DEMOCRACY OR THE MAJORITY VOTE RACKET BY JAMES GUTHRIE INnonualON Eric V. Butict 4 ø: I — a x.:cx$ema First Printing 1946 Second Printing March, 1978 in the U.K. enquiries for (his literalure should be direcied to— Bloonfield Books, Thu Old Priory, Priory Walk, Sudbury, Suffolk, England PRINTED IN CANADA - ISBN: 0—920416-18—7 Published by: TEE AUSTRALIAN LEAGUE OF RIGHTS, Box 1052J, G.P.O. ,Melbourne,Vic.3001 OUR SHAM DEMOCRACY OR THE MAJORITY VOTE RACKET BY JAMES GUTHRIE ESSENTIAL READING A Programme for Halting the Financing of Economic Blood Transfusions to the Communists. A 52-page report in booklet form (prepared by the Commonwealth League of Rights), loaded with documentation of the Western so-called ‘capitalist’ buildup of Red power. Also outlines some constructive principles for reversing this suicidal policy. Single copy- $1.00; six for $5.00 Wall Street & the Rise of Hitler (Antony Sutton) Finally, a distinguished scholar has penetrated the cloak of falsehood and deception that for more than thirty years has protected one of the most incredible secrets of World War II: the support from key Wall Street financiers and other international bankers of Hitler’s rise to power. Shows how the bloodiest, most destructive war in history was financed and promoted. It is sure to spark angry denials and heated debate. Softcover, 220 pages, indexed. 4.00 National Suicide: Military Aid to the Soviet Union This is the sensational book by Antony Sutton, former professor of economics and research fellow at the Hoover Institution of War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University. This soft-cover, indexed, 283-page work by the author of “Western Technology and Soviet Development, 1917 to 1930”, is packed with the documented facts respecting the “Capitalist” succour and build-up of the Soviet Union and “Communism”. Absolute “must” reading for the serious student of world affairs who demands authoritative documentation. 4.00 Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution This astounding, documented exposure of the New York-Moscow nexus, by Professor Antony Sutton, published recently, has been difficult to obtain pt we have a limited supply. Hard-cover 9.00 The Naked Capitalist (Dr. Cleon Skousen) A review and commentary on Dr. Carroll Quigley’s 1348-page book, ‘Tragedy and Hope”. Identifies and explains why “some of the richest people in the world support Communism and Socialism”. A new and revealing work. Indexed. 2.50 Tragedy and Hope (Carroll Quigley) Hardback. 1348 pages. 25.00 • continued on back page INTRODUCTION TO 1977 EDITION All Truth is eternal. Although first published over thirty years ago, James Guthrie’s book on the truths concerning the relationship of the individual to government is more appropriate than ever. Warnings concerning the shape of things to come have been graphically confirmed by the shattering events which have taken place since the end of the Second World War. The mass media of the world is full of references to “democracy,” which allegedly is more widespread than ever. The voting age has been reduced to eighteen. But the individual has less control over governments than he had 50 years ago. The central theme of James Guthrie’s book was stated by the distinguished British constitutional authority, Professor 0. W. Kenton, in his prophetic work, The Passing of Parliament (1952): “The history of modern political society is in large measure the history of the struggle of the ordinary citizen to exercise some influence upon government and of his repeated failure to achieve that modest ambition.” One chapter in Kenton’s work carried the chilling heading, “On The Road To Moscow.” The peoples living under the Soviet tyranny have the “right” to put a mark on a piece of paper periodically. But they can only select from candidates chosen for them by the Soviet totalitarians. In countries like Canada, Australia and Britain, electors have been brainwashed into passively accepting the view that democracy is functioning because they can select members of Parliament only from amongst candidates presented to them by the party machines. Parliaments of today in the English-speaking world are no longer the type of kepresentative institutions originally evolved. A tyrannical party system has increasingly excluded men and women of independent spirit from Parliament. But only because many electors blindly support the party game. Of Scottish background, James (3uthrie was an electrical engineer whose training is reflected in his extremely lucid and precise literary style. Although Our Sham Democracy is dated in the sense that it refers to Australian affairs towards the end of the Second World War, the truths and principles enunciated are relevant to all countries where at least the shell of constitutional government still remains. The examples of electoral action suggested by James Guthrle indicate what isso desperately required today: initiative by electors, associating to use their social power to bring their elected, paid political servants under their effective control. The development of Voters’ Policy Associations, Electors’ Associations, and greater attention to the value of Municipal Government to resist the drive towards even greater centralization of power, were all foreshadowed by James Guthrie. The truths of the Christian Gospels are just as valid today as when first enunciated. But they must be applied in present circumstances. I was privileged to know the late James Guthrie over many years. He was a scholar who spent much time in studying the lessons of history. He believed that “practical Christianity” was essential if a society were to be developed in which the natural rights of all individuals are protected and the human personality can flower to the full. I commend a careful study, and then the application, of the truths outlined in Our Sham Democracy. Eric D. Butler [Melbourne, Australia] CONTENTS. PREFACE.. 5 INTRODUCTION 6 THE MAJORITY VOTE 7 What is Democratic Government 7 The Party System 8 The Legal Aspect 10 .. The Majority Rule 11 The Use of Coercion 15 Central Governments Overworked 16 THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION 18 Key Men of Governments 18 The Army of Occupation 22 Trends 24 TIlE ESSENTIALS OF DEMOCRATIC CONTROL 26 Principles of British Democracy . 26 Local Government 27 Voluntary Basis 27 Protection of the Individual 27 Compulsion and the Right of Choice 28 The Voting Mania 31 Principles of Self-Government 32 The Power of the Minority 35 .. GOVERNMENT 38 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 42 Constitutional Law 42 The Common Law 44 The Reign of Law 46 The Force8 of Destruction 46 Political Democracy In Action 49 APPENDIX A 50 Elector’a Demand Form 50 APPENDIX B .. 51 . .. Councillor Partington’s Motion .. . 51 .. .. APPENDIX C 54 The Road to Freedom 54 The Road to Serfdom . 55 . PREFACE. In this book I have collected together a few of the broadcasts delivered, during the past two years, over Station 7H0, Hobart. Most of those selected have been published separately in Australia and in England, but this is the first time they have been brought together undcr one cover. This publication is the second of a series; the third is in process of preparation. The plans for post-war reconstruction are legion, and this mania for planning is being stimulated from official quarters; governmental agencies are organising listening groups and discussion groups, and are pouring out rivers of literature— all this as a diversion to hide the real plans and the real planners behind the scenes. ThosL who wish to know what is the nature of the official plans for the future should read “The Third World War,” and “The Brief for the Prosecution,” by Major C. H. Douglas. To-day, there are two, and only two, political altei natives offered to the people. The one is Rule by Gavgsters, and the other is escape from gangsterdom. Social Credit is escape from gangsterdom, or escape from that evil thing which called itself National Socialism in Germany, International Socialism in Russia, and Nationalisation in the British Empire. It is important that the Social Credit point of view, as outlined in this book, should be presented as quickly as possible to those who can use it. JAS. GUTHRIE, -5- INTRODUCTION. To-day, political democracy exists only in name, and largely because of the existence of this name we are thereby unaware of what is actually happening behind that very effective, if very thin, smoke-screen called Democratic Government; and suddenly we may be confronted with an accomplished fact when the screen is rudely swept aside and, in all its stark reality, is revealed the grinning totalitarian monster, armed to the teeth, who will mock us and say: “Now tell us what you are going to do about it.” There is a great amount of evidence to show that even among the politically active there is an amazing lack of awareness of the real significance of the political situation. These people know well enough what is going on; they know that parliament has failed to control the executive, or to achieve any important reform, and they know that anything which has been done of benefit to the people (and. it is difficult to find) has been forced on parliament by pressure groups. These people, however, have an idea that if they get the “right” persons into parliament all will be changed. They don’t realise that long before they get what they call the “right” people elected, parliament, as we know it, in a few months’ time, may not exist. -.6— The Majority Vote. WHAT IS DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT? The words “Democracy” and “Democratic Government,” in the mouths of public men, have come to mean practically anything but democracy or democratic government. Whether this abuse of words is intentional or otherwise, is hard to say, but the results have been disastrous. A democratic country is a country where the people can exercise effective control over their government’s actions. If the people cannot exercise effectivø control, then the country is in the hands of a dictatorship. Democratic government is the only alternative to a dictatorship, and this is probably its only justification for existence, albeit an all-sufficient one. There is no need to surround the word democracy with unnecessary glamour. The value of a functioning political democracy is mostly negative, its value arising purely as an antidote to a virulent poison—dictatorship. The value of a democracy increases, as you realise the soul destroying nature of a dictatorship; and those of the extreme Left or Right who realise that their ideas can only be imposed upon the people by a dictatorship are, therefore, supremely contemptuous of democratic methods. Here I must emphasise the need for always discriminating between effective democracies as I have defined them and the sham democracies as they have developed since World War One. The actual formation of a democratic government doesn’t matter very much so long as the people can exercise effective control over that government. A democratic country can give its government full powers — dictatorial powers—to wage war for its protection, always provided it retains the right to take those powers away again; but where the war is a long one a danger lies in such powers being used to perpetuate the dictatorial power of the governing clique. It seems reasonable, on the face of things, to give a government full powers to do a job adequately, these powers being similar in scope to those given to — 7-. a managing director of a large organisation. Most men who have done a job of work know very well that it is impossible to carry it out by means of a committee; willy nilly one man must be made responsible. Executives, therefore, have dictatorial powers. What, we may ask, is wrong with the government having similar powers? There are here three points of vital importance: Firstly, the managing director of a factory or other organisation can only exercise authority in his own special sphere; outside the factory, his authorily is limited. Also, the employees are not compelled to remain in his employment — there is usually some means of escape; and it is the existence of this means of escape which differentiates a real political democracy from a dictatorship. Unless the people can protect themselves from a group of men who have captured the law-making machinery then they are not living in a democratic country. Besides this, nongovernmental executjves who exercise great powers have to operate within a legal framework fixed by the government. But governmental executives, who make their own regulations, are not likely to be over fastidious in limiting their own powers; in practice, they have been concerned only in removing all limits to their powers. Separation of powers in a State has always been held necessary for tha maintenance of elementary justice; the union of all ptwer in a central executive has always meant rule by gangsters. How can it be otherwise? THE PARTY SYSTEM. Before a political party can obtain control over the machinery of government it has first to place its nominees in front of the people at elections to obtain a majority vote. It is commonly said that electors have a free choice of candidates, but they have not owing to a variety of reasons, chief among which are that few of the electors know the candidates personally; that very few know what lies behind the election talk; and that, except in small electorates, few candidates can afford the time and the money required to organise a campaign as an independent candidate. In practice, therefore, the choice at election time has been restricted to the nominees of the two main parties—Labour and Conservative. —8—