The Project Gutenberg EBook of Philippine Progress Prior to 1898, by Various This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: Philippine Progress Prior to 1898 A Source Book of Philippine History to Supply a Fairer View of Filipino Participation and Supplement the Defective Spanish Accounts Author: Various Editor: Austin Craig Conrado Benitez Release Date: January 31, 2013 [EBook #41959] Language: English Character set encoding: ASCII *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PHILIPPINE PROGRESS PRIOR TO 1898 *** Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project Gutenberg (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) Newly Designed Front Cover. A Source Book of Philippine History To Supply a Fairer View of Filipino Participation and Supplement the Defective Spanish Accounts Philippine Progress Prior to 1898 By Austin Craig and Conrado Benitez [Contents] Of the College of Liberal Arts Faculty of the University of the Philippines Philippine Education Co., Inc., Manila, 1916 The following 720 pages are divided into two volumes, each of which, for the convenience of the reader, is paged separately and has its index, or table of contents: VOLUME I I. The Old Philippines’ Industrial Development (Chapters of an Economic History) I.—Agriculture and Landholding at the time of the Discovery and Conquest. II.—Industries at the Time of Discovery and Conquest. III.—Trade and Commerce at the Time of Discovery and Conquest. IV.—Trade and Commerce; the Period of Restriction. V.—The XIX Century and Economic Development. By Professor Conrado Benitez II. The Filipinos’ Part in the Philippines’ Past (Pre-Spanish Philippine History A. D. 43–1565; Beginnings of Philippine Nationalism.) By Professor Austin Craig VOLUME II III. The Former Philippines thru Foreign Eyes (Jagor’s Travels in the Philippines; Comyn’s State of the Philippines in 1810; Wilkes’ Manila and Sulu in 1842; White’s Manila in 1819; Virchow’s Peopling of the Philippines; 1778 and 1878; English Views of the People and Prospects of the Philippines; and Karuth’s Filipino Merchants of the Early 1890s) Edited by Professor Craig Made in Manila—Press of E. C. McCullough & Co.—The Work of Filipinos EDITOR’S EXPLANATIONS AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work is pre-requisite to the needed re-writing of Philippine history as the story of its people. The present treatment, as a chapter of Spanish history, has been so long accepted that deviation from the standard story without first furnishing proof would demoralize students and might create the [Contents] [Contents] impression that a change of government justified re-stating the facts of the past in the way which would pander to its pride. With foreigners’ writing, the extracts herein have been extensive, even to the inclusion of somewhat irrelevant matter to save any suspicion that the context might modify the quotation’s meaning. The choice of matter has been to supplement what is now available in English, and, wherever possible, reference data have taken the place of quotation, even at the risk of giving a skeletony effect. Another rule has been to give no personal opinion, where a quotation within reasonable limits could be found to convey the same idea, and, where given, it is because an explanation is considered essential. A conjunction of circumstances fortunate for us made possible this publication. Last August the Bureau of Education were feeling disappointment over the revised school history which had failed to realize their requirements; the Department of History, Economics and Sociology of the University were regretting their inability to make their typewritten material available for all their students; and Commissioner Quezon came back from Washington vigorously protesting against continuing in the public schools a Philippine history text which took no account of what American scholarship has done to supplement Spain’s stereotyped story. Thus there were three problems but the same solution served for all. Commissioner Rafael Palma, after investigation, championed furnishing a copy of such a book as the present work is and Chairman Leuterio of the Assembly Committee on Public Instruction lent his support. With the assistance of Governor-General Harrison and Speaker Osmeña, and the endorsement of Secretary Martin of the Department of Public Instruction, the Bureau of Education obtained the necessary item in their section of the general appropriation act. Possibly no one deserves any credit for conforming to plain duty, but after listing all these high officials, it may not be out of place to mention that neither has there come from any one of them, nor from any one else for that matter, any suggestion of what should be said or left unsaid or how it should be said, nor has any one asked to see, or seen, any of our manuscript till after its publication. Insular Purchasing Agent Magee, who had been, till his promotion, Acting Director of the Bureau of Education, Director Crone, returned from the San Francisco Exposition, and Acting Auditor Dexter united to smoothe the way for rapid work so the order placed in January is being filled in less than three months. Three others whose endorsements have materially assisted in the accomplishment of the work are President Villamor of our University, Director Francisco Benitez of its School of Education, and Director J. A. Robertson of the Philippine Library. And in recalling the twelve years of study here which has shown the importance of these notes there come to mind the names of those to whom I have been accustomed to go for suggestion and advice: Mariano Ponce, of the Assembly Library, Manuel Artigas, of the Filipiniana Section of the Philippines Library, Manuel Iriarte of the Executive Bureau Archives, Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera and Epifanio de los Santos, associates in the Philippine Academy, Leon and Fernando Guerrero, Jaime C. De Veyra, Valentin Ventura, of Barcelona, J. M. Ramirez, of Paris, the late Rafael del Pan, José Basa, of Hongkong, and Doctor Regidor, of London, all Filipinos, Doctor N. M. Saleeby, H. Otley Beyer, Dr. David P. Barrows, now of the University of California, along with assistance from the late Professor Ferdinand Blumentritt, of Leitmeritz, Dr. C. M. Heller, of Dresden, and the authorities of the British Museum, Congressional Library, America Institute of Berlin, University of California Library, and the Hongkong and Shanghai public libraries and Royal Asiatic Society branches. It is due the printer, Mr. Frederic H. Stevens, manager of E. C. McCullough & Co.’s press; Mr. John Howe who figured out a sufficient and satisfactory paper supply despite the war-time scarcity; and Superintendent Noronha, that after the first vigorous protests against departures from established printing-house usages, they loyally co-operated in producing a book whose chief consideration has been the reader’s use. Paper, ink, special press-work and the clear-cut face chosen for the hand-set type have combined to get a great deal more matter into the same space without sacrifice of legibility; putting minor headings in the margin has been another space-saver which as well facilitates reference, while the omission of the customary blank pages and spaces between articles has materially aided in keeping down unnecessary bulk. Printed in the usual style this book should have run over twelve hundred octavo pages as against its under two-thirds that number of a but slightly larger page. And finally, my colleague, Professor Conrado Benitez, besides furnishing promptly his part of the manuscript has been chief adviser and most zealous in carrying out our joint plan. AUSTIN CRAIG. University of the Philippines, March 27, 1916. [Contents] CONTENTS I.—The Old Philippines’ Industrial Development, by Conrado Benitez II.—The Filipinos’ Part in the Philippines’ Past: Pre-Spanish Philippine history, A. D. 43–1565. (Introduction, by Austin Craig) Pre-historic civilization in the Philippines, by Elsdon Best A thousand years of Philippine history before the coming of the Spaniards, by Austin Craig Translation by W. W. Rockhill of a Chinese book of 1349 Spanish unreliability; early Chinese rule over Philippines; and reason for indolence in Mindanao; from Salmon’s “Modern History,” 1744 Bisayans in Formosa, by Dr. Terrien de Lacouperie The Tagalog Tongue, by José Rizal Philippine tribes and languages, by Prof. Ferdinand Blumentritt Beginnings of Philippine Nationalism (Introduction, by Austin Craig) The Friar Domination in the Philippines, by M. H. del Pilar Archbishop Martinez’s secret defense of his Filipino clergy Nineteenth century discontent The liberal governor-general of 1869–1871, by Austin Craig The rebellion in the Philippine Islands, by John Foreman Filipinos with Dewey’s squadron, from the Hongkong Telegraph A prediction of 1872 Reproductions of twelve early maps relating to Further India and the Philippines. Following page PHILIPPINE PROGRESS PRIOR TO 1898 THE OLD PHILIPPINES’ INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT Chapters of an Economic History by Conrado Benitez, A. M. (Chicago) Assistant Professor of Economics and Sociology in the University of the Philippines I. Agriculture and Landholding at the time of the Discovery and Conquest. II. Industries at the Time of Discovery and Conquest. III. Trade and Commerce at the Time of Discovery and Conquest. IV. Trade and Commerce; the Period of Restriction. V. The XIX Century and Economic Development. PHILIPPINE EDUCATION CO., INC., MANILA, 1916 Filipino Writers Quoted in “The Old Philippines’ Industrial Development”: Citizens of the Philippine Islands, “Memorial to the Council,” Manila, 1586. Gobernadorcillo Nicolas Ramos, “Affidavit for Governor Dasmariñas,” Cubao, 1591. Chief Miguel Banal, “Petition to the King of Spain,” Manila, 1609. Governor Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, “La Libertad de Comercio en las Islas Filipinas,” Madrid, 1872. Gregorio Sangclanco y Gozon, LL. D., “El Progreso de Filipinas,” Madrid, 1884. Dr. Jose Rizal Mercado y Alonso, “Annotations to Morga’s Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas,” Paris, 1890. Rizal’s La Indolencia de los Filipinos, Madrid. 1889. T. H. Pardo de Tavera, M. D., “Philippine Census, Volume I, History,” Manila, 1903. Tavera’s Resultados del Desarrollo Economico de Filipinas, Manila, 1912. Antonio M. Regidor, D.C.L., (with J. Warren T. Mason), “Commercial Progress in the Philippine Islands,” London, 1905. Made in Manila—Press of E. C. McCullough & Co.—The Work of Filipinos [Contents] Page 1 77 79 91 102 104 105 106 107 118 119 121 128 132 133 136 136 136 [1] INTRODUCTION Need of more study of Philippine Economic Development. The Spanish writers, and with them the Filipinos as well as, to a great extent, writers of Philippine treatises in other languages, have over-emphasized the political history of the Philippines. The history of this country has been regarded but as the history of the Spaniards in it, and not of its people, the Filipinos.1 Hence arises the need of studying our history from the point of view of the development of our people, especially to trace and show the part played by them in Philippine social progress as a whole.2 The study of the economic history of a country is important also because economic forces play a great part in the development of any people. Indeed, some claim that all history may be explained in terms of economic motives. This is known as the economic interpretation of history.3 Without going into the controversy centering around this theory, we can readily see that what we know as civilization has a two-fold basis, the physical and the psychical. And it is only after the physical basis is secured, that further psychical advance is possible. “Among all species, and in every stage of evolution, the extent of aggregation and its place or position are determined by external physical conditions. Even when men have become united by sympathies and beliefs, the possibility of perpetuating their union is a question of the character and resources of their environment. The distribution of food is the dominating fact. Animals and men dwell together where a food supply is found, or may be certainly and easily produced. Other physical circumstances of the environment, however, such as temperature and exposure, surface and altitude, which make life in some places comparatively easy, in others difficult or impossible, exert an influence not to be overlooked.” (Franklin Henry Giddings, The Principles of Sociology, p. 82. New York: 1911.) We need not trace the history of early civilizations to show the influence exerted by physical factors. We need only to recall the motives, familiar to all, which led to the discovery of America, namely, the closing of the trade routes to the East through the conquest of the Turks. And the history of this country itself furnishes many illustrations. Both ancient and modern writers have had a good deal to say about the strategic position of the Philippine Islands in relation to the countries bordering around the Pacific Ocean.4 It was that central geographical position which explained the marked predominance of Manila as a trade depot over all the other ports in the Orient, at one time in our history. That was, furthermore, the reason why the Spaniards kept the country; they wanted to use it “as a means to be nearer, and to reach more quickly, the rich country of spices, and then the continent of Asia, Japan, and the Orient in general.”5 Finally, we should distinguish the various causes that explain historical events. For example, a good deal of what has been known as the religious question in this country, is not concerned with religion at all, but chiefly with economics. It is not always easy to distinguish these various causes; a fact which only goes to explain the one-sided point of view which has prevailed till the present. But, that the questions connected with the means of getting a living were considered paramount, even long before the formal exposition of the economic interpretation of history, may be seen from the words of the provincials of the religious orders in a remonstrance addressed to the governor and captain-general of the Philippines, wherein they depicted the deplorable conditions in the Islands: “Third, all the Christian Indians would be more steadfast and rooted in the holy faith, and would become effective and most suitable instruments for (gaining) new conversions of infidels (and) apostates, the infidels themselves beholding the abundant wealth and profit, and other benefits, of the Christian Indians; FOR IT IS THE TEMPORAL WELFARE EVIDENT TO THEIR SENSES WHICH, AS EXPERIENCE TEACHES US, STRONGLY INFLUENCES BOTH CLASSES OF INDIANS, TO BE CONVERTED OR TO MAINTAIN THEMSELVES IN THE CHRISTIAN FAITH.”6 Divisions of present work. [Contents] [Contents] [2] [3] [4] [5] [Contents] 1 2 3 4 The present work is built around a group of ideas briefly summarized as follows: The first three chapters portray the industries and commerce at the time of the coming of the Spaniards; and explain the causes that led to their decline; the fourth chapter dwells upon the era of restriction, and the Manila-Acapulco trade, which, for over two centuries, dominated this country, and has had such depressing effect upon economic growth; the last chapter takes up the era of liberalism, during the nineteenth century, and shows how the opening of the Philippines to foreign influence resulted in the development of its natural resources. Any attempt to trace Philippine economic development in the past three centuries must necessarily start, not so much with a detailed account of how the industries developed as with an exposition of how they were not developed. On the other hand, the remarkable social progress of the last half of the nineteenth century, following the opening of the markets of the world to Philippine products, is an encouraging indication of probable social advance yet to be attained. “This modest work, which does not pretend to be without mistakes, and perhaps other flaws, has a special interest in that it treats of a matter about which the historians of those islands had hardly occupied themselves. The chronicles written by the laborious ecclesiastics, the only books of history which may be consulted about the Philippines, contain nothing but descriptions of the campaigns against the Dutch, the wars against the infidels—in the Archipelago as well as on the continent of Asia—the rebellions of the natives in some provinces, so easily suppressed, the bloody encounters with the Chinese settled in the islands, portentous miracles, progress of the missions in China, Annam and Japan, famous conflicts between the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and the civil power represented by the Governor General and the Real Acuerdo, great crimes, other notable events of different kinds and changes in the personnel and form of administration of the country. “But in all these works, though useful and important, there is observed, among others, the absence of antecedents relative to economic and mercantile legislation, the scarcity of data to show the development of wealth of the country and of its commercial movement, the lack of a critical analysis of the legal provisions concerning such activities, and of their influence on the decadence or progress of production and commerce.” (Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, Gobernador civil cesante de Manila, Alcalde mayor que ha sido de Cagayan y de Bulacan, Auditor honorario de Marina, etc., La Libertad de Comercio en las Islas Filipinas.—Madrid, 1872, pp. 9–10.) “ * * * The result is that Spanish writers, with them the Filipinos, and to a great extent the writers of Philippine treatises in other languages (drawing hastily upon Spanish sources), have over emphasized the political history of this Philippine record. Of course, in Spain and the Spanish countries long-standing habit makes it the tendency to look to government for everything, and to think of all amelioration of evils and all incitements to progress as coming from above; while social and economic conditions in the Philippines are such as to emphasize this tendency, the aristocracy of wealth and education standing apart from the masses and being, to the latter, identified in the main with the government, with the “powers above.” Nevertheless, it is to be insisted that social and economic progress in the Philippines during the last half-century should be considered separately and studied more practically than they have been thus far.” (Le Roy’s Bibliographical Notes.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 52, 134.) For detailed discussion of this theory, see The Economic Interpretation of History, by E. R. A. Seligman. Also, History of Civilization in England, by H. T. Buckle, Vol. I, Chapter II, Influence Exercised by Physical Laws over Organization of Society and the Character of Individuals. This chapter is reprinted in Sociology and Social Progress, by T. N. Carver. “In many ways the next decade of the history of the Philippines may resemble the splendid development of the neighboring country of Japan. Both countries have in past times been isolated more or less from the life and thought of the modern world. Both are now open to the full current of human affairs. Both countries promise to play an important part in the politics and commerce of the Far East. Geographically, the Philippines occupy the more central and influential position, and the success of the institutions of the Philippines may react upon the countries of southeastern Asia and Malaysia to an extent that we cannot appreciate or foresee.” (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the Philippines, pp. 9–10.) “Manila was also the commercial center of the Far East, and the entrepôt through which the kingdoms of eastern Asia exchanged their wares. Here came great fleets of junks from China laden with stores. Morga fills nearly two pages with an enumeration of their merchandise, which included all manner of silks, brocades, furniture, pearls and gems, fruits, nuts, tame buffalo, geese, horses and mules, all kinds of animals, ‘even to birds in cages, some of which talk and others sing and which they make perform a thousand tricks; there are innumerable other gewgaws and knickknacks, which among Spaniards are in much esteem.’ “Each year a fleet of thirty to forty vessels sailed with the new moon in March. The voyage across the China Sea, rough with the monsoons, occupied fifteen or twenty days, and the fleet returned at the end of May or the beginning of June. Between October and March there came, each year, Japanese ships from Nagasaki which brought wheat, silks, objects of art, and weapons, and took away from Manila the raw silk of China, gold, deer horns, woods, honey, wax, palm-wine, and wine of Castile. “From Malacca and India came fleets of the Portuguese subjects of Spain, with spices, slaves, Negroes and Kafirs, and the rich productions of Bengal, India, Persia, and Turkey. From Borneo, too, came the smaller craft of the Malays, who from their boats sold the fine palm mats, the best of which still come from Cagayan de Sulu and Borneo, slaves, sago, water-pots and glazed earthenware, black and fine. From Siam and Cambodia also, but less often, there came trading-ships. Manila was thus a great emporium for all the countries of the East, the trade of which seems to have been conducted largely by and through the merchants of Manila.” (Ibid., pp. 173–174.) “Their position, whether in a political or a commercial point of view, is strikingly advantageous. With India and the [6] 5 6 Malay Archipelago on the west and south, the islands of the fertile Pacific and the rising empires of the new world on the east, the vast market of China at their doors, their insular position and numerous rivers affording a facility of communication and defence to every part of them, an active and industrious population, climates of almost all varieties, a soil so fertile in vegetable and mineral productions as almost to exceed credibility; the Philippine Islands alone, in the hands of an industrious and commercial nation, and with a free and enlightened government would have become a mighty empire—they are—a waste!” (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 51, pp. 74–75, Remarks on the Philippine Islands, 1819–22, by “An Englishman.”) “ * * * No one who has studied this subject with care can get rid of the idea that the religious aim was not the chief basis of the activities connected with the occupation of the Philippines. It was purely commercial. It was only later that the religious element acquired greater strength. * * * ” “ * * * In such mercantile activities, the Philippines played the role of a central market for the distribution of products between the West and East,—a work which was of greatest importance. * * * These Islands were not only a great commercial market, but also a great religious center. * * * ” “ * * * No one who has followed the opportunities offered to these Islands, can doubt the importance that they will have, due to their geographic position, in the modern commercial market which is opened to them with the establishment of their new means of communication with the world. (Referring to the Panama Canal.) These Islands, and not Japan, or Hongkong will bind the East with the West.” (“The Importance of the Study of Philippine Geography,”—Lecture delivered by Dr. J. A. Robertson, before the Asociación Geográfica de Filipinas, November 27, 1912.) Manila, October 7, 1701. (The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898—Blair and Robertson, Vol. 44, p. 139.) I. AGRICULTURE AND LANDHOLDING AT THE TIME OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST Agriculture. At the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, agriculture in the Philippines was in a comparatively prosperous condition.1 The Filipinos cultivated rice, which, as today, formed their chief article of food. They grew also sugar-cane, coconuts, indigo, sweet potatoes, and other tubers, various kinds of bananas, the betel-nut palm, the tamarind, lansone, and several varieties of legumes,2 The hemp plant was likewise grown, and as we shall see later on, was used at the time for making the so-called “sinamay” cloth.3 Cotton was cultivated, and furnished the material for weaving. Among the native fruits mentioned by Morga are: “sanctors, mabolos, tamarinds, nancas, custard-apples, papaws, guavas, and everywhere many oranges, of all kinds—large and small, sweet and sour; citrons, lemons, and ten or twelve varieties of very healthful and palatable bananas.”4 With the coming of the Spaniards, very many plants which are commonly considered to be indigenous in this country, were introduced.5 The most important economic plant imported since Spanish discovery was the tobacco, which today forms one of the staple crops, though it took many years before it came to anything like its present position. The cacao nut also was imported. Among the most commonly known of the others are; maize, peanut, papaya, and, also pineapple, and sweet potato.6 All of these plants came from Mexico.7 Coffee was introduced from Europe.8 Live stock. The Filipinos at the time of discovery had domestic animals, dogs, cats, pigs, goats and buffaloes, i.e. carabaos.9 “There were no horses, mares, or asses in the islands, until the Spaniards had them brought from China and brought them from Nueva Espana.”10 The Kings of Spain in their instructions to the governors-general of the Philippines were solicitous about this matter of supplying this country with sufficient live stock to carry on farm work.11 The early accounts of expeditions to find food for the Spaniards show that chickens were raised by the [Contents] [Contents] [7] [8] [9] [10] [Contents] [11] [12] 1 2 Filipinos.12 It has been truly said that the Filipino has been affected by the centuries of Spanish sovereignty far less on his material side than he has on his spiritual.13 For as we read the early accounts about agricultural life at the time of discovery and conquest, and compare it with that of a decade ago, we do not find any marked change or advance.14 The early Filipinos knew how to construct implements for the cultivation of their rice, such as for hulling and separating the chaff from the grain; and they had wooden mortars and pestles for pounding and whitening rice. Then, the women did most of the work of pounding the rice for use, whereas today, the men do it.15 Furthermore, in the early days, the system of irrigating the rice fields that is used today was known and practiced.16 Of course, the so- called caing̃in method of cultivation prevailed, but the considerable amounts of rice which at various times were contributed by the Filipinos for the support of the Spanish conquerors could not have been produced under such a crude system of cultivation, but only by the more advanced one, which closely resembled that of the present time.17 Land holding. The lands of the ancient Filipinos were divided among the whole barangay, so that each one had his holding and no resident of one barangay was allowed to cultivate lands in another barangay unless he had acquired them by inheritance, gift, or purchase. In some barangays the lands belonged to the chief through purchase from the original owners. In some localities the chiefs or principal personages also owned the fisheries, and their rights were respected.18 With the coming of the Spaniards, lands were assigned to the colonists, of which they were to have perpetual ownership after four years’ residence.19 Encomiendas of the Indians were also granted to the discoverers and conquerors.20 It is in connection with the administration of these encomiendas that we find in the annals of the Philippines many accounts of abuses and extortions practiced on the natives, and the consequent revolts. It must not, however, be supposed that the Filipinos were actually dispossessed of their lands by the king; for, although according to the constitutional law of the Indies the land and the soil in all colonies were the domain of the king21 and, therefore, could be assigned to deserving persons, there were royal decrees intended to protect the natives in their time- honored possession.22 The question of land ownership has, however, from earliest times been the source of conflicts between the religious orders and the people. Without going into the technical,— and perhaps today, academic,—question of which side had the better legal argument, the fact cannot be denied that the Filipinos had always protested, throughout the various centuries of contact with the Spaniards, against what they considered to be usurpation of their lands.23 “Historia General de Filipinas,” Jose Montero y Vidal, Vol. 1, p. 66. “Purposely introduced species comprise those of various other tropical countries that, for reason of their economic importance, have been introduced either in prehistoric or within historic times. Naturally the first plants introduced were those of the Malayan region that were familiar to the original invaders or their successors in western Malaya, and these include such species as Job’s tears (Coix lachryma-jobi L.), the more common form of use for ornamental purposes, another form cultivated for food; sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum L.), as a source of sugar; lemon grass (Andropogon citratus DC), used as a condiment; vetiver (Andropogon zizanioides Urb.), for its aromatic root; sorghum (Andropogon sorghum L.), for food; Italian millet (Setaria italica Beauv.), for food; rice (Oryza sativa L.), for food; bamboos (Bambusa vulgaris Schrad., and B. blumeana Schultes), for purposes of construction; coconut (Cocos nucifera L.), for food (this species is unquestionably of American origin, but reached the Orient long before the advent of Europeans); betel-nut palm (Areca catechu L.), for its stimulating properties; sweet flag (Acorus calamus L.), medicinal; taro (Colocasia esculentum Schott), food; yam, “ubi” (Dioscorea alata L.), for food; garlic (Allium sativum L.), for food; various varieties of the banana (Musa paradisiaca L.), for food; various zingiberaceous plants (Kaempferia galanga L., Curcuma zedoaria L., C. longa L., Zingiber zerumbet Sm., and Z. officinale Rosc), for condiments, etc.; betel-pepper (Piper betel L.) for use with the betel-nut for chewing; bread fruit (Artocarpus communis Forst.), and the jak fruit (A. integrifolia L. f.), for food; amaranths (Amaranthus gangeticus L., A. caudatus L.), for ornamental purposes and food; “libato” (Basella rubra L.), for food; champaca (Michelia champaca L.), for its fragrant flowers (this may have been introduced later by the Spaniards); siempre viva (Bryophyllum pinnatum Kurz), for medical purposes; horse radish tree (Moringa oleifera Lam.), for food and medicine; sappan (Caesalpinia sappan L.), for dyeing; the tamarind (Tamarindus indica L.), for food; indigo (Indigofera tinctoria L.), for dye; “caturay” (Sesbania grandiflora Pers.), for its edible flowers and its resinous exudation; the pigeon pea (Cajanus cajan Merr.), for food; the cow pea (Vigna sesquipedalis L.), for food; the asparagus pea (psophocarpus tetragonolobus DC.), for food; “batao” (Dolichos lablab L.), for food; the mungo (Phaseolus radiatus L.), for food; various citrus fruits, such as the pomelo (Citrus decumana Murr.), the lime (C. lima Lunan.), and varieties of the orange (C. aurantium L.), for food; the santol (Sandoricum koetjape Merr.), for food; the lansone (Lansium domesticum Jack), for food; some euphorbias (E. [12] [13] [Contents] [14] [15] [16] [17] 3 4 5 6 7 tirucalli L.), for medicine; “iba” (Cicca disticha L.), for food; crotons (Codiaeum variegatum Blume), for ornamental purposes; castor oil plant (Ricinus communis L.), for medicine; croton oil plant (Croton tiglium L.), for medicine and for poisoning fish; balsam (Impatiens balsamina L.), for medicine and for ornamental purposes; cotton (Gossypium sp.), for textile purposes; silk cotton tree (Ceiba pentandra Gaertn.) for its fibrous floss; various Eugenias (E. jambolana Lam., E. malaccensis L., E. jambos L., and E. javanica L.), for food; “papua” (Nothopanax fruticosum Miq.), for medicine and for ornamental purposes; jasmine (Sasminum sambac Ait.), for its fragrant flowers; “solasi” (Ocimum basilicum L., and O. sanctum L.), for condiments; sesame (Sesamum orientale L.) for its oily seed; the bottle gourd (Lagenaria leucantha Rusby), for food; the sponge gourd (Luffa cylindrica Roem. and L. acutangula Roxb.), for food; the “condol” (Benincasa hispida Cogn.), for food; and the “ampalaya” (Momordica charantia L.) for food. From an examination of the above list it will readily be seen that a great number of species were purposely introduced in prehistoric times from various parts of the East, chiefly through Malaya, for one reason or another, usually for their food value or for other reasons of economic importance. It is quite certain that none of the species enumerated above are natives of the Philippines, and it is equally certain that none reached the Archipelago without the aid of man. Again it is equally certain that, with possibly very few exceptions, all these species were introduced by the early Malay invaders, by their successors, or by peoples of various other nationalities with whom they came in contact, long before the advent of the Europeans in the Orient.”—“Notes on the Flora of Manila with special reference to the Introduced Element. E. D. Merrill. The Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. VII, No. 3, Sec. C. Botany, pp. 192–194. “If we exclude the abacá plant (Musa textilis Née) and the various trees yielding timbers, gums, and resins, a few palms, some bamboos, the rattans, etc., it will be found that practically all the species now found in the Archipelago that are of the greatest importance in the economy of the native, whether for food, for condiments, for clothing, for dyes, for ornamental purposes, and very many for medicinal purposes, have originated outside of the Philippines, and have purposely been introduced at one time or another.” (The Flora of Manila, E. D. Merrill, Ibid.) Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos, Antonio de Morga, Chap. 8. In Blair and Robertson Vol. 16, p. 87. “Instead of olives and other pickled fruit, they have a green fruit, like walnuts, which they call “paos.” (Pahó.) Some are small, and others larger in size, and when prepared they have a pleasant taste. They also preserve “charas” in pickle brine, and all sorts of vegetables and greens, which are very appetizing. There is much ginger, and it is eaten green, pickled, and preserved.” (Ibid. p. 97). Merrill: Flora of Manila. However, both Dr. Tavera (Census of the Philippine Islands, Vol. I, p. 329), and Montero y Vidal (Historia General de Filipinas, Vol. I, p. 66.), state that the sweet potato was being cultivated here at the time of the conquest. Pigafetta also mentions it in his account. The American element in the Philippine flora is of peculiar interest as showing the effect of commerce on the vegetation of a country. Even with the limited communication between the Philippines and Mexico, it is surprising to consider the number of American forms introduced here through the medium of the galleons in the years when all communication between Spain and the Philippines was via Mexico. From the time of the Spanish conquest up to the year 1815, a period of nearly 300 years, the government galleons sailed annually for Manila, first from Navidad and later from Acapulco, on the western coast of Mexico. These galleons carried not only the civil, military, and ecclesiastical authorities between Spain and the Philippines via Mexico, but also other travellers, merchants, etc., as well as large quantities of merchandise. At an early date various Spanish officials, but, apparently, chiefly the priests, introduced here the various species of economic value, food plants, medicinal plants, fruits, etc., that were familiar to their countrymen in tropical America, most often bringing seeds, but in some cases most certainly living plants. Undoubtedly many species were introduced at that time that failed to become established here. Among the American species purposely introduced from Mexico may be mentioned the following: “Maize (Zea mays L.), introduced for food; the “pineapple” (Ananas sativus Schultes), for its edible fruit and its fiber; maguey (Agave cantula Roxb.), for its fiber; the tuberose (Polianthes tuberosa L.), for its fragrant flowers; the spider lily (Hymenocallis tenuiflora Herb.), for ornamental purposes; the canna (Canna indica L.), for ornamental purposes; arrowroot (Marania arundinacea L.), for food; “aposotis” (Chenopodium ambrosioides L.), for medical purposes; four o’clock (Mirabilis jalapa L.), for ornamental purposes; “libato” (Anredera scandens Moq.); various species of Anona (A. muricata L., A. reticulata L., and A. squamosa L.), for their edible fruits; the avocado (Persea americana Mill.), for its edible fruit; the Mexican poppy (Argemone mexicana L.), for ornamental purposes or for medicine; “camanchile” (Pithecolobium dulce Benth.), for its tanbark and its edible fruit; “aroma” (Acacia farnesiana Willd.) for its fragrant flowers; “ipel-ipel” (Leucaena glauca Benth.), as a hedge plant; the sensitive plant (Mimosa pudica L.), for ornamental purposes; “cabellero” (Caesalpinia pulcherrima Sw.), for ornamental purposes; “acapulco” (Cassia alata L.), for medicinal purposes; the “peanut” (Arachis hypogaea L.), for food; indigo (Indigofera suffruticosa Mill.), for dye; “madre cacao” (Gliricidia sepium Steud.), for hedges and for ornamental purposes; the lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus L.), for food; the yam bean (Pachyrrhizus erosus Urb.), for its edible root; the bilimbi and carambola (Averrhoa bilimbi L., and A. carambola L.), for their edible fruits; physic nut (Jatropha curcas L.), for medicine, as well as J. multifida L. for ornamental purposes; cassava (Manihot utilissima Pohl), for food; the cashew nut (Anacardium occidentale L.), for its edible fruit; “ciruelas” (Spondias purpurea L,.), for its edible fruit; “cotton” (Gossypium braziliense Macf.), for textile purposes; “cacao” (Theobroma cacao L.), the source of chocolate and cacao; acheute (Bixa Orellana L.), for dye; the “papaya” (Carica papaya L.), for its edible fruit; various species of cacti (Nopalea and Cereus), for ornamental purposes; the guava (Psidium guajava L.), for its edible fruit; the “chico” (Achras sapota L.), for its edible fruit; the “chico mamey” (Lucuma mammosa L.), for its 8 9 10 11 12 13 edible fruit; the “sapote negro” (Diospyros ebenaster Retz.), for its edible fruit; the temple flower (Plumeria acutifolia Poir.), for its fragrant flowers; the periwinkle (Lochnera rosea Reichb.), for its ornamental flowers; “campanello” (Thevetia neriifolia Juss. and Allamanda caihartica L.), for ornamental and medicinal purposes; some species of convolvuli (Ipomoea nil Roth, Quamoclit pinnata Boj., Colonictyon aculeatum House), for ornamental purposes, and the “sweet potato” (Ipomoea batatas Poir.), for food; lantana (Lantana camara L.), for ornamental purposes; “dama de noche” (Cestrum nocturnum L.), for its fragrant flowers; “tobacco” (Nicotiana tabacum L.); the tomato (Lycopersicum esculentum Mill.); the peppers (Capsicum frutescens L. and C. annuum L.), for condiments and for food; some ornamental Bignoniaceae (Crescentia alata HBK., and Tecoma stans Juss.); (?) the squash (Curcubita maxima Duch.), for food; some ornamental Compositae (Tagetes erecta L., Helianthus annuus L., Cosmos caudatus HBK., and C sulphureus Cav.), and “ayapana” (Eupatorium triplinerve Vahl), for medicine.” (Merrill: Flora of Manila, pp. 198–199.) On the whole, agriculture was not the chief aim of Spanish colonization. “How little attention, on the whole, the conquistadores directed to agricultural colonies, considering their various services in the transplantation of domestic animals, cereals, and vegetables from the Old to the New World, is very clearly shown by Peter Martyr, who condemns the expedition to Florida with the words: “For what purpose do we need such products as are identical with those of southern Europe?” It is true that Columbus’s second voyage of discovery had a settlement in view, and for that reason was provided with domestic animals, seeds, etc. It was a failure, however, owing to the mutinous spirit of the Spaniards. The regions which were best adapted to agricultural colonies, as, for example, Caracas, Guiana, Buenos Ayres, were neglected by the Spaniards for centuries. (“The Spanish Colonial Policy,” Wilhelm Roscher (1904), pp. 2–3.) “It is a strange thing that the Spaniards who go to those regions (The Philippines) honestly to make a small fortune do not engage more in agriculture, in a country where there is so much virgin land and of such great fertility, where labor is extremely cheap, and the crop easily and profitably sold.” (La Libertad de Comercio en Filipinas, Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, p. 27.) “ * * * the Spaniards cared but little for the cultivation of the lands.” (The Ecclesiastical System in the Philippines, Manuel Buzeta, O. S. A., and Felipe Bravo, O. S. A., Madrid, 1850. From their Diccionario de las Islas Filipinas. In Bl. and Rb., Vol. 28, p. 285. Montero y Vidal, “Historia General de Filipinas,” Vol. I, p. 67. “Beef is eaten, cattle being raised abundantly in stockfarms in many different parts of the islands. The cattle are bred from those of China and Nueva España. The Chinese cattle are small, and excellent breeders. Their horns are very small and twisted, and some cattle can move them. They have a large hump upon the shoulders, and are very manageable beasts. * * * There is abundance of flesh of wild game, such as venison, and wild boars, and in some parts porcupines. There are many buffaloes, which are called carabaos, which are raised in the fields and are spirited; others are brought tame from China; these are very numerous, and very handsome. These last are used only for milking, and their milk is thicker and more palatable than that of cows. Goats and kids are raised, although their flesh is not savory, because of the humidity of the country. These animals sicken and die for that reason, and because they eat certain poisonous herbs. Ewes and rams, although often brought from Nueva España, never multiply. Consequently there are none of these animals, for the climate and pasturage has not as yet seemed suitable for them. There were no horses, mares, or asses, in the islands, until the Spaniards had them brought from China and brought them from Nueva España. Asses and mules are very rare, but there are many horses and mares. Some farms are being stocked with them, and those born (mixed breeds for the most part) turn out well, and have good colors, are good tempered and willing to work, and are of medium size. Those brought from China are small, very strong, good goers, treacherous, quarrelsome, and bad-tempered. Some horses of good colors are brought from Japan. They have well-shaped bodies, thick hair, large fetlocks, large legs and front hoofs, which make them look like draft-horses. Their heads are rather large, and their mouths rather hard. They run but slowly, but walk well, and are spirited and of much mettle. The daily feed of the horses consists throughout the year of green provender, besides rice in the husk, which keeps them very fat.” (Morga’s Sucesos, 1609, Bl. and Rb. Vol. 16, pp. 89–91.) “The islands, as I am told, need stallions, mares and cows, and other domestic animals. In order that they may be bred there in numbers, I am writing to the viceroy of Nueva España, to send to the said islands twelve mares, two stallions, twenty cows, and two bulls. You shall ask him for these as you pass there, and shall take them with you in your vessels as you go upon your voyage; and whatever you think needful for the animals can be brought from China and Japan. You shall order those farmers who are about to go to the said islands, and the chiefs, to tame and breed buffaloes, so that with all these animals there may be sufficiency to carry on the farming, and for other needful services.” (Instruction to Dasmariñas of Felipe II, Aug. 9, 1589;—Bl. and Rb. Vol. 7, p. 156.). Also, Instructions to Tello, 1596, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 9, p. 236. “There are plenty of fowls like those of Castilla, and others very large, which are bred from fowls brought from China. They are very palatable, and make fine capons. Some of these fowls are black in feather, skin, flesh, and bones, and are pleasant to the taste. Many geese are raised, as well as swans, ducks, and tame pigeons brought from China.” (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos, Chap. 8.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 90.) “The material surroundings of the Filipino before the arrival of the Spaniards were in nearly every way quite as they are today. The “center of population” of each town today, with its great church, tribunal, stores and houses of stone and wood, is certainly in marked contrast; but the appearance of a barrio of little distance from the 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 center is today probably much as it was then. Then, as now, the bulk of the people lived in humble houses of bamboo and nipa raised on piles above the dampness of the soil; then, as now, the food was largely rice and the excellent fish which abound in river and sea. There were on the water the same familiar bancas and fish corrals, and on land the rice fields and coconut groves. The Filipinos had then most of the present domesticated animals,— dogs, cats, goats, chickens, and pigs,—and perhaps in Luzon the domesticated buffalo, although this animal was widely introduced into the Philippines from China after the Spanish conquest. Horses followed the Spaniards and their numbers were increased by the bringing in of Chinese mares, whose importation is frequently mentioned. “The Spaniards introduced also the cultivation of tobacco, coffee, and cacao, and perhaps also the native corn of America, the maize, although Pigafetta says they found it already growing in the Bisayas. “The Filipino has been affected by these centuries of Spanish sovereignty far less on his material side than he has on his spiritual, and it is mainly in the deepening and elevating of his emotional and mental life and not in the bettering of his material condition that advance has been made.” (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the Philippines, pp. 106–107). “The planters keep working the soil almost as they used to do three centuries ago.” Memoria sobre los Montes de Filipinas, Sebastian Vidal y Soler; Madrid, 1874, p. 74.) Antonio de Morga, “Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas,” chap. 8. Rival’s note to this says: This work, although not laborious, is generally performed now by the men, while the women do only the actual cleaning of the rice. (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 79). “The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own.” Customs of the Tagalogs, Juan de Plasencia, O. S. F.; Manila, October 21, 1589. Blair and Robertson, Vol. 7, p. 174. See Chapter II, as to evidences of prosperity of the Filipinos at the time of the coming of the Spaniards. Caing̃in system described: “They reported that the country was so fertile that when natives desired to plant their rice they only burn a part of the mountain and, without any further plowing or digging, they make holes with a stick in the soil, and drop some grains of rice in them. This was their manner of sowing; and, after covering the rice with the same earth, they obtained very heavy crops.” (Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores, Diego Aduarte, O. P., Manila, 1640.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 32, p. 199.) “Customs of the Tagalogs,” Juan de Plasencia: “* * * * The lands on the ‘tingues’ or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in common by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which the new chief upon his arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided. * * * “The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and sections of the rivers for markets. At these no one could fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege, unless he belonged to the chief’s barangay or village.” (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 7, pp. 174–175.) Also, T. H. Pardo de Tavera, Census of the Philippines, 1903, Vol. I, p. 325. Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos. (Résumé of Contemporaneous Documents, Talavera, July 6, 1541.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 2, p. 54.) The origin of the encomienda “was in the REPARTIMIENTO, which at first (1497) meant a grant of lands in a conquered country; it was soon extended to include the natives dwelling...