Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont Scripps Senior Theses Scripps Student Scholarship 2014 Politicizing Apollo: Ovid's Commentary on Augustan Marriage Legislation in the Ars Amatoria and the Metamorphoses Tara N. Godzich Scripps College Recommended Citation Godzich, Tara N., "Politicizing Apollo: Ovid's Commentary on Augustan Marriage Legislation in the Ars Amatoria and the Metamorphoses" (2014).Scripps Senior Theses.Paper 466. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/466 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Scripps Student Scholarship at Scholarship @ Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scripps Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Scholarship @ Claremont. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICIZING APOLLO: OVID’S COMMENTARY ON AUGUSTAN MARRIAGE LEGISLATION IN THE ARS AMATORIA AND THE METAMORPHOSES by TARA N. GODZICH SUBMITTED TO SCRIPPS COLLEGE IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS PROFESSOR FINKELPEARL PROFESSOR CHINN APRIL 25, 2014 ABSTRACT: Augustan propaganda surrounding Apollo provided the perfect literary device through which Augustan poets could express their sentiments about the new regime. Augustus transformed Apollo from a relatively insignificant god in the Roman pantheon to his own multi- faceted god whose various attributes were meant to legitimize his new position within the Roman Empire. In this thesis I discuss how Ovid uses Augustus’ political affiliation with Apollo to comment on Augustan marriage legislation in two of his texts. In Ovid’s manual on seduction, the Ars Amatoria, he denies poetic inspiration from Apollo at the beginning of his work, preferring instead to draw from his own experiences. However, Ovid seemingly contradicts himself by having Apollo appear later on to offer him advice. In his Metamorphoses, Ovid ridicules Apollo’s failed pursuit of Daphne. However, Apollo is seemingly victorious after all, since he uses Daphne’s laurel as his perpetual victory symbol. In both these instances, Ovid veils his political commentary by initially ridiculing Apollo in matters of love, only to seemingly glorify him shortly after. By excluding Apollo from matters of love, Ovid indirectly is disapproving of Augustus’ involvement in social affairs in Rome. Ovid proves to be a master of language yet again as he plays with the literary tradition and political implication of Apollo in these two texts to convey his discontent regarding Augustan marriage legislation. Godzich 1 Introduction With the change from Republic to Empire, Augustan poetry is inevitably politically charged. By appointing Maecenas to seek out talent, Augustus was able to convey his political messages not only through reforms and building programs but also through poetry. Although these poets were meant to reinforce the Augustan propaganda, many of them used their position to convey their own opinions about the new regime. One way Augustan poets did this was through their use of Apollo. Because Apollo was such an integral part of Augustan propaganda, the mention of Apollo in Augustan poetry is often not only literary but political as well. Although every mention of Apollo is not necessarily political, Augustan poets did sometimes use Apollo to express their feelings about Augustus and the new regime. This is particularly apparent in the works of Ovid. Ovid’s works are known for being playful and lighthearted, but much of his poetry also has a serious political undertone. Scholars over time have read the extent to which Augustan poetry is political differently.1 In the nineteenth century, scholars viewed Augustan poets as being either “Pro-Augustan” or “Anti-Augustan”. The works of Horace and Virgil were interpreted as “Pro-Augustan” texts, since Horace and Virgil often spoke directly about the new regime in a seemingly laudatory manner. Authors such as Tibullus and Propertius were not as seriously considered in the political context, since they focused more on elegy. Their references to Augustan Rome were generally read as having little political agenda, since they professed to be concerned more with matter of love than politics. On the other hand, 1 On the history of scholarly interpretations of Augustan literature, see Thorpe 1967:326-36, Phillips 1983:780-818, Otis 1938:188-222, Davis 1999:429-433. Godzich 2 Ovid’s works were interpreted as “Anti-Augustan” because of his enigmatic exile. Scholars reconciled this mystery by labeling Ovid as an “Anti-Augustan”, attributing his exile to the political opposition in his works. Eventually twentieth century scholars began to see these texts as more complex and rejected the view that Augustan poets were “Pro- Augustan”. Instead, the poets were read as being ironic in their praise and were all labeled as “Anti-Augustan”. In recent years, scholars have found the validity in both interpretations by noting that the Augustan poets are much more complex and intricate than being either “Pro-Augustan” or “Anti-Augustan”. The complexity of the works was being lost by defining the poets under a specific political ideology. As scholarship has progressed, Augustan poets have been interpreted as more “ambivalent” in their attitude towards Augustus than stuck in this “antithesis” between “Pro-Augustan” and “Anti- Augustan.”2 They see texts like Virgil’s Aeneid as perhaps laudatory on the surface but with more complex underlining messages.3 Ovid has been an enigma to scholars throughout this trend of scholarship. Ovid’s exile shows that the content of his earlier works upset Augustus enough to ban him from 2 In his article “Rethinking Augustan poetry”, Charles Phillips makes this distinction between “ambivalence” and “antithesis”. Phillips says that scholars who interpret the poets as “ambivalent” view them as having diverse, complex opinions on Augustus, while the other view interprets the Augustan poets as within this “antithesis” of being either “Pro-Augustan” or “Anti-Augustan” (Phillips 1983:782). 3 Virgil’s Aeneid has been highly debated by scholars over time and provides a good case study for tracing the change in scholarly interpretations. In his article "The Aeneid in the Twentieth Century", Harrison provides a comprehensive overview of this scholarly trend. Eighteenth and nineteenth century scholars (such as Heinze and Pöschl) interpreted the Aeneid as promoting order and victory, in other words extremely Augustan ideals. In the mid-twentieth century, scholars (such as Clausen, Parry, and Putnam- all from the ‘Harvard School’) interpreted the Aeneid as having a pessimistic view towards imperialism and its effects. Harrison interprets this change in scholarly thought as a reflection of the contemporary concerns of American scholars of the 1960’s in the wake of their own qualms with American imperialism. In recent years, scholars have become significantly less focused on a strictly “pro” or “anti” reading of the Aeneid and more focused on specific aspects of the text in a greater context. This overview of the scholarship on Virgil’s Aeneid reflects the general trend of attitudes towards Augustan poets: originally optimistic, then pessimistic, and now somewhere in between with a focus on specific aspects of the poem rather than a political generalization (Harrison1990:1-20). Godzich 3 Rome, but Ovid’s later texts written during his exile seem to be quite favorable towards Augustus. While this change could be due to Ovid’s desire to appease Augustus’ anger, Ovid’s change of tone over the course of his works gives a sense of just how complicated it is to understand Ovid in a political context. In my interpretations of Ovid’s texts, I read Ovid as more “ambivalent” in his views on Augustus and think it is overly simplistic to label him as either “Pro-Augustan” or “Anti-Augustan”. Rather than label Ovid as having a specific political ideology, we should examine what possible political messages Ovid was trying to convey in his different texts. One way to examine Ovid’s potential political commentary is in his use of Apollo. Since Augustan propaganda made the association between Augustus and Apollo ever present in the Roman mind, Apollo held a particular political weight for Augustan poets. Broad generalizations about Ovid’s use of Apollo can greatly miss the intricacy of his references to the god, but a careful examination of paralleled passages can reveal Ovid’s genius. Ovid demonstrates just how complicated the use of Apollo in Augustan poetry is. Throughout Ovid’s several works, Apollo takes on many different guises. Even when just considering the Metamorphoses, Apollo at one moment is a ruthless god punishing Marsyas, then a warrior god defending the world from a vicious python, then a love-struck god pursuing a virgin nymph. And so, interpreting Ovid’s text as “Pro-Augustan” or “Anti-Augustan” simply based on his mentions of Apollo can even be overly simplistic. However, by recognizing particular patterns connecting the texts, some conclusions can be drawn. Although Apollo is mentioned throughout Ovid’s works, the god appears in two contexts that I find are linked in their political messages: Apollo’s epiphany in the Ars Godzich 4 Amatoria and the story of Apollo and Daphne in the Metamorphoses.4 In these two instances, when Apollo gets involved in matters of love, Ovid ridicules and dismisses him. In the Ars Amatoria, Ovid deliberately states that he will not need the help of Apollo in his didactic work on seduction, only to allow Apollo to give him pointless advice later on. In the Metamorphoses, Ovid ridicules Apollo in his failed pursuit of Daphne, only to have him use her laurel as a victory symbol later on. These instances in which Ovid seemingly takes back his ridicule of Apollo by pretending to glorify him later on show his veiled political commentary in the works. I argue that in these two instances Ovid uses the literary traditions and political propaganda surrounding Apollo in order to subtly convey his desire to exclude Augustus from private social matters. Part of Augustus’ political program was to restore traditional values in Rome. Augustan marriage legislation encouraged marriage and procreation, while discouraging adultery and celibacy.5 Romans had become accustomed to living a less traditional lifestyle and were most likely irritated by Augustus’ involvement in private matters. Because of this tension in Rome, I argue that Ovid dismisses Apollo from matters of love in these two instances as a political commentary on Augustan marriage legislation. In this thesis, I will first give an account of the historical development of the political association between Apollo and Augustus in order to contextualize Ovid’s works. Then, I will examine the epiphany of Apollo in the Ars Amatoria within the Callimachean tradition to show how Ovid’s treatment of Apollo conveys his commentary on Augustan marriage legislation. Then, before discussing the story of Apollo and 4 Ars Amatoria I.25-30 & II.493-502, Met. I. 438-567 5 These reforms will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 3, since the details of the reforms are more relevant to the story of Apollo and Daphne. Godzich 5 Daphne, I will examine the two preceding stories (Apollo’s victory over the Python and the encounter between Apollo and Cupid) as they are important for creating the Augustan presence in the story of Apollo and Daphne. I will then finish with an analysis of Apollo’s failed pursuit of Daphne as it relates to Augustan marriage legislation. In all these instances, I will discuss how Ovid uses the literary and political significance of Apollo to dismiss him from matters of love which consequently expresses his political message of discontent regarding Augustan marriage legislation. Godzich 6 Chapter 1: The Political Affiliation between Augustus and Apollo Scholars have had difficulty pinpointing when Augustus’ affiliation with Apollo began and exactly how he built up the association. Literary, numismatic, and archaeological evidence show that Augustus was associated with Apollo before the Second Triumvirate was created, but scholars have debated about the extent to which these early associations were part of an intentional political program. Some scholars think of the affiliation as being an extremely intentional political strategy set out by Augustus6 from the beginning, while others scholars see the affinity between Apollo and Augustus as naturally acquiring a political tone over time. In his book Actium and Augustus, Robert Gurval examines the affiliation between Apollo and Augustus in the context of the Battle of Actium. He sees Augustus’ early associations with Apollo as a sign of growing fondness for the god, but argues that Augustus had no political intention regarding the affiliation until after the Battle of Actium.7 In her article “Political and Religious Propaganda between 44 and 27 B.C.”, Marie-Laure Freyburger-Galland gives an account of the various deities used as political propaganda from 44 to 27 B.C.E. Unlike Gurval, she argues that the early Augustan associations with Apollo were a crucial part of the development of Augustus’ political propaganda.8 In his book Apollo, Augustus, and the Poets, John Miller examines the association between Apollo and Augustus in the context of the Augustan poets. He also argues that Augustus’ affiliation with Apollo began with these earlier associations, since Augustus would have seen the value in obtaining Apollo 6 Octavian received the title of Augustus by the Senate in 27 B.C.E. For the purpose of this paper, I will refer to him as Octavian when the chronology deems it appropriate and use the title “Augustus” when referring to his intentions and acts as emperor. Even though this title did not legally give Octavian any hard power, the title represented his position with the empire. 7 Gurval 1995: 89 8 Freyburger-Galland 2009:19-23 Godzich 7 as his deity of choice during times of civil strife.9 In his book The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, Paul Zanker discusses the many forms of propaganda used by Augustus. He argues that the affiliation between Apollo and Augustus developed both organically and intentionally. Zanker states that this political affiliation “appears in retrospect as a subtle program (that) resulted in fact from the interplay of the image that the emperor himself projected and the honor bestowed on him more or less spontaneously, a process that evolved naturally over long periods of time.”10 Zanker here argues that Augustus had always intended to build this association with Apollo. However, the actual development of the association came about both intentionally through his political program and organically through the perception of others. And so, scholars debate about just how much Augustus intended his early association with Apollo to be political, but they all recognize the importance of these early associations in creating a complete picture of the development of the affiliation. Augustus, son of Apollo Augustus was rumored to be the son of Apollo. 11 Even though the presence of this myth in the ancient world is well attested, the origin of this myth is very difficult to decipher. Suetonius12 gives an account of the myth surrounding Augustus’ birth. His 9 Miller 2009a: 10 10 Zanker 1988: 3 11 For more accounts of the myth, see Freyburger-Galland 2009: 19-21, which includes Cassius Dio 45.1.2- 3, epigrams, and archaeological evidence. 12 Using Suetonius as a reliable source for Augustus presents some problems. Ancient historians often have their own agenda when creating a history that is not necessarily concerned with giving an accurate account of past events. Because of this, scholars have been cautious when using ancient historians, such as Suetonius, as proof of historical events. The separation in time also presents a problem in using Suetonius as a source for Augustus, since he wrote nearly a century after the Augustan Age. However, when compared to other archaeological, literary, and epigraphic evidence, Suetonius can be a valuable source for the Augustan period.