Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Pharaonic Egypt and the Ara Pacis in Augustan Rome Version 2.0 September 2007 Jennifer Trimble Stanford University Abstract: This paper explores processes of cultural appropriation, and specifically Augustan visual receptions of pharaonic Egypt. As a test case, I consider the possibility of Egyptianizing precedents for the Ara Pacis, including the architecture of Middle and New Kingdom jubilee chapels. This requires looking at the Augustan interventions into the traditional temple complexes of Egypt, the transmission of imperial ideas about pharaonic Egypt to Rome, their uses there, and the role of pharaonic appropriations within a broader landscape of Aegyptiaca in Rome. © Jennifer Trimble. [email protected] 2 1. Appropriations1 The Ara Pacis Augustae is the product of a modern appropriation (fig. 1). Fragments were known from the sixteenth century and there was serious interest in the nineteenth, but the decisive intervention came under Mussolini in 1937-38, when the majority of the altar was excavated under the direction of Giuseppe Moretti in a spectacular feat of engineering that included freezing the groundwater at the site.2 The subsequent reconstruction presented a monument that was compellingly whole. Within a new pavilion designed for it by Vittorio Ballio Morpurgo, it could be visited and walked around, and its program and sculpture studied in detail. This splendid presence was coupled with a striking absence. The monument had been removed from its original location in the southern Campus Martius and was now reconstructed as the fourth side of the Piazzale Augusto Imperatore, the other three sides consisting of new buildings framing Augustus’ Mausoleum (fig. 2).3 Tying these elements together, the Res Gestae of Augustus was reproduced on the external wall of the Ara Pacis pavilion facing the Mausoleum, while on the Piazzale’s modern buildings, modern inscriptions and imagery evoked ancient Roman themes, including visual echoes from the altar itself. Excavated and reconstructed in this way to mark Augustus’ bimillennial anniversary, and inaugurated in 1938 on the emperor’s birthday of Sept 23rd, the Ara Pacis Augustae now linked a Fascist political program to an Imperial past through direct analogy, through the process of reclamation, and through its reconstructed materiality. In the same years of 1937-38, French archaeologists under the direction of Henri Chevrier and Pierre Lacau were reconstructing the so-called White Chapel at Karnak (fig. 3).4 Hieroglyphics on its blocks identified this small, stone building as a jubilee chapel of the 12th Dynasty pharaoh Senwosret I (1920-1875 BCE).5 It had been demolished and buried in the 18th Dynasty foundations of the pylon of Amenhotep III (1390–1353 BCE). Excavating and reconstructing it required engineering sophistication similar to that employed for the Ara Pacis Augustae, but the language used by the French was very different from the political ideology underlying the Ara Pacis’ reconstruction in Rome. A 1 A talk on the White Chapel at Karnak, delivered by John Baines at the University of Michigan in the late 1990’s, provided the stimulus for this paper; for a Roman art historian, the White Chapel’s architectural similarity to the Ara Pacis was striking. I have benefited from comments on oral versions of this paper by audiences at the University of California at Berkeley and Pennsylvania State University. For their very helpful comments on earlier drafts, I am grateful to Melissa Bailey, Jas’ Elsner, Walter Scheidel, and three anonymous readers for JRS. 2 Giuseppe Moretti. Ara Pacis Augustae. Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1948. 3 Spiro Kostof. “The Emperor and the Duce: The Planning of Piazzale Augusto Imperatore in Rome.” In Henry A. Millon and Linda Nochlin, eds. Art and Architecture in the Service of Politics. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1978, pp. 270-325. 4 Pierre Lacau and Henri Chevrier. Une Chapelle de Sésostris Ier à Karnak. Cairo: Imprimerie de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, 1956. 5 All pharaonic dates are taken from Erik Hornung, Rolf Krauss and David A. Warburton, eds. Ancient Egyptian Chronology. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006. 3 Fig. 1. The Ara Pacis Augustae. Constructed 13-9 BCE, reconstructed 1938 CE. (Photograph courtesy Allan Kohl, Art Images for College Teaching.) Fig. 2. The Piazzale Augusto Imperatore, constructed around the Mausoleum of Augustus during the Fascist period and including the reconstructed Ara Pacis within Marpurgo’s pavilion at lower left. This pavilion has now been replaced. (Reproduced from Kostof as in n. 3, p. 273, fig. 4.) 4 strongly aesthetic and apolitical theme runs through the scientific report; the building is said to evoke Greek perfection.6 Themes of aesthetic appreciation and cultural value are not surprising here. France’s modern involvement in Egypt was repeatedly legitimized in cultural terms, from the Napoleonic military expedition’s Description de l’Egypte to Auguste Mariette’s involvement in founding the Egyptian Antiquities Service in 1858 and establishing the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, and more broadly in the role of French education and literary culture among the urban Egyptian elite—a relationship that ended abruptly with the nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956 and the Franco-British military retaliation.7 Fig. 3. The White Chapel at Karnak. Constructed for the jubilee celebrations of Senwosret I (1920-1875 BCE), demolished and buried in the foundations of the pylon of Amenhotep III (1390–1353 BCE), reconstructed 1938 CE. (Tore Kjeilen/LexicOrient: http://lexicorient.com/egypt. Used by permission.) 6 Lacau and Chevrier as in n. 4, p. 11. On the technical difficulties of the reconstruction, see p. 3 of the same volume. 7 R. Solé. L’Égypte, Passion Française. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1997. The Napoleonic Description remains a valuable resource: Commission des Sciences et Arts d'Egypte. Description de l'Egypte. Paris: Imprimerie Impériale, 1809-28. The aesthetic assessment of the White Chapel is alive and well in Claude Traunecker and Jean-Claude Golvin. Karnak: Résurrection d’un site. Paris: Payot, 1984; the building is described as “ce ravissant petit édifice” (p. 191); moreover, “la beauté de la Chapelle blanche témoigne incomparablement de l’originalité du génie égyptien” (p. 192). 5 These two very different reconstructions of 1938 introduce this article’s theme: processes of cultural appropriation. Robert Nelson, in a valuable discussion of appropriation in art, shows how this is a useful idea with which to consider the movement and re-use of visual ideas from one time and place to another. Above all, this is not a neutral process, as implied by the terminology of cultural influence or diffusion: “appropriation is not passive, objective, or disinterested, but active, subjective, and motivated.”8 It involves the deliberate selection of elements that are made relevant for a new milieu, as in the 1938 reconstruction of a pharaonic chapel deemed aesthetically exemplary, or of a Roman altar made to link the politics of present and past. In addition, artistic appropriation “is a distortion, not a negation of the prior semiotic assemblage.”9 There is neither a complete break with the original meaning or function, nor unbroken continuity, but an important shift from the original meanings, uses and associations of a cultural form or idea. Both the Ara Pacis and the White Chapel retained much of their original structure and visual impact in their reconstructed forms. Still, their new physical settings in Rome and Karnak, and their changed social, political and cultural contexts, brought about a very different reception and impact. Analyzing appropriation therefore means looking not only at the movement of artistic ideas, but asking why certain forms or motifs were taken up for a new purpose, what happened to them in that transformation, and what resonance and significance they had in their new settings. In this article, I consider Augustan state appropriations from pharaonic Egypt. These form a distinct strand within the broad and multifaceted domain of “Egyptianizing”10 styles, motifs and ideas in Roman art. They also help illuminate aspects of Augustan visual culture. Egypt played an important role in the late Republican cultural imaginary as well as in its political and economic life, and this formed the background for Augustan actions and ideological gestures toward Egypt. Besides the country’s conquest and new administrative status, the Augustan period saw a sophisticated building program in the traditional temple complexes there. In Rome, Egyptian cultural ideas and visual motifs were part of a rich trove for contemporary cultural and political expression: Augustan Egyptianizing there had a very different context and took shape accordingly. Three themes in addition to Nelson’s will be particularly important in exploring these: Augustan cultural appropriations were classicizing, semantic in their workings, and explicit about their own processes of appropriation. This paper is structured around a test case for these ideas: possible appropriations from traditional Egyptian temple architecture and decorative design on the Ara Pacis Augustae. The existing scholarship has explored Greek and Italic precedents, as well as 8 R. S. Nelson “Appropriation.” In R. S. Nelson and R. Shiff, eds. Critical Terms for Art History. Chicago, 1996: 116-128; this quotation is taken from p. 118. 9 Nelson as in n. 8, p. 119. 10 On the problematic distinction between Egyptian and Egyptianizing in some modern assessments, see Molly Swetnam-Burland, “Egyptian Objects, Roman Contexts: A Taste for Aegyptiaca in Italy.” In Laurent Bricault, Miguel John Versluys and Paul G.P. Meyboom, eds. Nile into Tiber: Egypt in the Roman World. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007: 113-136. I employ the term “Egyptianizing” as a convenient way to refer to things that look Egyptian or appeal to Egypt in some way. I do not intend any real distinction between “Egyptian” and “Egyptianizing,” and, pace Swetnam-Burland, I do not mean anything pejorative by the term. 6 the adaptation of Greek art to create the highly ideological style known as Augustan classicism. I suggest here that another set of cultural references can fruitfully be added. The Ara Pacis seems to have drawn also on the form of Middle and New Kingdom Egyptian jubilee chapels, like the White Chapel at Karnak, as well as late Egyptian design ideas. However, in making this argument, it will not be enough simply to suggest parallels between monuments. It must also be shown that there was knowledge of these precedents and avenues of transmission linking the pharaonic and Augustan material, reason to select these particular ideas or models, and some significance for their appropriation on the completed Ara Pacis. Accordingly, I review aspects of the Augustan temple-building program in Egypt, vectors of communication to Rome, and interactions of pharaonic ideas with pre-existing Egyptianizing practices there. The possible Egyptianizing allusions in the Ara Pacis are then assessed in light of the adjacent obelisk brought from Heliopolis to Rome during the same period, and the two monuments are interpreted as very different Egyptianizing comments on the limits of monarchical power. My initial juxtaposition of the Ara Pacis and the White Chapel thus has a purpose beyond introducing appropriation as a theme. Although the latter was demolished centuries before the former was built, they can be linked through the White Chapel’s architectural and functional descendants and their possible appropriation for the Ara Pacis. By stimulating an exploration of these connections, this test case helps illuminate a sophisticated and imperializing Augustan engagement with pharaonic visual culture. It also raises questions about the limits of interpretation. These Egyptian precedents for the Ara Pacis cannot be proven, but it is revealing to consider how and why the argument can be made at all. 2. Greek and Italic precedents for the Ara Pacis Augustae The Altar of Augustan Peace needs little review. It consisted of a central altar on a high podium shaped like a stubby, rectangular U, with its open side originally on the west; several cuttings in the floor for water runoff show that it was not roofed (fig. 4).11 The altar proper was reached by a steep set of stairs, three up to the altar platform and five more between the projecting wings up to the sacrificial table. It was surrounded by an ambulatory enclosed by temenos walls approximately 6.30m high; these external walls covered an area of c. 11.60 x 10.60m in size, with the east-west axis the longer. Two doorways in the center of the eastern and western walls provided access; coins depicting the monument show these doors closed. On the west side, nine shallow steps led up to the entrance from the level of the Campus Martius; on the east side, there were no steps, as the doorway stood at a higher ground level, facing the Via Flaminia. These external features—the axial doorways, temenos walls, and external staircase leading up to the door—will be of particular interest here. Also important to the present analysis is the organization of the relief on the temenos walls. Their exterior was divided into two registers, the lower covered with acanthus and other vegetal motifs whose appearance and symbolism have primarily Hellenistic Greek precedents (figs. 4, 16).12 Figural reliefs occupied the upper register and have received perhaps the richest body of scholarship. Mythological-allegorical 11 Erika Simon. Ara Pacis Augustae. Verlag Ernst Wasmuth Tübingen, 1967, p. 9. 12 David Castriota. The Ara Pacis Augustae and the Imagery of Abundance in Later Greek and Early Roman Imperial Art. Princeton University Press, 1995. 7 Fig. 4. Axonometric reconstruction drawing of the Ara Pacis Augustae, looking southeast. (Reproduced from Moretti as in n. 2, p. 17) scenes flanked the axial doorways on the short sides; processional scenes including members of the imperial family and religious personnel moved westward on the north and south sides, suggesting the nature and direction of actual movement around the building.13 On the interior of these enclosure walls, the strong distinction between the lower and upper part of the walls was maintained, but the lower register was carved in the form of upright wooden slats, while the upper register depicted empty space crossed by garlands hanging between bucrania mounted on posts (fig. 5). The altar proper was also decorated with relief sculpture, although at a smaller scale and in a different style than that of the enclosure walls; depicted were priestesses of Vesta, a sacrificial procession, and other figures now lost. Precedents for this structure and decorative organization have been identified in Classical and Hellenistic Greek altars. Homer Thompson compared the Ara Pacis to the Altar of the Twelve Gods in the northwest corner of the Athenian Agora, used as the origin point for all distance measurements from and to Athens (fig. 6).14 First dedicated under the Peisistratids and damaged or destroyed by the Persians, it was rebuilt toward 13 For an overview of the current identifications of the figures depicted, with earlier bibliography, Mario Torelli. “Pax Augusta, Ara.” LTUR IV (1999) 70-74. 14 Homer Thompson, “The Altar of Pity in the Athenian Agora.” Hesperia 21 (1952) 79-82. It is more usually termed the Altar of the Twelve Gods because an inscribed statue base standing next to it records the dedication of its statue to the Twelve Gods; John M. Camp. The Athenian Agora: Excavations in the Heart of Classical Athens. London: Thames and Hudson, 1986, pp. 40- 42. Unfortunately, nothing survives above the limestone sill except distinct cuttings for the parapet wall. For an important early reception of Thompson’s proposal, see Jocelyn M. C. Toynbee. “The Ara Pacis Reconsidered and Historical Art in Roman Italy.” Proceedings of the British Academy 39 (1953). 8 Fig. 5. Relief decoration on the inside of the temenos walls of the Ara Pacis depicting upright wooden slats below and garlands between bucrania hanging in open space above. (Reproduced from Simon as in n. 11, pl. 8) Fig. 6. Reconstruction drawing of the Altar of the Twelve Gods in the Athenian Agora, late fifth century BCE. (Reproduced from Borbein as in n. 18, p. 247, fig. 2.) 9 the end of the fifth-century BCE as an offering table enclosed by a fence-like, marble parapet wall of 9.05 x 9.86m with two axial doorways. The Altar of the Twelve Gods seems to share with the Ara Pacis a similar size, a nearly square plan, a bounded precinct with two axially placed central entrances, and a central offering place. Thompson argued that the parapet fence had mythological relief panels placed on either side of both entrances, with the other panels bare; on the Ara Pacis, too, important mythological and allegorical scenes were placed immediately adjacent to the two doorways. In other ways, the two monuments are less similar: the offering table, low parapet walls, and limited amount of relief sculpture in Athens are quite different from the high, stepped altar, tall enclosure walls and elaborate, two-register relief decoration in Rome. Still, Augustan awareness of this monument is easy to reconstruct, given the new regime’s extensive architectural interventions in the Athenian Agora and its strong interest in the city’s Classical art and architecture. Fig. 7 – The Altar Court at Samothrace, later fourth century BCE. (Reproduced from Lehmann and Spittle as in n. 15, frontispiece.) 10 Monumental altars of the late Classical and Hellenistic periods have also been seen as forerunners of the Ara Pacis. For example, the later fourth century altar court at Samothrace had high enclosing walls, as in Rome (fig. 7).15 Here, however, the frontal structure of the building, with a columned portico across the front and the internal altar set against the closed back wall, makes this a less satisfying parallel. In the sanctuary of Poseidon and Amphitrite on Tenos in the Cyclades, a monumental altar lying 23m east of the temple and dated to ca. 100 BCE has also been linked to the Ara Pacis. With a footprint of 10.46 x 10.77m, it is comparable in size and shape, but the staircase on the west, flanked by antae and leading up to the altar platform, better matches the internal arrangement of the Ara Pacis than it does its external structure. 16 Fig. 8. Reverse of a coin of Nero (RIC I.323) depicting the Temple of Janus Geminus in the Forum Romanum. (Copyright Andreas Pangerl, http://www.romancoins.info, used by permission.) Scholars have also looked to Italic and Roman precedents, increasingly so in recent decades. Erika Simon pointed to the Temple of Janus Geminus in the Roman Forum, with its similar connection to peace and two doors, famously closed during peacetime (fig. 8).17 She understood the wooden slats depicted on the inside of the temenos walls as a reference to the initial demarcation of this sacred boundary as part of the altar’s constitutio on July 4, 13 BCE. Adolf Borbein accepted the Athenian Altar of the Twelve Gods as a comparandum for the outside of the structure, but pointed to sixth 15 K. Lehmann and D. Spittle. Samothrace IV,2: The Altar Court. New York, 1964. 16 Roland Etienne and Jean-Pierre Braun. Ténos I: Le Sanctuaire de Poseidon et d’Amphitrite. BEFAR 263 (1986), pp. 107ff. Klaus Tuchelt discusses additional parallels at pp. 130-136 of his “Buleuterion und Ara Augusti: Bemerkungen zur Rathausanlage von Milet.” IstMitt 25 (1975) 91-140. The Samian Rhoikos altar has also been mentioned, with its stepped altar resembling the Great Altar at Pergamon: Hans Walter. Das griechische Heiligtum. Heraion von Samos. Munich, 1965, p. 58, fig. 59. 17 Simon as in n. 11, pp. 9 and 10.