Welfare Department, Mount Frere, Eastern Cape, South Africa Jamaica University of the West Indies, Mona Jamaica (Professor Daniel Miller was appointed as a Visiting Professor; Dr. Heather A. Horst was appointed as a Visiting Research Fellow) Department of Social Sciences, University of the West Indies, Mona Jamaica Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies (SALISES), University of the West Indies, Mona Jamaica India UNESCO, Regional Bureau for Communication and Information, New Delhi Indian Institute of Mass Communication, New Delhi Department of Communication, SN School, University of Hyderabad VOICES, Bangalore. Uttranchal Jan Jagriti Sansthan, Khadi, Uttaranchal Himalayan Trust, Dehradun, Uttaranchal. Ghana Department of Communications, University of Ghana, Legon Kofi Annan Centre of Excellence in ICT (aiti-kace), Accra, Ghana Twifo Praso District Council, Ghana Legal Resource Centre, Mamobi, Accra, Ghana BusyInternet, Accra, Ghana