Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic by Michael Habib A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Wilkes Honors College in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences with a Concentration in History Wilkes Honors College of Florida Atlantic University Jupiter, Florida May 2016 Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic By Michael Habib This thesis was prepared under the direction of the candidate’s thesis advisor, Dr. Christopher Ely, and has been approved by the members of his supervisory committee. It was submitted to the faculty of The Honors College and was accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences. SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: ___________________________ Dr. Christopher Ely ____________________________ Dr. Douglas McGetchin ______________________________ Dean Jeffrey Buller, Wilkes Honors College ____________ Date i ABSTRACT Author: Michael Habib Title: Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic Institution: Wilkes Honors College of Florida Atlantic University Thesis Advisor: Dr. Christopher Ely Degree: Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences Concentration: History Year: 2016 This thesis seeks to analyze Pan-Arabism through the lens of the United Arab Republic. I argue that even though the UAR faced many internal issues, it ultimately failed due to external pressures. I argue this to provide a new perspective on the Middle East and the Arab world, by showing how it came to be as it is. I organize my thesis into four chapters: I. Introduction: Arab Unity and its Limits, II. The Marriage of Syria and Egypt, III. The UAR and the Cold War IV. The Collapse of the United Arab Republic. I analyze the factors that brought both Egypt and Syria together to create the first democratically united state in the Arab World, and how it had lasting affects upon the Arab World. ii To my thesis advisor, Dr. Christopher Ely, who has worked tirelessly to help me make my thesis all it could be. Without your guidance, Dr. Ely, I would not be the student I am today. To Dr. Douglas McGetchin, you have provided me with opportunities that few undergraduate students ever receive, and for that I am grateful. You helped make my time at Florida Atlantic University unforgettable. To my family and friends, thank you for your continual support throughout this process. You all motivate me to strive for excellence. And lastly, to Egypt, you are a country that has captivated me since my youth and you will always be a part of who I am. iii Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction Arab Unity and its Limits 1 A. The UAR in the Context of Nationalism 2 B. Pan-Arabism: The Umma, Pan-Islamism, and al-Husri 7 C. Nasser: Hero of Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism 14 Chapter 2: The Marriage of Syria and Egypt 16 A. Factors that Encouraged Unification 17 B. The Constitution of the Ba’ath Party 20 C. Marxism in the UAR 22 D. The United Arab Republics Influence in Africa 25 E. Nasser’s Three Circles 28 Chapter 3: The UAR and the Cold War 32 A. The Arab Perspective: Arab Attitudes and Aspirations 33 B. The West: The United States and Great Britain in the Middle East 38 1. U.S. Involvement 38 2. British Involvement 41 C. Soviet Actions in the Arab World 44 Chapter 4: The Collapse of the United Arab Republic 48 A. The End of the UAR 48 B. Economics in the UAR and Egypt 52 C. Israel and the Death of Arab Nationalism 54 D. The Muslim Brotherhood and Political Islam 56 E. Conclusion 59 Bibliography 63 iv Chapter 1: Introduction: Arab Unity and its Limits On Friday, November 13th, 2016, there were a series of terrorist attacks throughout the city of Paris. Each of these attacks targeted popular venues, such as the Petit Cambodge, the Bataclan, and the Stade de France. Needless to say, these attacks left the city of Paris, as well as the world, in a state of shock. The group which claimed responsibility for these odious acts was Da'esh, more commonly known as ISIS.1 When the role of Da’esh came to light, it was no surprise. It seems that ever since the attack on the World Trade Center on September 11th, 2001, terrorist attacks in the West have, more often than not, been perpetrated by those who hail from the Arab World. Consideration of growing number of violent attacks coming out of the Islamic World/Arab World, gives rise to the question why is the Arab world such a breeding ground for terrorist activity? Or, why do the West and the Arab world seem to be constantly at odds with one another? The answer may lie in the fact that a great part of the Arab world is victim to rampant ignorance and poverty. UNESCO recently did a study looking at illiteracy across the Arab World and found that 31.3% of Arab individuals above the age of fifteen are illiterate.2 Illiteracy helps make these uneducated masses vulnerable to infiltration by Islamic extremists. These extremists use their funding to lure in new recruits with such basic needs as food and clothing and in the                                                                                                                           1 Adam Nossiter and Rick Gladstone, "Series of Shootings and Blasts, Apparently Coordinated," The New York Times, November 14, 2015, National Edition ed. 2 "Literacy and Adult Education in the Arab World," UNESCO-BEIRUT, REGIONAL OFFICE FOR EDUCATION IN THE ARAB STATES UNESCO INSTITUTE FOR EDUCATION (UIE), HAMBURG, September 2003, accessed November 17, 2015, http://www.unesco.org/education/uie/pdf/country/arab_world.pdf. 10. 1 process they deliver a very perverted version of the Quran in order to forward their agenda of violence. The Arab world we see today is a chaotic and turbulent place, but it was not necessarily meant to be that way. Many plans for economic and social change could have transformed the face of this region radically. Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser (1956-1970) dreamed of a united Arab state that could have radically improved the Arab world as we know it. Though Pan-Arabism was not Nasser’s original brainchild, he championed this ideology during the late 1950’s and 1960’s. In this thesis, I will analyze the concept of Pan-Arabism through the lens of the United Arab Republic (UAR). I argue that even though the UAR faced many internal issues it ultimately failed due to external pressures. I will examine the topic in three stages: (1) the history leading up to the creation of the UAR, (2) the UAR in its existence, and (3) the lasting effects of the UAR as a Pan-Arab experiment. Before I begin, however, it is necessary to understand what the UAR was, what Pan-Arabism is, and how the two relate to one another. A. The UAR in the context of Nationalism The UAR was a political entity formed by the unification of Egypt and Syria in 1958 and lasted until February 1961. Through this unification, a potential nation was born. I use the word nation intentionally here to emphasize the fact that the UAR was more than a unified state or ethnic community, but in fact a potential nation state. The importance of the concept of nationalism cannot be overlooked, since after all the creation of the UAR was based on an Arab identity. In short, the UAR was born from a kind of nationalism. In order to better understand this concept, we may draw on David 2 Miller’s distinction between ethnic communities and nations which asserts that “nations: (1) are constituted by shared beliefs and mutual commitment, (2) share an extended history, (3) are active in character, (4) are connected to a particular territory, and (5) marked from other communities by their distinct public culture.”3 Taking this definition of nationality into account, can the UAR be considered a nation? I argue that though it may have lacked certain aspects of nationhood, the UAR was a potential nation. It fulfilled the criteria for a nation in that its two joined countries were constituted by shared beliefs and mutual commitment, they shared an extended history, and they were active. The UAR arose on the basis of shared belief and mutual commitment. These two states united enthusiastically under Nasser with Pan-Arabism as their goal. The two states had an extended, connected history dating back to the Arab Caliphates of 700 CE. Egypt and Syria were also active in character in making a concerted effort to unite despite the numerous factors working against them and once they united they attempted to solidify as a government. On the other hand, Miller’s criteria also show where the UAR fell short of meeting the requirements for being a nation. Specifically, the two states were not directly connected to a particular territory, and both had somewhat different public cultures. Though these countries do not share a border, the Middle East was their common territory, though the Middle East was a territory that these two states shared, the countries further divided into two regions, the Levant and North Africa. Next, though these two countries did have a common public culture, there were some discrepancies. For                                                                                                                           3 Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History(Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2001), 12. 3 example, Egypt held steadfast to their Pharaonic ancestry, and this identification helped to shape Egyptian public culture. However, the modern public culture of both Syria and Egypt was still similar. Their cultural practices were firmly rooted in Islam, with both countries home to a small Christian minority. Also, they both adopted certain practices from European colonists such as French civic law. That being said, the UAR encountered many obstacles in terms of maintaining the Pan-Arab sentiment and pride that originally brought the two states together. According to Anthony D. Smith’s definition, “Nationalism is an ideology that places the nation at the center of its concerns and seeks to promote their well-being.” In this definition, the nation, and not individual parties, is the primary concern of Nationalism. The Ba’ath party, Nasser, and other Arab leaders in the region all had their agendas, and acted, almost exclusively, to promote their interests. Smith continues to clarify his definition by explaining that there exist three fundamental goals of Nationalism: national autonomy, national unity, and national identity. Without a sufficient degree of all three, a nation cannot exist.4 Because of its unsure nature, the UAR struggled with all three. National autonomy and national unity came into conflict with one another during the governance of the UAR. Time and time again, Syria felt overpowered by Egypt. Syrians often felt that they were being relegated to secondary positions while Egyptians were entering into positions of greater significance.5 This disunity beginning in 1958 continued to grow until 1961 when the united entity could no longer function. Fueled by                                                                                                                           4 Smith, Nationalism 9. 5 Monte Palmer, "The United Arab Republic: An Assessment of Its Failure," Middle East Journal 20, no. 1 (January 01, 1966): 55, accessed October 02, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/4323954. 4 both internal and external players, the lack of unity prevented the UAR from existing undisturbed. Both countries seemed to want national autonomy from one another, but never national autonomy as a unified nation. In the end, Egypt and Syria were unwilling to give up their separate national identities for a greater Pan-Arab identity. Egyptians were Egyptians, and Syrians were Syrians; the two were always divided into their individualized groups. Even after the dissolution of the UAR, however, we still see the potential for a united nation thought the Arab World, or at the very least the existence of an ethnic community. James L. Gelvin asks a fundamental question when it comes to defining the Arab world as such: Why do Arabs identify with one another? He claims that Arabs do in fact have a shared history. In addition to that, the shared language of the Middle East makes possible an exchange of media from all parts of the region. Media such as soap operas, newspapers, and news stations are found in practically every corner of the Middle East. Gelvin quotes an adage that declares, 'Egyptians write books, Lebanese publish them, and Iraqis read them.' This quotation ties back to the concept that actions of separate Arab countries are not isolated but have a resounding effect within the Middle East.6 Gelvin also cites the existence of regional associations such as the Arab League and the Arab Monetary Foundation as an example of this international cooperation within the Middle East. The importance of these organizations cannot be downplayed. The existence of such organization is a testament to the fact that the sentiment of Arab unity still exists until today. For example, in Syria with the Ba'ath party their slogan is “unity,                                                                                                                           6 Gelvin, The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 2-3. 5